IN  MEMORIAM 
EDWIN  McMASTERS  ST ANTON 


STANTOX   MONUM  KXT 


IN  MEMORIAM 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON 


HIS  LIFE  AND  WORK 


With  Account  of  Dedication  of  Bronze 
Statue  in  His  Native  City 


By  JOSEPH  B.  DOYLE 


Under  Auspices  of 
The  Stanton  Monument  Association 


STEUBENVILLE,  OHIO 

The  Herald  Printing  Company 

1911 


SOUVENIR  EDITION. 

This  souvenir  edition  of  Life  of  E.  M. 
Stanton,  printed  for  subscribers  only,  is 
limited  to  six  hundred  twenty-five  copies, 
of  which  this  is 

NO.  ..387..... 


'copyright,  1911,  by 
JOSEPH  B.  DOYLE. 
Published  October,  1911 


TO  THE 

SOLDIERS    AND    SAILORS 

OF 

JEFFERSON  COUNTY,  OHIO, 

Whose  valor  and  blood  contributed  so  large 
ly  to  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  and 
whose    welfare    was  the  constant 
solicitude  of  the  subject  of  this 
Memoir,  this  volume  is  re 
spectfully   dedicated. 


PREFACE. 

The  question  may  be  asked  why  should  there  be 
published  at  this  time  a  memoir  of  Hon.  Edwin  M. 
Stan  ton?  Hon.  H.  C.  Gorhain  and  Mr.  Frank  A. 
Flower  have  gone  so  generally  over  this  field,  and 
published  two  such  excellent  biographies,  that  it 
would  seem  as  though  there  were  nothing  more  to  do 
in  that  direction,  unless,  indeed,  as  Mr.  Flower  has 
suggested,  one  were  disposed  to  publish  the  whole 
life  of  Stanton,  which  would  require  as  many  volumes 
as  Nicolay  and  Hay  have  devoted  to  their  life  of  Lin 
coln.  But  the  present  memoir  does  not  aim  at  any 
thing  of  the  kind,  it  does  not  pretend  to  cover  the 
field  with  anything  like  the  details  in  the  works 
already  mentioned.  It  was  thought  however  desir- 
ble  to  have  a  brief  biography  of  Steubenville's 
greatest  son  prepared  in  connection  with  the  dedi 
cation  of  the  first  statue  to  his  memory,  together 
with  some  local  matters  necessarily  omitted  from  the 
other  books. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  publish  any  life  of 
Stanton  without  to  some  extent  going  over  ground 
previously  occupied,  and  this  has  not  been  attempted. 
The  wHter  freely  acknowledges  his  indebtedness  to 
Messrs.  Gorham  and  Flower,  for  their  labors  in  gath 
ering  material,  by  which  the  work  of  compiling  of  the 
present  book  has  been  greatly  lightened,  and  their 
histories  should  be  in  every  Jefferson  county  library, 
public  and  private.  Nevertheless  neither  facts  nor 
opinions  have  anywhere  been  taken  for  granted,  but 


viii  PREFACE 

every  part  of  the  great  war  secretary's  career  has  been 
tested  by  all  accessible  authorities,  such  as  original 
records,  reports  of  eye  witnesses  and  other  available 
evidence. 

Among  the  published  works  relied  upon  for  data 
in  compiling  this  work  are  Von  Hoist's  Constitutional 
History  of  the  U.  S.,  Rhodes's  History  of  the  U.  S., 
Elaine's  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,  Nicolay  and 
Hay's  Life  of  Lincoln,  Bates's  "Lincoln  in  the  Tele 
graph  Office,"  Government  Records  and  Atlas  of  the 
Rebellion,  Rosenthal's  "Lincoln,  Master  of  Men," 
with  other  sketches  and  personal  information,  for 
which  the  writer  expresses  his  thanks. 

Acknowledgement  is  also  due  to  Mr.  Charles  P. 
Filson,  to  whose  invaluable  aid  should  be  credited 
most  of  the  illustrations. 

While  a  work  of  this  character  should  be  abso 
lutely  free  from  any  partisan  bias  yet  that  does  not 
preclude  the  writer  from  drawing  conclusions  from 
and  expressing  opinions  upon  any  state  of  facts, 
therein  presented.  This  is  necessary  in  every  his 
tory,  with  the  sole  qualification  that  the  facts  be 
fairly  presented  and  the  conclusions  honestly  drawn. 
While  this  work  is  published  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Stanton  Monument  Association  the  editor  is  alone 
responsible  for  all  statements  and  opinions  expressed 
therein. 

It  may  even  yet  be  too  early  to  fix  Edwin  M. 
Stanton's  true  place  in  the  history  of  the  civil  war, 
but  signs  are  not  wanting  to  indicate  that  looking 
down  the  perspective  of  ever  lengthening  years  cer 
tain  figures  will  grow  relatively  larger  while  others 
grow  smaller,  until  at  the  last  through  the  long  dim 


PREFACE  lx 

vista  only  three  will  be  plainly  discernible — Lincoln, 
Stanton  and  Grant,  and  it  may  be  difficult  to  tell 
"wihich  is  the  most  prominent. 

J.  B.  D. 
Steubenville,  O.,  September,  1911. 


CONTENTS. 


PART  I. 


Stanton's  Life  and  Work. 


INTRODUCTION  i 

CHAPTER  I. 

BIRTHPLACE,  SCHOOL  AND  COLLEGE  7 

Ancestry  and  Birth.  Boyhood  Days.  Father's  Death. 
Working  for  Livelihood.  College  Life.  Prototypes 
of  Coming  Years.  W'hy  he  "Went  Over  to  Jackson." 
Embryo  Defenders  of  the  Union. 

CHAPTER  II. 

PROFESSIONAL  CAREER  21 

Takes  Charge  of  a  Columbus  Book  Store.  Studies 
Law  and  is  Admitted  "to  the  'Bar.  Marriagie.  Prose 
cuting  Attorney  of  Harrison  (County.  Back  to  Steu- 
benville.  Increasing  Law  Business  and  Activity  in 
Politics.  Free  Soil  Movement.  Important  Legal 
Cases.  First  Meeting  With  Lincoln. 


CONTENTS  xi 

CHAPTER  III. 

A  WONDERFUL  WORK— SECESSION  CLOUDS  44 

A  Quiet  Period.  Remarriage.  Washington.  Home. 
The  Great  'California  Cases.  Enormous  Service  Ren 
dered.  Lincoln's  Election.  Secession  Movements. 
The  Coming  Storm.  (Buchanan's  Weakness.  Appoint 
ed  Attorney  General.  Improved  Tone  in  National 
Councils.  The  Government  Upheld. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

BEGINNING  OF  THE  CONFLICT  72 

Lincoln's  Inauguration.  Precautions  of  Stanton  and 
Scott.  Impatience  With  the  Administration.  Fall  of 
Fort  Sumter  and  Call  for  Troops.  "On  to  Richmond" 
and  Battle  of  Bull's  Run.  MoClellan's  First  Meeting 
With  Stanton.  Former  Supersedes  Scott.  Dinners, 
Drilling  and  Delay.  Remarkable  Correspondence. 

CHAPTER  V. 

SECRETARY  OF  WAR  93 

McClellan's  Misstatements.  General  Stone  and  Ball's 
'Bluff.  Eckert's  Promotion.  More  Vigorous  Prosecu 
tion  of  the  War.  Order  for  General  Movement.  Vic 
tories  in  the  iWest.  Stanton  Disclaims  Credit.  Battle 
of  the  Ironclads.  Stanton's  'Norfolk  Campaign. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST  .  ii3 

Halleck's  Intrigues.  Battle  of  Shiloh.  Grant  Saved  by 
Stanton.  Ellet's  River  Fleet.  Capture  of  Memphis. 
Fall  of  New  Orleans.  Farragut's  and  Butler's  Work. 
Why  Vicksburg  Was  Not  Taken. 


xii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  VII. 

STAGNATION  IN  THE  EAST  127 

All  Quiet  on  the  Potomac.  The  Capital  Besieged. 
Efforts  of  Lincoln  and  Stan  ton  for  Action.  A  March 
to  Quaker  Guns.  The  Peninsular  Campaign.  6,000 
Confederates  Check  160,000  Federals.  McDowell's 
March  and  Washington's  Danger. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

COMPLAINTS  AND  DISASTERS  141 

Attack  from  the  Rear.  Eckert  Saves  the  Situation. 
Stanton  Reviews  His  Work.  Lincoln's  Patience  Ex 
hausted.  Lee  and  Davis  Fool  McClellan.  :Barren  Vic. 
tories.  Astounding  Telegram  Suppressed1.  Proposi 
tion  to  Surrender  the  Army.  McClellan's  Dictating. 
Pope  Crushed  by  Petty  Jealousies. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  OLD  STORY  166 

M.cClellan  and  Halleck.  Disobedience  of  Orders.  M>c- 
Clellan's  Removal  Demanded.  Improving  the  Defenses 
of  Washington.  Battle  of  Antietam  and  Escape  of 
Lee.  McClellan  Superseded  by  Burnside.  Battle  of 
'Fredericks-burg.  Bloodiest  Charge  in  History. 

CHAPTER  X. 

SLAVERY  AND  EMANCIPATION  178 

Stanton  Grasps  the  Situation.  Preliminary  Work. 
Urges  Lincoln's  Proclamation  and  Constitutional 
Amendment.  A  Leading  Factor  for  Freedom. 

CHAPTER  XI. 

MAKING  A  NEW  STATE  190 

Formation  of  West  Virginia.  Questions  of  Constitu 
tionality  and  Expediency.  Loyalty  Recognized. 


CONTENTS  xiii 

CHAPTER  XII. 

AN  EVENTFUL  YEAR  196 

Hooker  Supe.-sedes  Burnside.  Battle  of  Ohancellors- 
ville.  Invasion  of  Pennsylvania.  Meade  Placed  in 
Command.  Gettysburg.  Fruits  of  Victory  Lost.  Draft 
Riots.  Fall  Elections.  Lincoln's  Cheer  for  Stanton's 
Ward.  Stanton's  Rescue  of  Rosecrans.  Meeting  With 
Grant.  Gives  Him  Full  Command  in  the  West.  Be 
comes  Head  of  the  Army.  Thomas  Saved'  from  Dis 
grace. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

A  CANADIAN  JUNTA  221 

Plots  of  Incendiarism  and  Murder.  Outrages  Circum 
vented.  Peace  Mirages.  Black's  Duplicity.  Military 
Precautions  in  New  York.  Lincoln's  Re-election. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

AN  OUTRAGEOUS  SLANDER  331 

Prsoners  of  War.  Stanton's  Interest  in  Our  Suffer 
ing  Soldiers.  Efforts  for  Amelioration  and  Exchange. 
A  Persistent  Falsehood  Refuted1. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

STANTON'S  PERSONALITY  244 

Respect  and  Love  of  Subordinates.  Origin  of  a 
Famous  Expression.  Old  Steubenville  Days.  Abortive 
Peace  Conference.  Fall  of  Richmond.  Lee's  Surrender. 
Resignation  Declined.  Warnings  to  the  President. 
The  Assassination.  Stantoh's  Narrow  Escape.  Pun 
ishment  of  the  Conspirators. 


xiv  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD  266 

The  Johnston-Sherman  Imbroglio.  Stanton  Saves  the 
Day.  Disbanding  the  Army.  Reconstruction  Meas 
ures.  President  Johnson's  Course.  Stanton  Relieved 
and  Reinstated.  Impeachment  Proceedings.  Final 
Resignation. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN  293 

Resumes  Law  Practice.  Political  Campaign  of  1868. 
Great  Speech  at  Steubenvilk.  Review  of  the  War  and 
Eulogy  of  Grant. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

ENTERING  THE  VAjLLEY  308 

Straitened  Circumstances  and  Declining  Health.  Bap 
tism.  Nominated  and  Confirmed  for  Supreme  Court 
Justice.  Visit  to  Grant.  Last  Sad  Rites.  Public  Tes 
timonials. 


PART  II. 

Posthumous  Honors. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

STANTON  MONUMENT  ASSOCIATION  3^7 

Beginning  of  the  Project.  Wells  Historical  Society 
and  Steubenville  Centennial.  Stanton  Day.  School 
Children's  Tablet.  Association  Organized.  Portrait 
Dedication.  A  Generous  Offer.  Arrangements  for  the 
Statue.  Description  and  Process  of  Manufacture. 

CHAPTER  XX. 

STEUiBENV'ILLE'S  GREATEST  WEEK  336 

Beginning  of  the  Celebration.  Wonderful  Display  of 
Artistic  Decorations.  Arrival  of  the  Military.  Sunday 
Services.  Great  Labor  Demonstration  on  Monday. 
Open  Air  and  Promenade  Concerts.  Tuesday's  Im 
mense  Fraternal  Parade.  Educational  and  Civic  Gath 
ering  at  Wells  Auditorium.  Unveiling  Portraits  of 
Jud'ges  Wright,  Tappan  and  Cook. 

CHAPTER   XXI. 

CLOSING  DEMONSTRATIONS  355 

Soldiers'  'Reunion.  Speeches  by  Johnson,  McELroy, 
Axline  and  Wilson.  Veterans'  Last  Parade.  Auto 
mobile  Procession.  Industrial  Pageant.  Thursday's 
Crowds.  Military  Parade.  Unveiling  the  Statue.  Ad 
dresses  by  Kerr,  Smith,  Harmon,  Grant,  Hatter  (Bates), 
Sickles,  Pom&rene  and  Miles. 


xvi  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  LIGHTER  SIDE  377 

High  Class  Entertainments.  Aeroplane  Flights. 
Aquatic  Sports.  Motor  Boat  Contests.  'Historical 
Exhibit.  Fire  Works.  Family  Reunions. 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

OHIO  VALLEY'S  BARB1ZON  383 

Steubenville's  Artistic  Trio.  Sketches  of  Alexander 
Doyk,  Eliphalet  F.  Andrews  and  Charles  P.  Filson. 
Some  of  Their  Works. 

OUR  HEROES  394 

STEUBBNVILLE  397 

THE  LAST  WORD  398 

RESOLUTIONS  U.  S.  M.  TELEGRAPH  400 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

ST ANTON   STATUE Frontispiece 

Facing  Page 

STANTON'S    BIRTHPLACE, 8 

STANTON'S     BOYHOOD    HOME 8 

STANTON'S  MARRIED  HOME,   1840-44 8 

STANTON'S    LAST    HOME 8 

Now  residence  of  Dr.  E.  Pearce 

REV.  GEORGE  BUCHANAN 12 

REV.    HEMAN     DYER 12 

JAMES      TURNBULL 12 

D.    L.    COLLIER 12 

KENYON     COLLEGE 20 

OLD    COURT    HOUSE,    STEUBENVILLE     ....  30 

PUBLIC    SQUARE,    STEUUBENVILLE,    1846     ...  30 

OLD  MARKET  HOUSE  AND   COUNCIL  CHAMBER,  30 
Steubenville 

ABRAHAM     LINCOLN      (1861) 98 

MAJOR  THOMAS  T.  ECKERT 154 

ANDREW    CARNEGIE 154 

DAVID    HOMER    BATES 154 

JOHN    C.    HATTER 154 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

GEN.   U.   S.   GRANT 24* 

HON.   EDWIN   M.   STANTON,   (1868) 294 

STANTON'S  WASHINGTON   HOME 3H 

STANTON'S    GRAVE 3H 

OLD  WAR  DEPARTMENT  BUILDING 3H 

OFFICERS   STANTON   MONUMENT   ASSOCIATION  328 

TRUSTEES  STANTON  MONUMENT  ASSOCIATION  334 

HON.  JOHN  C.  WiRIGHT     .      .                                 ••      •      •  350 

HON.   BENJAMIN   TAPPAN 350 

HON.     GEORGE    W.  McCOOK 350 

HON.    JOHN     M.     COOK 35o 

MILITARY     PARADE,     ...                            ....  362 

with  Gov.  Judson  Harmon  and  Gen.  F.  D.  Grant 
at  head 

MRS.    CORA  JANHNCKE 374 

MRS.   D.   J.   SINCLAIR     ....  374 

UNVEILING  STANTON  STATUE 374 

E.    M.    STANTON    CAMP 38° 

WATER     CARNIVAL 380 

ALEXANDER  DOYLE 386 

GEN.  FREDERICK  D.   GRANT 392 

LEWIS    H.    STANTON     ...  392 

ELIPHALET   F.   ANDREWS     ...                                  -  392 

CHARLES   P.   FILSON     . 392 


IN  MEMORIAM 
EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON 


IN  MEMORIAM. 

EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON. 


INTRODUCTION. 


It  has  been  said  that  great  crises  produce  great 
men,  but  while  it  may  be  accepted  as  an  axiom  that  a 
crisis  in  either  public  or  private  affairs  is  calculated 
to  develop  whatever  is  latent  in  the  brain  of  the  com 
munity  or  the  individual,  yet  if  the  material  is  not 
available  when  demanded  by  the  exigency  of  the  times 
the  tide  ebbs,  and  nothing  is  left  to  mark  its  flood  save 
a  line  of  shifting  sands  which  time  sooner  or  later  ob 
literates.  So,  after  all.  men  and  not  simply  environ 
ment  are  the  prominent  factors  when  an  emergency 
arises,  or  when  statecraft  is  needed  through  a  series  of 
years  to  guide  the  ship  through  the  whirlpools  of  rev 
olution  and  over  the  shoals  and  quicksands  of  turmoil 
and  anarchy.  And  this  task  does  not  always  fall  to 
the  person  who  is  at  the  head  of  the  state  either  in 
reality  or  nominally.  Richelieu,  a  Cabinet  minister, 
had  more  to  do  with  the  making  of  France  than  King 
Louis  XIII.  Pitt  contributed  more  towards  the  final 
outcome  of  the  Napoleonic  wars  and  the  establish 
ment  of  J^ugland's  greatness  than  King  George,  his 
supposed  master.  The  House  of  Savoy  and  the  Gari- 
baldian  heroes  might  have  struggled  blindly  and  in 
vain  towards  Italian  unity  had  it  not  been  for  the  far 


2  INTRODUCTION 

seeing  statesmanship  of  Cavour,  and  Emperor  Will 
iam  would  in  all  probability  have  never  been  crowned 
at  Versailles  had  not  the  man  of  blood  and  iron 
broken  the  way. 

Two  epochs  in  American  history  stand  out  so  pre 
eminently  that  all  others,  however  important  they  may 
have  been  in  themselves,  are  by  comparison  dwarfed 
into  seeming  insignificance.  These  are  the  War  of  the 
Revolution  and  the  War  of  the  Rebellion-  They  are 
the  snow  clad  peaks  which  tower  above  the  surround 
ing  foothills  on  either  side,  the  latter  being  far  from 
Liiiputian.  One  was  in  its  final  effect  a  struggle  for 
the  creation  of  the  Union ;  the  other  was  fought  for  its 
preservation.  Less  than  a  century  separated  the  two 
events,  a  ad  some  of  those  who  witnessed  the  second 
conflict  were  children  of  those  who  witnessed  or  en 
gaged  in  the  first:  and  many  more  were  grandchil 
dren.  The  interval  of  three-quarters  of  a  century  ex 
tending  between  the  two  periods  is  as  only  a  few  sec 
onds  on  the  face  of  Time's  great  dial. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  say  that  each  of  these  two 
periods  was  a  crisis  demanding  the  best  service  of  the 
greatest  men  of  their  own  or  any  other  age.  In  the 
line  of  military  exploits  the  later  conflict  offered  a 
more  imposing  if  not  more  difficult  field.  It  must  not 
be  forgotten,  however,  that  the  former  demanded  the 
highest  generalship  and  much  closer  husbanding  of 
scanty  resources  in  order  to  win  those  skirmishes 
which  Napoleon  truthfully  declared  had  changed  the 
history  of  the  world.  Like  the  epochs  themselves  one 
man  in  each  looms. up  above  all  others.  Washington 
from  his  broad  Virginia  acres,  the  courtly  country 
gentleman  of  the  old  school,  versed  in  border  warfare 
and  the  highest  learning  of  his  day;  Lincoln  from  the 
rude  cabin  of  the  western  wilderness,  self  taught  and 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  3 

self  made;  eaeli  a  thorough  American  in  the  best  sense 
of  the  word;  each  a  genuine  product  of  the  soil  and 
his  time;  each  excelling  in  the  rare  and  precious  fac 
ulty  of  judging  and  selecting  men  for  the  work  they 
were  required  to  do-  Patient  under  adversity,  calm 
under  prosperity,  unselfish  in  their  alms,  lofty  in  their 
ideals,  their  names  and  lives  will  be  linked  together  so 
long  as  men  read  history  or  study  patriotism.  There 
is  a  close  parallel,  rather  than  antithesis>  between  the 
lives  and  work  of  Washington  and  Lincoln,  especially 
in  the  fact  that  each  had  a  strong  right  arm  on  which 
he  leaned  during  the  hours  that  seemed  darkest,  an 
arm  that  never  tired  or  faltered ;  an  arm  that  seemed 
at  times  to  bear  the  whole  burden  and  strain  of  gov 
ernment — its  defense  against  foreign  foes  and  do 
mestic  factious.  That  arm  in  Washington's  case  was 
Alexander  Hamilton,  and  in  Lincoln's  it  was  Edwin 
McMasters  Stanton.  As  this  memoir  is  only  intended 
to  present  an  outline  of  the  latter's  life  and  character 
any  extended  discussion  in  regard  to  Hamilton  would 
be  out  of  place,  but  the  lives  and  characters  of  these 
two  men  bear  such  a  striking  resemblance  to  each 
other  that  one  may  be  pardoned  for  alluding  to  it. 
They  were  nearly  the  same  age,  Hamilton's  career  be 
ing  cut  short  by  Burr's  bullet  at  the  age  of  47,  and 
Stanton  dying  worn  out  at  55.  Each  was  born  in  a 
small  town  and  of  good  family,  and  each  was  compell 
ed  through  poverty  to  support  himself  while  he  was 
yet  a  small  boy.  The  masterful  spirit  in  each  asserted 
itself  at  an  early  age.  Hamilton  in  his  twelfth  year, 
a  storekeeper's  clerk  in  the  West  Indian  village  of  St. 
Croix,  learning  to  weigh  sugar  and  keep  accounts,  was 
training  for  the  day  when  he  should  place  the  disor 
ganized  finances  of  a  great  nation  on  a  sound  and  en 
during  foundation.  Stanton  at  thirteen  in  the  book- 


4  INTRODUCTION 

store  of  his  Sieubeuville  friend  was  already  absorbing 
those  supplies  of  knowledge  which  not  only  placed 
him  at  the  head  of  the  legal  profession,  but  broaden 
ed  his  mind  and  strengthened  his  character  in  every 
direction.  Shortly  after  attaining  the  age  of  sixteen 
Hamilton  left  for  New  York  and  entered  King's  Col 
lege,  now  Columbia  University,  where  he  remained 
three  years.  Stanton  at  almost  exactly  the  same  age 
left  for  Gambier,  Ohio,  where  he  entered  Kenyon 
College.  Owing  to  straitened  circumstances  he  was 
able  to  remain  only  eighteen  months,  when  he  came 
home,  studied  law,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  before 
he  was  quite  twenty-one  years  of  age.  As  Hamilton 
suddenly  became  a,n  orator  almost  before  he  knew  it 
so  did  Stanton  make  his  sudden  entry  to  the  bar. 
Hamilton  left  college  at  nearly  the  same  age  as  Stan- 
ton,  but  the  country  was  then  in  the  throes  of  revolu 
tion,  and  instead  of  at  once  taking  up  his  chosen 
profession  of  the  law  he  became  a  soldier  for  six 
years,  first  serving  as  Washington's  aide-de-camp  and 
performing  more  than  one  brilliant  feat  of  arms  and 
diplomacy.  Consequently  he  was  not  formally  ad 
mitted  td  the  bar  until  he  was  twenty-five,  although 
that  fact  did  not  prevent  him  from  previously  doing 
a  considerable  amount  of  legal  work.  As  a  lawyer 
each  became  eminent  but  it  was  as  a  leader  in  politics 
and  in  the  science  of  government  that  each  made  his 
mark  in  history.  Hamilton's  great  work  was  to  con 
vert  the  rope  of  sand  which  held  the  thirteen  Colonies 
in  a  loose!  confederation  into  a  strong  constitutional 
frame  Avhich  should  bind  all  parts  of  the  country  into 
a  compact  Nation.  Stan  ton's  task  was  to  preserve 
that  work  for  future  generations,  and  to  this  end 


EDWIN  McMASTEES  STANTON  5 

his  energy  and  constructive  faculties  had  full  oppor 
tunity  for  expansion.  For  five  years  Hamilton  was 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  during  that  period  he 
laid  the  foundations  of  the  Government  broad  and 
deep.  For  something  over  six  years  Stanton  was 
Secretary  of  War,  and  what  he  accomplished  during 
that  period  will  be  briefly  told  in  the  following  pages. 
Both  entered  office  in  comfortable  circumstances,  and 
both  retired  from  public  life  poor  in  this  world's 
goods,  although  each  had  opportunity  of  amassing  a 
fortune.  Both  were  the  objects  of  bitter  calumny 
during  life  and  have  since  received  only  tardy  justice. 
What  a  late  writer,  Oliver,  has  said  of  Hamilton  can 
with  equal  force  be  applied  to  Stanton :  "He  was 
as  heedless  of  all  matters  of  style  and  deportment  as 
of  his  popularity  or  even  of  his  life.  Ever  intent  on 
objects  he  followed  them  in  and  out  through  the 
crowd  of  rapidly  changing  events,  caring  infinitely 
less  for  the  opinions  of  people  formed  upon  his  per 
sonal  merits  than  for  the  ultimate  success  of  his  pur 
suit.  Few  men  filling  so  large  a  space  in  history  have 
been  less  concerned  with  their  own  particular  appear 
ance  or  fame  in  the  pageant  of  affairs.  He  became 
a  lawyer  for  a  living,  a  statesman  because  it  was  the 
strongest  passion  of  his  nature  to  promote  union, 
order  and  progress.  *  *  *  To  endure  human  folly 
in  patient  and  hopeful  expectation  of  the  inevitable 
reaction  was  contrary  to  his  character.  Throughout 
his  whole  life  the  paramount  motive  was  to  get  things 
done,  not  to  make  himself  a  great  name  by  doing 
things.  He  was  great  in  action  which  is  for  the 
moment,  and  in  thought  which,  is  for  all  time." 

The  genius  of  each  of  these  great  men  is  even 


C  INTRODUCTION 

now  only  beginning  to  be  appreciated.  A  small  mon 
ument  indicates  Hamilton's  grave  in  Trinity  Church 
yard,  New  York,  noticed  b}T  comparatively  few  of  the 
thousands  who  pass  within  a  few  feet  of  it  every  day, 
and  a  plain  shaft  marks  the  last  resting  place  of  Stan- 
ton  in  a  quiet  Washington  cemetery.  But  contem 
porary  with  the  movement  which  has  culminated  in 
the  erection  of  a  monument  to  the  great  War  Secre 
tary  at  the  place  of  his  nativity  is  a  project  to  place 
a  fitting  commemoration  of  Hamilton  at  the  National 
Capital  where  it  will  doubtless  be  accompanied  later 
bv  one  of  Stanton. 


PART   I. 


Stanton's  Life  and  Work. 


CHAPTER  I. 

BIRTHPLACE,  SCHOOL  AND  COLLEGE. 

Ancestry  and  Birth — Boyhood  Days — Father's  Death — Working 
for  Livelihood — College  Life — Prototypes  of  Coming  Years — 
Why  He  "Went  Over  to  Jackson" — Embryo  Defenders  of  the 
Union. 

Over  a  doorway  on  the  front  of  a  three  story 
brick  building,  on  Market  Street,  the  main  business 
thoroughfare  of  the  City  of  Steubenville,  Ohio,  is  a 
bronze  tablet  containing  the  following  inscription: 

EDWIN1  M.  STANTON, 

Attorney  General, 

Secretary  of  War, 

Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court, 

Born  Here  19th  December,  1814. 

Erected  by  the  School  Children  of  Jefferson  County, 

A.  D.,  1897. 

The  stranger  who  reads  this  and  concludes  there 
from  that  Mr.  Stanton  was  born  in  the  large  building 
on  which  the  inscription  is  placed  would  find  himself 


8   BIRTHPLACE,  SCHOOL  AND  COLLEGE 

mistaken.  The  real  Stanton  birthplace  is  a  two-story 
brick  dwelling  a  few  feet  in  the  rear,  whose  gable  end 
is  towards  the  street.  At  the  time  of  our  subject's 
birth  there  was  a  pleasant  yard  extending  to  the 
street  with  trees,  and  no  doubt  flowers  and  shrubbery. 
The  exigencies  of  population  and  business  caused  in 
time  the  erection  of  the  larger  brick  in  front,  shut 
ting  off  the  view  of  the  other  but  not  otherwise  inter 
fering  with  it.  Steubenville  a,t  that  time  was  a  fair 
sized  village  of  800  or  900  inhabitants,  with  two 
flouring  mills  in  operation,  and  a  woolen  factory  and 
paper  mill  just  about  starting.  Mr.  Stanton  was  of 
Quaker  descent,  the  peaceful  quality  of  his  ancestors 
standing  out  in  marked  contrast  to  his  own  vigorous 
nature  during  the  civil  war.  They  were  residents  of 
Massachusetts,  but  the  Puritanism  of  that  locality 
made  it  unpleasant  at  least  for  those  of  their  faith, 
and  about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  they 
emigrated  to  North  Carolina  and  resided  near  Beau 
fort,  where  ourt  subject's  grandparents,  Benjamin 
Stanton  and  Abigail  Macey  were  married  in  1774. 
Miss  Macey  was  a  descendant  of  Thomas  Macey, 
immortalized  by  Whittier's  poem,  "The  Exiles,"  for 
giving  shelter  to  a  banished  ^Quaker.  Not  content 
writh  arresting  the  unoffending  Friend  and  carrying 
him  to  Boston  jail  the  Sheriff  and  his  posse  proposed 
to  carry  off  Macey  and  give  him  a, taste  of  the  lash. 
But  he  and  his  wife  fled  to  an  adjacent  stream  where 
a  small  boat  was  lying,  into  which  they  leaped  and 
soon  were  beyond  the  reach  of  their  pursuers.  From 
the  river  into  the  open  bay  they  rowed,  around  Cape 
Ann  and  past  Gloucester  bar  to  Nantucket  where 


STANTONS    BIRTHPLACE 


STANTON'S    BOYHOOD    HOME 


STAXTON'S   HOME,   ]S44-(i9 


EDWIN  MeMASTEBS  STANTON  9 

they  were  safe  from  the  angry  Sheriff  and  Puritan 
parson. 

There  in  1660  they  located  as  pioneer  settlers,  as 
the  poet  says : 

And  how,  in  log-built  cabin, 
They  braved  the  rough  sea  weather 
And  there,  in  peace  and  quietness, 
Went  down  life's  vale  together. 

How  others  drew  around  them, 
And  how  their  fishing  sped, 
Until  to  every  wind  of  heaven 
Nantucket's  sails  were  spread." 

From  there  the  Maceys  and  Stantons  emigrated 
to  North  Carolina,  where  Benjamin  Stanton  and 
Abigail  Macey  were  married  as  stated.  Through  in 
heritance  Benjamin  Stanton,  like  Washington,  be 
came  a  slaveholder,  and  like  Washington  the  holding 
of  slaves  any  longer  than  was  compatible  with  their 
own  good  was  incompatible  with  his  sentiments.  So 
in  1787  he  proposed  to  free  his  slaves  but  this 
was  forbidden  by  the  statutes  of  the  State.  Hence 
he  drew  up  his  will  providing  that  "all  the  poor 
black  people  that  ever  belonged  to  me  be  entirely  free 
whenever  the  law  of  the  land  will  allow,  until  which 
time,  my  executor  I  leave  as  guardian  to  protect  them 
and  see  that  they  be  not  deprived  of  their  rights,1  or 
in  any  way  misused."  In  the  year  1799  the  Friends 
or  Quakers  living  in  the  slave  states  felt  so  out  of 
harmony  with  their  environment  that  there  was  a 
general  exodus  to  the  then  Northwest  Territory 
which  itad  been  irrevocably  devoted  to  freedom.  There 
were  already  Friends  settlements  in  Western  Penn 
sylvania,  and  to  those  their  co-religionists  came  until 
suitable  lands  could  be  secured  beyond  the  Ohio  river. 


10  BIRTHPLACE,  SCHOOL  AND  COLLEGE 

Among  these  was  Abigail  Stanton,  her  husband  hav 
ing  died  a  short  time  previously,  with  six  of  her  chil 
dren,  including  a  married  daughter  and  son-in-law. 
Two  years  later  she  was  followed  by  three  remaining 
married  daughters.  David  Stanton  was  the  oldest 
son.  By  1800  land  was  secured  and  the  party  started 
for  their  new  home,  crossing  the  Ohio  at  what  is  now 
Kayland,  Jefferson  county,  O.  Trees  had  to  be  cut 
before  teams  could  be  brought  forward  to  where  Mt. 
Pleasant  now  stands,  Abigail  Stanton's  wagon  is  said 
to  have  been  the  pioneer  of  its1  class  in  that  section. 
She  located  on  Section  23,  one  mile  west  of  Mt.  Pleas 
ant  and  part  of  which  was  afterwards  known  as  the 
Griffith  farm.  In  1806  the  stipulated  payment  of  $2 
per  acre  having  been  made  a  Government  patent  was 
issued  for  the  section  signed  by  Thomas  Jefferson, 
President,  and  James  Madison,  Secretary  of  State. 
Of  this  Mrs.  Stanton  retained  480  acres,  and  here  she 
established  her  home  and  reared  her  family.  Many 
of  her  negroes  came  with  her,  and  their  descendants 
still  live  in  and  around  Mt.  Pleasant.  Mrs.  Stanton 
was  an  active  personality,  and  her  voice  was  often 
heard  in  the  yearly  meetings  of  her  co-religionists. 
She  lived  on  the  farm  until  1817  when  her  family 
having  scattered,  she  sold  it  to  Aaron  Brown,  her  son- 
in-law,  and  by  him  it  was  sold  the  next  year  to  Evan 
Griffith,  who  left  it  to  his  descendants. 

Among  others  who  came  to  Ohio  at  this  time  was 
Lucy  Norman,  a  native  of  Culpepper  county,  Va.,  not 
a  Quaker,  but  who  after  the  death  of  her  mother, 
found  with  them,  a  congenial  home.  Between  her  and 
David  Stanton,  who  in  the  meantime  had  become  a 
rising  physician,  a  friendship  had  sprung  up  resulting 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  11 

in  marriage,  for  which  an  apology  was  demanded  of 
young  Stanton  for  choosing  a  partner  outside  of  his 
own  sect.  He  refused  to  do  so,  and  the  young  couple 
removed  to  Steubenville,  and  occupied  the  dwelling 
already  described  on  upper  Market  street.  Here  on 
Monday,  December  19,  1814  their  first  child  was 
born,  and  named  Edwin  McMasters  Stanton,  his  mid 
dle  name  being  that  of  the  husband  of  the  daughter 
of  one  of  Lucy  Norman's  friends  with  whom  she  had 
come  from  Virginia,  All  accounts  represent  the  new 
born  child  as  a  puny,  sickly  infant,  which  on  account 
of  the  serious  condition  of  the  mother  was  transferred 
temporarily  to  the  home  of  Mrs.  Warner  Brown 
across  the  street.  For  two  years  the  family  lived  in 
the  Market  street  house  when  Dr.  Stanton  purchased 
what  was  then  a  two  story  brick  dwelling  on  North 
Third  street,  west  side,  a  few  doors  south  of  Wash 
ington.  The  building  is  still  standing  but  considera 
bly  changed  in  shape  and  appearance,  the  first  floor  be 
ing  lowered,  and  the  two  stories  converted  into  three. 
The  old  house,  whose  illustration  appears  elsewhere 
was  long  a  landmack  with  its  stone  steps  guarded  by 
a  wrought  iron  railing.  Here  Stanton's  early  chiys 
were  spent,  and  when  he  had  reached  the  age  01  four 
years  he  was  apparently  a  healthy,  if  not  a  rugged 
youth.  Both  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Stanton  being  broad  in 
their  views  and  hospitable  in  their  nature  their  home 
was  the  resort  of  traveling  preachers,  literary  people 
and  those  who  were  generally  prominent  in  the  com 
munity.  They  were  true  to  the  abolition  principles 
of  their  ancestry,  and  when  in  1821  Benjamin  Lundy, 
of  Mt.  Pleasant  brought  the  forms  of  "The  Universal 
Genius  of  Emancipation,"  the  pioneer  abolition  news- 


12     BIRTHPLACE,  SCHOOL  AND  COLLEGE 

paper,  to  Steubenville  to  be  printed  he  made  the  Stan- 
ton  home  his  stopping  place. 

There  are  plenty  of  stories  concerning  Stanton's 
boyhood,  some  of  them  possible  apocryphal,  but  all  of 
them  interesting,  and  indicating  that  he  was  more  or 
less  of  a  leader  among  his  playmates.  He  began  at 
tending  school  at  the  age  of  seven,  and  the  next  year 
studied  with  Henry  Orr,  who  conducted  a  small  acad 
emy  in  the  second  story  of  the  brick  edifice  still  stand 
ing  on  the  southwest  corner  of  Third  and  Washing 
ton  streets.  At  ten  he  was  admitted  to  Rev.  George 
Buchanan's  school  on  Market  street,  where  lie  studied 
Latin,  Greek  and  corresponding  branches.  William 
C.  Howells  in  his  reminiscences  writes  of  attending 
an  evening  grammar  school  where  his  seat  mate  was 
Edwin  M.  Stanton,  delicate  physically,  grave  and 
studious.  This  was  probably  Mr.  Buchanan's  school. 
He  was  a  great  lover  of  natural  history,  and  had 
quite  a  museum,  including  live  snakes,  insects,  frogs, 
skeletons,  etc.,  on  which  he  would  deliver  lectures  to 
his  young  associates  whenever  he  could  get  an  audi 
ence.  His  disposition  was  religious,  and  at  the  age  of 
ten  he  attended  a  Presbyterian  Bible  class  conducted 
by  Mrs.  Hetty  Beatty  and  also  what  is  now  the  First 
M.  E.  church.  In  all  his  studies  he  had  the  active 
sympathy  and  co-operation  of  his  father,  and  his 
future  prospects  were  bright.  Suddenly  like  a  clap 
of  thunder  from  a  clear  sky  all  these  prospects  were 
blasted.  On  the  evening  of  December  30,  1827,  as 
Dr.  Stanton  was  entering  the  fronti  door  of  his  resi 
dence  he  fell  dead  over  the  threshold,  stricken  with 
apoplexy. 

By  the  aid  of  his  practice  Dr.  Stanton  had  no 


REV.   GEO.    BUCHANAN 


REV.    HEMAN    DYKK 


.JAMKS  TC 


I).    L.    COLUKU 


EDWIX  McMASTERS  STAXTON  13 

doubt  paid  for  his  home  and  made  a  living  for  his 
growing  family  but  that  was  practically  all.  At  his 
death  his  assets  consisted  of  his  house,  a  goodly  col 
lection  of  bad  debts  and!  a  small  stock  of  medicines. 
With  this  his  widow  and  four  small  children  had  to 
confront  the  world.  She  tried  the  experiment  of 
opening  a  small  store  in  the  front  room  of  her  build 
ing,  and  Edwin  M.,  the  eldest  boy,  was  glad  to  assist 
his  mother  about  her  store  and  otherwise.  A  few 
months  later  he  secured  a  place  in  the  bookstore  of 
James  Turnbull  on  Market  street,  the  same  room  be 
ing  now  occupied1  by  the  latter's  son-in-law,  Captain 
John  F.  Oliver,  at  a  salary  of  fifty  dollars  for  the  first 
year,  seventy-five  for  the  second,  and  one  hundred  for 
the  third.  While  these  amounts  were  small  yet  in 
the  then  little  town  where  living!  was  cheap  they  con 
tributed  materially  towards  the  support  of  the  fam 
ily.  He  did  not  neglect  his  studies,  preparing  him 
self  to  enter  Kenyon  College,  which  was  his  steadfast 
aim,  under  the  tutelage  of  Rev.  Dr.  Buchanan.  He 
was  an  omniverous  reader,  and  the  only  complaint 
made  against  him  during  this  period  was  that  he 
would  rather  read  than  wait  on  customers.  He 
organized  a  small  circulating  library,  charging  the 
beneficiaries  ten  cents  per  term  for  the  use  of  the 
books,  and  also  did  some  work  in  buying  material  for 
the  local  paper  mill  conducted  by  Mr.  Turnbull,  so 
he  evidently  earned  his  salary  as  well  as  gained  con 
siderable  business  experience,  which  like  that  of 
Alexander  Hamilton,  his  prototype,  served  him  well 
in  after  years.  Socially  he  was  popular,  attending 
pretty  much  all  the  local  gatherings,  a  favorite  with 


14  BIRTHPLACE,  SCHOOL  AND  COLLEGE 

the   gentler   sex,    universally    respected,    laying    the 
foundations  for  a  vigorous  manhood. 

In  April,  1831,  the  way  seemed  open  for  Stanton 
to  take  a  college  course.  Kenyon  College,  founded 
by  Bishop  Chase  in  the  wilds  of  Central  Ohio  in  1826, 
had  already  become  noted  as  a  seat  of  learning.  The 
little  town  of  Gambler  had  grown  up  around  it,  and 
its  students  represented  nearly  every  State  in  the 
Union.  There  was  quite  a  large  proportion  from  the 
South,  a  fact,  which,  had  an  important  bearing  on 
Stanton's  future  political  career.  It  is  not  probable 
that  much  had  been  saved  out  of  his  meagre  earnings, 
but  his  guardian,  Daniel  L.  Collier  agreed  to  advance 
some  funds,  and  the  apprenticeship  in  the  Turnbull 
Book  Store  was  severed.  Of  course  staging  was  the 
only  overland  method  of  travel  in  those  days;  turn 
pikes  were  unknown,  and  travel  in  the  spring  of  the 
year  certainly  was  not  a  pleasure.  In  addition  young 
Stanton  was  a  sufferer  from  asthma,  which  remained 
with  him  all  his  life,  and  this  detained  him  two  days 
en  route  at  Wooster.  However,  he  reached  Gambler 
all  right  and  entered  the  college  Freshman  Class,  for 
which  his  classical  studies  had  well  qualified  him. 
That  fall  he  entered  the  Sophomore,  and  the  next 
year  in  due  course  the  Junior  class.  There  is  a  little 
discrepancy  as  to  his  exact  time  of  leaving  College. 
Mr.  Flower,  who  is  quite  specific  says  that  in  August, 
1832,  his  guardian,  D.  L.  Collier,  wrote  to  Stanton 
that  it  seemed  necessary  to  suspend  the  college  course 
for  a  year  or  two  in  order  to  earn  something  to  im 
prove  the  financial  situation  at  home.  Mrs.  Stan- 
ton's  effort  at  carrying  on  a  little  store  was  not  much 
more  successful  than  that  of  Hepsibah  Pyncheon  in 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON     15 

her  old  house  of  seven  gables,  and  the  family  was  in 
straitened  circumstances.  So,  according  to  Mr. 
Flower,  Stanton  left  Kenyon  College  on  September 
7,  1832,  "for  a  year  or  two,"  but  never  to  return.  As 
stated  he  was  then  in  his  junior  year  and  stood  high 
in  classics,  mathematics,  political  economy,  history 
and  chemistry,  giving  the  assurance  that  had  he  re 
mained  to  graduate  he  would  doubtless  have  stood  at 
the  head  of  his  class.  Short  as  his  term  at  Kenyon 
had  been  it  marked  a  turning  point  in  his  career  in 
more  ways  than  one.  To  quote  from  Mr.  Flower: 

"Some  of  the  controlling  influences  and  most 
enduring  friendships  of  his  life  came  from  Kenyon. 
There  the  doctrines  of  the  Episcopal  Church,  in  which 
he  died,  took  root;  there  he  sent  his  son  Edwin  L., 
who,  in  1863,  graduated  with  the  highest  honors  in 
the  history  of  the  institution ;  thither  he  often  return 
ed  with  affectionate  interest,  and  from  its  graduates 
and  tutors  he  chose  some  of  the  most  confidential  and 
trusted  advisers  of  his  later  career." 

But  these  are  not  all,  and,  perhaps  in  the  view 
of  many,  not  the  chief  of  the  incidents  of  Stanton's 
Gambier  career  which  influenced  his  after  life.  As 
has  been  previously  related  the  ancestors  of  Stanton 
were  abolitionists,  and  the  atmosphere  of  his  father's 
home  was  that  of  freedom  for  all  men  without  dis 
tinction  of  race  or  color.  In  the  Presidential  contest 
between  Adams  and  Jackson  in  1824-5  Dr.  Stanton 
was  an  ardent  advocate  of  the  former  and  it  is  safe  to 
presume  that  his  son,  then  in  his  early  political  days 
of  1828,  was  still  in  accord  with  his  deceased  father's 
ideas.  When  he  returned  from  Gambier,  however  his 
views  had  apparently  changed,  and  as  one  of  his  boy- 


16  BIRTHPLACE,  SCHOOL  AND  COLLEGE 

hood  associates  sorrowfully  expressed  it  "he  went 
over  to  Jackson,"  and  until  he  took!  his  seat  in  Lin 
coln's  cabinet  was  conspicuous  as  an  uncompromis 
ing  Democrat.  What  had  caused  this  revolution? 
To  understand  it  we  must  glance  at  the  political  his 
tory  of  the  country  during  the  first  half  century  of 
its  existence  as  a  Nation.  While  Washington  was 
chosen  President  for  two  terms  practically  without 
organized  opposition,  and  what  was  then  known  as 
the  Federal  party  dominated  the  country,  yet  as 
might  be  supposed  it  was  not  long  until  differing 
policies,  to  say  nothing  of  personal  ambitions,  were 
certain  to  crystalize  into  rival  organizations.  The 
slavery  question  did  not  assume  an  acute  form  at  that 
time,  in  fact  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  the  leading 
satesmen  at  least,  both  of  the  northern  and  southern 
states,  looked  forward  to  its  peaceful  and  gradual 
extinction,  and  hence  care  was  taken  in  the  forma 
tion  of  the  Constitution  to  ignore  it  as  far  as  possible 
and  avoid  any  reference  to  it  in  express  terms.  But 
the  questions  of  tariff  and  State  sovereignty,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  black  Banquo  itself  were  bound  to 
come  to  the  front  sooner  or  later,  and  some  of  them 
came  pretty  soon.  Thomas  Jefferson  was  Washing 
ton's  first  appointment  as  Secretary  of  State,  and 
employed  his  time  so  vigorously  towards  fomenting 
opposition  to  the  measures  of  the  Administration 
that  his  position  became  untenable,  and  on  December 
31,  1793,  he  resigned  his  position  and  was  succeeded 
by  Edmund  Randolph.  Washington  declining  a 
third  term  John  Adams  was  nominated  by  the  Feder 
alists,  and  Jefferson  by  the  new  party  calling  itself 
Democratic-Republican,  but  commonly  known  at  that 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  17 

time  by  the  latter  name.  Adams  received  71  elec 
toral  votes  only  one  more  than  was  necessary  to  a 
choice.  He  was  the  last  Federal  President,  and  the 
Electoral  vote  of  1800  showing  a  tie  between  Jeffer 
son  and  Aaron  Burr,  the  choice  fell  to  the  House  of 
Representatives,  where  by  advice  of  Hamilton  the 
Federals  generally  refrained  from  voting,  thus  allow 
ing  Jefferson  to  be  chosen,  he  being  regarded  as  a 
lesser  evil  than  Burr.  James  Madison,  who  from 
an  original  Federalist  had  veered  into  the  opposite 
camp,  followed  in  1809,  and  was  succeeded  by  James 
Monroe  in  1817,  he  having  received  183  Electoral 
votes  to  34  for  King,  the  Federal  candidate.  He  was 
re-elected  in  1820,  without  opposition  during  what 
was  caused  the  "era  of  good  feeling."  The  Federal 
party  was  dead,  and  the  so-called  Democratic-Repub 
lican  organization  apparently  had  everything  its  own 
way.  Of  course  this  state  of  things  could  not  last. 
Factional  differences,  had  there  been  no  other,  would 
soon  have  troubled  these  waters  whose  seeming  quiet 
was  only  on  the  surface.  The  country  was  growing. 
During  Monroe's  first  administration  five  new  states 
were  admitted  into  the  Union,  and  the  dreams  of  the 
fathers  that  slavery  as  a  burning  question  would  die 
out  for  lack  of  fuel  were  rudely  disturbed.  On  March 
6,  1818,  Missouri  demanded  admission  as  a  slave 
state,  startling  even  Mr.  Jefferson  "like  a  fire  bell  in 
the  night,"  By  the  ordinance  of  1787  slavery  was 
forever  forbidden  in  all  that  part  oif  the  United 
States  north  and  west  of  the  Ohio  river,  but  Missouri 
coming  in  later  as  part  of  the  Louisiana  purchase  was 
claimed  to  be  exempt  from  its  provisions.  Finally 
after  debating  the  matter  for  two  years  Congress 


18     BIRTHPLACE,  SCHOOL  AND  COLLEGE 

admitted  Missouri  as  a  slave  state  but  with  the  pro 
vision  that  the!  remainder  of  the  Louisiana  purchase 
north  of  latitude  36 :30  or  north  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Ohio  should  be  free.  But  the  seeds  of  trouble  were 
sown,  and  while  there  was  as  yet  no  well  organized 
opposition  party  yet  the  election  of  1824  gave  Andrew 
Jackson  99  Electoral  votes,  John  Quincy  Adams  84, 
Win.  H.  Crawford,  of  Georgia  41,  and  Henry  Clay 
37.  The  House  of  Representatives  was  called  upon 
for  the  second  time  to  chose  a  President,  and  the 
choice  lay  between  Adams  and  Jackson.  Clay  threw 
the  weight  of  his  influence  to  Adams  and  he  wras 
chosen,  but  Jackson's  triumph  came  four  years  later, 
and  he  was  easily  re-elected  in  1832.  Now  why  was 
it  that  young  Stanton  "went  over  to  Jackson,"  as  re 
marked  by  James  Gallagher,  an  old  friend,  and 
remained  long  with  the  political  party  that  Jackson 
represented?  In  the  first  place  in  spite  of  Jefferson's 
expressed  opinion  that  Jackson  was  "one  of  the  most 
unfit  men  I  know  of  for  the  place,"  there  was  much  in 
the  character  of  '"Rough  and  Ready"  to  appeal  to 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  rising  generation  and  especially 
aspiring  young  men.  The  echoes  of  the  battle  of  New 
Orleans  had  hardly  died  away,  he  was  an  exponent 
of  the  virility  of  the  growing  west;  if  wrong  in  some 
respects  (and  it  must  be  confessed  that  his  faults 
were  not  venial,)  yet  he  had  unbounded  push  and 
energy.  He  "did  things,"  while  much  of  the  opposi 
tion  to  him  was  purely  negative.  But  there  was  one 
reason  above  all  others  which  made  him  the  central 
figure  just  while  Stanton  at  his  most  impressionable 
age  was  in  college.  The  storm  which  raged  around 
the  tariff  of  1828  did  not  die  out  during  the  succeed- 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON  19 

ing  four  years,  but  on  the  contrary  increased  in  vigor, 
reaching  its  culmination  in  the  South  Carolina  nulli 
fication  acts  of  1832.  For  a  while  the  Union  seemed 
in  danger  of  dissolution,  and  all  that  summer  and 
fall  the  campaign  raged  with  peculiar  violence.  Cal- 
houn  and  Jackson  represented  the  opposite  extreme^ 
and  whenever  their  respective  followers  met  there 
was  excitement  if  not  trouble.  At  that  time  there 
were  many  students  from  the  South  at  Gambier,  and 
probably  not  in  Congress  itself  were  the  lines  more 
tightly  drawn.  Jackson  and  the  Union  became  syn 
onymous  terms,  as  did  Calhoun,  nullification  and 
secession.  Could  it  be  doubted,  which  side  our  ,sub- 
ject  would  take?  Even  slavery  had  to  take  a  back 
seat.  On  this  matter  a  fellow  student,  S.  A.  Bronson 
in  a  letter  to  Mrs.  Pamphyla  Wolcott,  Mr.  Stanton's 
sister,  says :  We  had  been  through  a  miniature  dh  is- 
ion  of  the  Union  in  our  literary  society  in  Kenyon 
College.  We  had  come  to  a  point  where  the  South 
would  not  admit  a  member  from  the  North,  nor  the 
North  a  Southern  member,  so  we  split  and  made  two 
societies.  When  I  met  Stanton  at  Columbus  (some 
years  afterwards)  there  was  a  Southern  gentleman 
in  the  office.  Stanton  took  me  to  him,  introduced  me 
as  a  student  from  Kenyon,  saying  "Here  is  Father 
Bronson.  We  fought  the  South  together  at  Kenyon 
and  whipped."  In  a  subsequent  letter  Mr.  Bronson 
says:  "The  cause  of  the  strife  was  the  growing  hos 
tility  between  the  North  and  the  South."  Comment 
ing  on  these  facts  Mr.  Gorham  in  his  history,  says: 
"It  was  upon  the  question  of  nullification  that  Stan- 
ton  and  his  fellows  had  fought  the  South  at  Kenyon, 
and  whipped."  Wnen,  therefore,  the  proclamation 


20     BIRTHPLACE,  SCHOOL  AND  COLLEGE 

of  "the  Old  Hero"  came  thundering  over  the  land,  if 
any  one  of  them  could  have  hesitated  for  a  moment 
about  "going  over  to  Jackson"  from  whatever  attitude 
previous  circumstances,  traditions,  predilections,  or 
family  ties  might  have  placed  him,  that  one  would 
not  have  been  Edwin  M.  Stanton.  Burning  with 
patriotic  enthusiam,  he  turned  his  back  upon  the 
state  and  personal  politics  of  1824,  to  be  forever 
enlisted  in  the  cause  of  the  Union  and  the  mainten 
ance  of  its  rightful  authority.  He  learned  no  better 
lesson  at  Kenyon  than  this.  It  was  good  training 
for  the  boy  who  in  his  manhood  was  to  raise  and 
equip  the  armies  by  which  the  heroes  of  nullification 
and  secession  should  forever  be  silenced  in  the  land. 
Had  his  father  lived,  he  would  have  had  reason  to 
rejoice  that  he  had  a  son  who  at  eighteen  possessed 
individuality  enough  to  break  away  from  the  dry  rot 
of  old  political  traditions  and  rise  to  the  stature  of  a 
patriotic  citizen  in  time  of  danger." 

\The  formative  period  in  a  person's  life  is  in 
many  respects  its  most  important  period,  and  this  fact 
is  sufficient  apology  for  devoting  the  above  space  to 
Mr.  Stanton's  career  at  college^  It  is  gratifying  to 
know  that  his  memory  has  been  perpetuated  by  the 
permanent  endowment  of  a  chair  of  political  economy 
at  Kenyon  by  Andrew  Carnegie,  in  testimony  to  their 
former  friendship,  and  that  through  the  liberality  of 
Col.  John  J.  McCook,  of  New  York,  there  hangs  upon 
one  of  the  college  walls  a  fine  oil  portrait  of  the 
deceased  Secretary,  painted  bv  C.  P.  Filson,  of  Steu- 
benville.  Mr.  Stanton  himself  more  than  once  declar 
ed  :  "If  I  am  anything  I  owe  it  to  Gambier  College," 


CHAPTER  II. 

PROFESSIONAL   CAREER. 

Takes  Charge  of  a  Columbus  Book  Store — Studies  Law  and  is 
Admitted  to  the  Bar — Marriage — Prosecuting  Attorney  of 
Harrison  County — Back  to  Steubenville — Increasing  Law 
Business  and  Activity  in  Politics — Free  Soil  Movement — 
Important  Legal  Cases — First  Meeting  With  Lincoln. 

JJis  financial  affairs  were  such  that  in  addition 
to  giving  up  his  college  course  it  was  necessary  for 
young  Stanton  to  do  something  towards  making  a  liv 
ing  for  the  family.  Mr.  Turn  bull  at  that  time  had  a 
branch  book  and  stationery  store  at  Columbus,  which 
was  placed  in  charge  of  his  former  clerk  at  a  salary 
of  |250  per  year  and  sleeping  room  in  the  store.  His 
predilection  for  the  law  and  public  debates  led  him  to 
utilize  such  books  as  the  store  contained  in  this  line 
and  also,  when  his  other  duties  permitted,  to  attend 
the  meetings  of  the  Legislature,  and  worship  at 
Trinity  Church.  This  year  1833  was  known  as  cholera 
year,  and  a  characteristic  story  is  related  of  Stanton 
exhuming  the  body  of  a  young  lady  who  had  been 
suddenly  stricken  down,  to  make  sure  that  she  had 
not  been  buried  alive.  Having  given  up  the  hope  of 
reentering  college  Stanton  desired  to  remain  in  Colum 
bus  and  study  law,  as  he  had  fallen  in  love  with  Miss 
Mary  A.  Lamson  to  whom  he  was  betrothed,  but  his 
guardian  offered -him  a  home  in  his  house  in  Steuben- 
ville  and  he  came  hither.  The  Stanton  home  had  been 
broken  up,  the  house  being  sold  on  October  31,  1833  to 
Thomas  Wilson  for  $1.505,  and  Mrs  Stanton  went  for 
a  temporary  sojonrn  with  her  relatives  in  Virginia. 


22  PROFESSIONAL  CAREER 

Stanton  pursued  his  studies  with  Mr.  Collier  until 
August,  1835,  when  he  went  to  St.  Clairsville  to  be 
examined  for  admission  to  the  har.  He  came  through 
successfully,  but  not  being  of  age  he  was  not  formally 
admitted.  However,  this  did  not  prevent  him  from 
vigorously  going  to  work.  A  story  is  related  that 
when  trying  his  first  case  in  court  an  attorney  on  the 
opposite  side  objected  to  his  appearance  on  the  ground 
that  he  had  not  been  formally  admitted,  when  his 
guardian,  who  was  present,  exclaimed :  ''Your 
Honor,  this  young  man  is  as  well  qualified  to  practice 
law  as  myself  or  any  other  attorney  of  this  bar;  he 
has  passed  the  exanii nation,  he  is  the  son  of  a  poor 
widow  and  should  be  allowed  to  go  on."  The  Court 
said  nothing  and  Stanton  went  on  with  his  case. 

About  this  time  the  town  of  Cadiz  in  Harrison 
county  presented  a  good  field  for  legal  talent,  and  on 
January  1,  1836  Stanton  went  there  and  entered  into 
partnership  with  Chauncey  Dewey,  a  promising  at 
torney  and  well  10  do  citizen.  The  new  firm  prosper 
ed,  and  in  the  fall  of  that  year  Stanton  purchased  a 
home,  and  on  December  31  he  was  married  to  Miss 
Lamson  at  her  home  in  Columbus,  the  ceremony  being 
performed  by  Rev.  Wra  Preston,  brother-in-law  of  the 
bride,  and  rector  otf  Trinity  Church.  The  bridal 
couple  came  by  sleigh  to  Steubcnville,  where  they 
made  a  visit  at  the  home  of  Judge  Tappan.  Before 
going  back  to  Cadi/  the  young  husband  made  a  jour 
ney  to  Virginia  to  bring  his  mother  back  to  Ohio. 
The  Cadiz  establishment,  was  a  modest  one  and  equip 
ped  with  furniture  from  the  Steubenville  home.  Two 
children  were  born  of  this  marriage,  a  son  who  sur 
vived  his  father  a  few  years,  and  a  daughter  who  died 
on  September  17.  1841. 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON  23 

As  previously  related  the  occurrences  of  1832 
had  tended  to  unite  Stanton  with  the  Jackson  party, 
which  had  now  taken  the  name  of  Democratic,  and  in 
1837  he  was  elected  Prosecuting  Attorney  of  Harrison 
county  on  that  ticket.  Tt  is  a  matter  of  interest,  how 
ever,  that  he  retained  his  anti;slavery  convictions. 

His  practice  grew  rapidly  and  many  are  the  an 
ecdotes  related  of  the  thoroughness  and  vigor  with 
which  he  carried  on  his  work.  One  instance  in  par 
ticular  tthen  he  was  defending  a  prisoner  charged 
with  poisoning  he  took  some  of  the  drug,  to  test  its 
effect,  and  narrowly  escaped  the  fate  of  the  poisoner's 
victim.  But  he  saved  his  client. 

He  remained  in  Cadiz  about  three  years  when  his 
increasing  practice,  especially  along  the  Ohio  river, 
induced  him  to  return  to  Steubenville,  where,  in  Oc 
tober,  1838  he  had  formed  a  partnership  with  Benja 
min  Tappan  who,  on  December  20th  following  was 
elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  receiving  57 
votes  to  50  for  Thomas  Ewing,  the  Whig  candidate. 
The  Cadi/  partnership  was  retained  for  some  time 
longer.  On  May  14,  1810  he  purchased  the  north  half 
of  lot  149  in  Steubemilie,  on  the  west  side  of  Third 
street,  just  north  of  Washington,  on  which  there  was 
a  two-story  brick  house,  for  $800.  Here  his  first 
daughter,  Lucy  Lamson  Stanton,  was  born,  and  here 
he  declared,  wrere  passed  the  happiest  hours  of  his 
life. 

The  active  political  life  with  which  he  began  his 
career  was  continued.  He  was  a  delegate  to  the  Demo 
cratic  Presidential  election  in  Baltimore  in  1840 
which  nominated  Van  Buren  for  his  second  term,  and 
was  a  leading  participant  in  the  campaign  of  that 
vear.  There  was  still  a  dispute  as  to  the  names  of 


24  PROFESSIONAL  CAREER 

the  two  leading  political  parties.  The  Van  Buren 
followers  claimed  to  be  the  simon  pure  Democrats, 
which  the  Harrison  people  were  by  no  means  inclined 
to  allow,  but  called  them  Federalists  and  Locofoeos, 
the  latter  from  the  name  applied  to  matches  which 
furnished  light  for  a  meeting  in  Tammany  hall,  N-  Y., 
when,  during  a  factional  quarrel,  the  gas  was  turned 
out.  In  a  local  paper  dated  July  29  of  that  year  is 
printed  correspondence  between  Stanton  and  John  A. 
Bingham,  in  reference  to  a  joint  debate,  and  the  mat 
ter  was  referred  to  a  committee  consisting  of  James 
Means,  A.  J  Leslie  and  W.  I*.  Kerlin  on  behalf  of  the 
"Democrats,"  and  Roswell  Marsh,  James  Turnbull 
and  John  B.  Do.^Je  for  the  ''Democratic-Whigs,"  but, 
the  parties  being  unable  to  agree  as  to  details  the 
project  fell  through.  Currency  and  United  States 
Bank  were  the  live  questions  that  year  as  well  as  a 
protective  tariff,  and  the  effects  of  the  panic  of  1837 
were  still  marked  in  the  stringency  of  the  times.  Per 
sonal  feelings  ran  high  and  disturbances  were  fre 
quent,  sometimes  rising  to  the  dignity  of  a  riot.  On 
one  occasion  the  Whigs  and  Democrats  appointed 
mass  meetings  in  SiteubenviBe  for  the  same  day. 
Stanton,  who  was  anti-bank,  had  a  large  amount  of 
notes  of  the  wrecked  "Bank  of  Steubenville,"  which 
had  been  controlled  by  the  Whigs.  These  he  pasted 
on  a  tombstone  in  front  of  his  office  a  short  distance 
from  the  Court  House  grounds,  in  view  of  a  passing 
Whig  procession.  This  led  to  a  disturbance,  in  which 
several  persons  were  injured. 

Harrison  was  swept  into  the  White  House  by  the 
Whig  tidal  wave  of  1840,  and  Stanton' s  biographers 
agree  in  declaring  that  he  dropped  politics  for  a  time 
and  turned  his  attention  to  his  profession.  But  the 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  25 

lapse  was  evidently  onlj  temporary,  for  we  find  him 
in  December,  1841,  elected  delegate  to  the  Democratic 
State  Convention  which  assembled  in  Columbus  on 
January  7,  following.  He  was  a  member  of  the  com 
mittee  on  resolutions,  and  the  revenue  tariff  and  anti- 
bank  planks  of  the  platform  were  written  by  him.  He 
was  elected  Supreme  Court  Reporter  on  March  7, 1842 
by  the  Legislature  for  the  term  of  three  years  at  a 
salary  of  $300  per  annum.  Of  course  his  duties  here 
occupied  only  a  fraction  of  his  time,  and  his  work  ap 
pears  in  Volumes  11,  12  and  13  of  the  Ohio  Reports. 
During  that  same  year  he  -\\ent  to  Brooke  county,  Vir 
ginia,  to  assist  his  brother  Darwin  in  a  contest  to  se 
cure  a  nomination  to  the  Legislature  on  the  Whig 
ticket,  and  helped  him  to  an  election  in  a  Democratic 
district.  Darwin  was  reelected  the  following  year 
on  the  Democratic  ticket. 

As  early  as  1840  Stanton  was  mentioned  for  the 
position  of  President  Judge,  corresponding  to  our 
present  Common  Pleas,  but  on  the  advice  of  Senator 
Tappan  declined  to  consider  it- 

In  1841  his  little  daughter  Lucy  died  to  the  inex 
pressible  grief  to  the  father,  who)  had  the  remains  ex 
humed  about  a  year  after  her  burial  and  encased  in  a 
hermetically  sealed  metal  casket,  and  kept  in  the 
house  until  the  death  of  the  mother  when  they  were 
laid  in  the  grave  beside  her.  His  grief  was  mitigated 
by  the  birth  of  a  son,  Edwin  Lamson  Stanton,  on  Au 
gust  11,  1842,  who  survived  his  father. 

On  January  8,  1844,  he  was  again  present  as  a 
delegate  in  the  Democratic  State  Convention  at  Col 
umbus,  where  he  drafted  the  usual  anti-bank  resolu 
tion,  but  did  not  participate  in  the  ''address  to  the 
people,"  which  practically  favored  free  trade,  a  doc- 


26  PROFESSIONAL  CAREER 

trine  which  he  declared  to  be  absurd  and  tending  to 
wards  direct  taxation.  This  was  at  least  a  modifica 
tion  of  his  views  from  his  resolution  of  1842>  which 
favored  a  revenue  tariff.  Although  Van  Buren  had 
been  defeated  by  Harrison  in  1840  he  was  an  aspirant 
for  renomination  in  1844,  and  through  Mr-  Stanton's 
efforts  the  Ohio  delegates  to  the  National  convention 
were  selected  in  his  favor,  but  this  was  of  no  avail  as 
Polk  was  nominated  and  elected. 

On  March  13,  of  that  year  another  sore  affliction 
befell  him  in  the  loss  of  his/ .wife  Mary,  who  died  in 
childbirth.  11  is  increasing  practice  had  warranted  a 
better  home,  and  having  arranged  to  dispose  of  his 
existing  home  he  leased  the  Andrews  residence,  then 
as  now,  one  of  the  most  desirable  places  in  the  city, 
located  on  the  corner  of  Third  and  Logan  streets,  and 
removed  his  family  thither.  On  April  1  he  sold  the  va 
cated  house  to  George  Brown  for  $1,200. 

It  is  unnecessary  to 'detail  the  manifestations  of 
grief  which  Mr.  Stanton  exhibited  at  the  death  of  his 
wife,  especially  as  they  are  given  in  other  publica 
tions.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  he  ever  cherished  her 
memory,  and  when  he  visited  Steubenville  for  the  last 
time  in  September,  1808,  he  spent  an  hour  alone  at 
her  grave,  and  expressed  the  wish  that  when  his  spirit 
should  take  its  departure  his  body  might  rest  beside 
her  in  oar  beautiful  cemetery.  However,  he  kept  his 
little  family  including  his  mother  and  infant  son  to 
gether  in  his  new  home,  devoting  himself  to  his  law 
business  and  eschewing  politics.  The  partnership  be 
tween  Stanton  and  Tappan  had  been  dissolved,  Geo. 
W.  McCook,  a  leading  citizen,  taking  the  place  of  the 
latter-  Their  office  was  located  on  North  Third 
street,  three  doors  north  of  the  Court  House,  the 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  27 

building  being  afterwards  enlarged  into  what  is  now 
the  Clarendon  Hotel.  He  also  had  as  partners  Mr. 
Peppard  at  Cadiz,  Urnbstaetter  and  Wallace  at  Lis 
bon  (then  New  Lisbon),  Daniel  Peck  at  St.  Clairs- 
ville,  E.  R.  Eckley  at  Carrollton,  and  others  at  differ 
ent  points,  who  had  their  own  local  business,  but  call 
ed  on  Stanton  in  cases  of  special  importance.  This 
will  give  an  idea  of  the  variety  and  extent  of  his  prac 
tice,  which  in  time  was  only  bounded  by  the  limits  of 
the  continent.  There  are  many  anecdotes  told  of  in 
cidents  in  Stanton's  law  practice?  during  the  years  be 
tween  1840  and  1847,  how  he  cleared  one  John  Gad- 
dis,  indicted  for  murdering  his  wife,  how  he  carried 
the  celebrated  "Pork  Case,"  how  he  earned  and  charg 
ed  a  fee  of  $5,000  from  Mordecai  Moore,  a  wealthy 
farmer  of  this  county,  for  saving  him  from  paying  a 
),000  mortgage  given  to  a  Pittsburgh  bank,  how  he 


w-ent  to  Washington  and  succeeded  in  having  an  in 
dictment  against  Caleb  McNulty,  a  defaulting  Clerk 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  dismissed,  thus  sav 
ing  -Judge  Tappan,  one  of  the  bondsmen,  from  finan 
cial  ruin.  These  and  many  others  are  fully  related 
in  Flowers  and  Gorham's  biographies.  They  are  only 
referred  to  here  as  evidence  of  the  indomitable  energy, 
legal  acumen  and  careful  research  of  this  young  man 
between  his  twenty-sixth  and  thirty-third  years-  They 
may  have  a  parallel  but  considerable  research  would 
be  required  to  find  it.  He  proposed  going  to  the  Mex 
ican  war  in  1846  but  was  advised  by  his  physician 
that  he  would  not  be  accepted  on  account  of  his 
asthma. 

It  is  probably  unnecessary  to  say  that  Mr. 
Stanton  neglected  no  legal  advantage  that  might 
inure  to  the  benefit  of  his  client.  But  that  he  did 


28  PROFESSIONAL  CAREER 

not  care  to  retain  a  fee  where  he  had  any  doubt  as  to 
the  intrinsic  merits  oft  a  case  is  demonstrated  by  an 
incident  in  his  early  practice.  William  Mansfield, 
father-in-law  of  Hon.  J.  A.  Mansfield,  was  the  owner 
of  a  grist 'mill  in  Harrison  County,  and  one  day  hung 
his  coat  in  an  exposed  part  of  the  building.  In  a 
pocket  of  the  coat  was  a  roll  of  money  amounting  to 
$200.  When  he  donned  his  coat  the  money  was  mis 
sing.  There  were  several  'persons  about  the  mill,  and 
one  of  these  Mr.  Mansfield  at  least  indirectly  charged 
with  taking  the  money.  The  charge  was  noit  proven, 
however,  and  the  aggrieved  party  through  his  attor 
ney,  Mr.  Stanton,  brought  an  action  for  slander 
against  Mr.  Mansfield,  recovering  a  judgment  for 
$800.  The  defendant  took  the  money  to  Mr.  Stanton's 
office  to  pay  off  the  claim.  The  latter  told  him  to  pay 
$400  and  he  ( Stanton )  would  give  him  a  receipt  for 
the  whole  amount.  He  said  he  was  not  sure  that 'Mr. 
Mansfield  was  wrong  in  the  matter,  and  hence  he 
would  remit  his  fee  which  was  one-half  the  judgment. 
Dr.  Darwin  E.  Stanton  was  assistant  clerk  of  the 
National  House  of  Representatives  in  184H,  and  in 
August  of  that  year  was  taken  down  witli  fever.  He 
returned  to  his  home  in  Brooke  county,  Va.,  his  resi 
dence  being  a  two  story  brick  building  on  the  river 
bank  opposite  Steubenville  and  just  above  the  present 
Pan  Handle  railroad  bridge.  The  house  was  so  dam 
aged  by  the  flood  of  1884  that  it  was  shortly  after  torn 
down.  Dr.  Stantou's  illness  became  so  severe  that  he 
lost  his  reason,  and  with  one  of  his  surgical  instru 
ments  severed  an  artery  and  bled  to  death  in  the  pres 
ence  of  his  family.  His  brother  Edwin  was  summon 
ed  from  town  but  did  not  arrive  until  death  had  done 
its  work-  As  in  his  previous  family  afflictions  he  be- 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON  29 

came  almost  insane  himself,  and  wandered  off  into 
the  woods,  where  he  was  recovered  and  brought  back 
by  friends.  Dr.  Stantoii  died  practically  without 
means,  and  his  brother  brought  the  widow  and  her 
three  children  to  the  Hteubenville  house  where  with 
his  mother,  sister  and  son  he  gave  them  a  home.  Mrs. 
Dr.  Stan  ton,  who  was  Miss  Nancy  Hooker,  now  re 
sides  with  her  only  surviving  daughter,  Mrs.  Rev. 
John  Ely,  of  Cincinnati. 

In  January,  1847,  the  Steubenville  Council 
created  the  office  of  City  Solicitor;  'and  Stanton  was 
the  first  incumbent,  Among  the  lirst  duties  devolv 
ing  on  him  was  the  prosecution  of  some  riotous  gangs 
which  had  given  the  town  an  unsavory  reputation. 
To  them  he  gave  them  the  name  of  "rats,"  and  an 
nounced  his  determination  to  exterminate  them, 
which  he  did,  all  but  the  name,  which  clung  to  that 
class  of  characters  in  this  city  for  many  years- 

Although  living  in  the  city  with  his  residence 
surrounded  by  spacious  grounds,  Stanton  evidently 
wanted  a  taste  of  at  least  garden  if  not  of  farm  life, 
albeit  it  was  on  a  small  scale.  Accordingly  on  Octo 
ber  25th,  1847  he  purchased  from  Thomas  McKinney 
for  the  sum  of  $1,500  a  tract  of  land  extending  from 
Dock  to  Ben  ton  street,  fronting  on  the  river  which 
he  converted  into  an  orchard  and  garden  for  the  sup 
ply  of  his  table.  The  spot  was  placed  in  charge  of  Al 
fred  Taylor,  a  skilful  gardener,  who  lived  in  the  main 
building  of  the  original  Beatty  &  Stillman  glasshouse, 
on  the  North  side  of  Benton  street,  which  was  remod 
eled  into  a  dwelling  when  the  works  were  removed 
to  lower  Third  street.  Here  were  reared  some  of  the 
finest  fruits  and  vegetables  ever  produced  in  this 
locality,  as  well  as  cattle  of  superior  quality.  The 


30  PROFESSIONAL  CAREER 

place  was  familiarly  called  ''The  Patch,"  a  name 
which  it  still  retains,  although  'it  was  laid  off  in 
city  lots  by  its  subsequent  purchasers  Joshua  Manly 
and  H.  G.  Garrett,  "Grant"  and  "Stanton"  being  the 
intersecting  streets. 

We  come  now  to  another  change  in  Stanton's 
career.  The  widening  scope  of  his  practice  seemed 
to  demand  removal  to  a  larger  city.  Columbus  and 
Pittsburgh  were  both,  taken  into  consideration,  and 
the  latter  city  was  decided  on  mainly  because  it  was 
accessible  by  boat  to  his  old  home  in  Steubenville, 
which  he  had  no  intention  of  giving  up.  Accordingly 
he  formed  a  partnership  with  Charles  Shaler,  and 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  Allegheny  County,  Pa,, 
on  October  30,  1847.  He  still  retained  his  office  as 
well  as  his  home  in  his  native  town.  It  is  unnecessary 
to  refer  particularly  to1  his  Pittsburgh  practice.  He 
conquered  odds  and  met  with  success  there  as  he  did 
even-where  else. 

Martin  Van  Buren,  who  was  elected  to  succeed 
Jackson  in  1836,  renominated  in  1840  but  defeated 
by  Harrison,  an  aspirant  in  the  Democratic  Conven 
tion  of  1844  but  beaten  by  Polk,  had  accepted  the 
nomination  of  the  Free  Soil  party  in  1848.  Each 
year  the  burning  question  of  slavery  was  becoming 
more  intense,  but  the  regular  Democratic  and  Whig 
conventions  of  that  year  ignored  the  subject  in  their 
platforms.  Lewis  Cass  was  the  nominee  of  the  former 
and  Zachary  Taylor  of  the  latter.  Peace  had  just 
been  concluded  with  Mexico,  and  whether  the  newly 
acquired  territory  with  that  of  Oregon  should  be 
devoted  to  slavery  or  freedom  was  a  matter  that 
divided  both  Congress  and  people  into  two  opposing 
camps.  The  platform  of  the  Free  Soil  party  declared 


OLD   COt'RT   HOt'SE,    STEUBENVILLE 


- 


PUBLIC    SQUARE,     STEUBENVILLE,    1840. 


OLD  MARKET  HOUSE  AND  COUNCIL     CHAMBER,    STEUBENVILLE. 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  31 

it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  Federal  government  to  free 
itself  from  all  responsibility  for  the  maintenance  of 
slavery  wherever  its  Constitutional  powers  made  it 
answerable  for  the  existence  and  continuance  of  that 
institution ;  it  demanded  the  prohibition  by  a  federal 
law  of  the  extension  of  slavery  into  territory  then 
free;  and  gave  to  the  "demand  for  more  slave  states 
and  more  slave  territory,"  the  calm  but  final  answer : 
"No  more  slave  states  and  no  more  slave  territory." 
Van  Buren,  as  stated,  was  nominated  for  the  Presi 
dency,  and  Charles  Francis  Adams  for  Vice  Presi 
dent.  Almost  from  the  establishment  of  the  govern 
ment  the  slavery  element  had  been  enlarging  its 
demands,  for  it  was  recognized  at  an  early  period  that 
the  institution  could  not  stand  still.  From  the  nature 
of  things  not  necessary  to  be  detailed  here,  it  must 
expand  or  die  a  natural  death.  The  latter  was  what 
the  fathers  of  the  republic  expected,  but  that  expecta 
tion  was  not  realized.  The  adoption  of  the  Missouri 
compromise  seemed  for  awhile  to  settle  things,  but 
it  permanently  settled  nothing.  So  long  as  it  served 
its  purpose  it  was  sustained  by  the  pro  slavery  ele 
ment,  and  when  it  became  an  obstacle  it  was  sum 
marily  swept  aside  by  that  same  element.  But  that 
time  had  not  yet  been  reached,  and  while  the  matter 
was  acrimoniously  discussed  in  Congress  and  through 
the  country  it  had  not  been  crystalized  into  any  party 
platform,  if  we  except  the  Abolitionists,  whose 
strength  was  moral  rather  than  political.  Whig  and 
Democrat  alike  feared  to  take  up  the  hot  end  of  the 
poker,  for  both  depended  for  support  on  the  slave 
states.  But  the  Abolition  party,  insignificant  in 
numbers,  'while  it  had  little  effect  towrds  creating 
any  desire  or  intention  of  interfering  with  slavery  in 


32  PROFESSIONAL  CAREER 

the  states  where  it  had  already  existed,  by  its  appeals 
through  the  press  and  in  the  forum,  had  very  great 
influence  in  awakening  public  conscience  to  the  bale 
ful  influence  of  the  evil,  resulting  in  a  determination 
to  at  least  preserve  a  portion  of  the  country's  virgin 
soil  to  freedom.  Hence  the  organization  of  the  Free 
Soil  party.  Where  would  Stanton  be  in  this  contest? 
His  ancestors  were  anti  slavery,  and  his  father  had 
been  a  supporter  of  John  Quincy  Adams  in  1824,  and 
no  doubt  would  have  voted  for  him  again  in  1828  had 
he  lived.  Stanton  "went  over  to  Jackson"  in  1832  in 
his  youthful  enthusiasm  and  love  for  the  Union;  he 
cast  his  first  vote  for  Van  Buren  in  1836,  and  again 
voted  for  him  in  1840.  He  secured  a  solid  Ohio  dele 
gation  for  Van  Buren  in  the  Democratic  National 
Convention  of  1844,  when  Polk  was  the  successful 
nominee.  All  through  these  years  however  he 
expressed  himself  as  opposed  to  slavery,  and  was  not 
in  hearty  accord  with  the  extreme  free  trade  views  of 
some  of  the  party  leaders.  Now  comes  a  new  party 
whose  principles  accorded  with  his  own,  and  the 
personnel  of  whose  ticket  appealed  to  him  with  pecu 
liar  force.  He  did  not  hesitate,  but  came  out  for 
Van  Buren  and  the  free  soilers,  and  shortly  after 
addressed  a  Van  Buren  meeting  in  Steubenville  in 
which  he  made  a  severe  arraignment  of  Cass  and 
the  Democratic  platform.  This  excited  the  wrath  of 
the  local  Democratic  leaders  to  such  an  extent  that 
they  called  an  impromptu  meeting  in  front  of  the 
Court  House  and  denounced  their  former  associate. 
This  however  only  diverted  Stanton's  attention  to 
them  in  such  a  verbal  castigation  as  they  had  proba 
bly  never  received  before  or  since.  One  of  their 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  33 

charges  was  that  he  was  working  in  the  Whig  interest 
because  many  of  his  clients  were  Whigs.  This  was 
hardly  worthy  of  a  reply.  The  defection  from  Cass 
to  the  Free  Soilers  was  sufficient  to  elect  Taylor,  the 
Whig  candidate. 

About  this  time  Theobald  Urnbstaetter,  of  New 
Lisbon,  joined  the  Pittsburgh  law  firm,  taking  charge 
of  the  financial  end  of  the  business,  for  which  neither 
of  the  others  seemed  fitted.  Although  their  fees  were 
large  they  accumulated  very  little.  Their  office  was 
on  Fourth  avenue,  near  Wood  street. 

Not  long  after  Mr.  Stanton  opened  his  office  in 
Pittsburgh  a  matter  arose  not  only  of  vital  importance 
to  this  section  of  the  country  but  involving  a  question 
as  to  the  rights  of  states  or  corporations  holding 
under  them  to  interfere  with  commerce  on  navigable 
rivers  by  means  of  bridges  or  other  obstructions.  As 
far  back  as  1816  charters  had  been  granted  by  the 
legislatures  of  Ohio  and  Virginia  for  the  construction 
of  a  bridge  over  the  river  at  Wheeling,  and  in  1836 
and  1838  Congress  was  petitioned  on  the  same  sub 
ject.  Notwithstanding  the  National  Pike  reached  the 
river  at  this  point  and  continued  through  Ohio  the 
effort  was  unsuccessful.  In  1843  the  Ohio  legisla 
ture  requested  Congress  to  build  the  bridge,  against 
which  Pennsylvania  and  especially  the  Pittsburgh 
river  interests  offered  a  vigorous  opposition.  Rail 
roads  so  far  as  this  section  was  concerned  were  non 
existent.  The  river  was  the  great  highway  from 
Pittsburgh  to  the  west  and  southwest.  The  floating 
palaces  with  their  upper  decks  crowded  with  passen 
gers  and  their  holds  and  lower  decks  crammed  with 
freight  had  almost  reached  their  zenith  in  capacity, 


34  PROFESSIONAL  CAREER 

elegance  and  speed.  The  state  of  Pennsylvania  had 
completed  a  canal  from  tidewater  at  Philadelphia,  to 
the  forks  of  the  Ohio  at  Pittsburgh  and  had  supple 
mented  it  by  a  partially  constructed  railway,  but 
west  of  that  the  river  was  the  only  practicable  outlet. 
It  is  easily  imagined  then  the  feeling  that  would  be 
excited  by  even  a  partial  obstruction  to  river  traffic. 
So  when  it  was  learned  that  on  March  14,  1847,  the 
state  of  Virginia  had  granted  a  new  charter  to  the 
bridge  company  and  that  work  had  actually  begun  on 
a  structure  which  it  was  believed  would  make  Wheel 
ing  the  head  of  the  navigation  on  the  Ohio  river,  there 
was  a  feeling  something  like  dismay.  The  contract 
for  the  bridge  was  let  the  following  September,  but 
the  structure  was  still  uncompleted  when  Mr.  Stan- 
ton,  with  other  attorneys,  gave  notice  on  July  28, 
1849,  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States,  Jus 
tice  Grier,  of  the  Supreme  Court  presiding,  that  a 
motion  for  an  injunction  would  be  made  on  behalf 
of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  against  the  Wheeling 
and  Belmont  Bridge  Co.,  to  restrain  further  opera 
tions  and  to  abate  the  bridge  as  a  nuisance.  The 
main  points  were,  first :  That  the  act  of  the  Virginia 
Legislature  reviving  the  charter  provided  that  if  the 
bridge  be  erected  in  such  manner  as  to  obstruct  navi 
gation  such  obstruction  should  be  treated  as  a  public 
nuisance  and  abated  accordingly.  Second,  that 
steamboats  were  accustomed  to  navigate  the  river 
requiring  a  space  of  eighty  feet  above  the  water 
surface,  and  that  the  flood  of  1832  was  44  1-2  feet 
above  low  wateH  level,  the  usual  spring  floods  being 

35  feet,  and  that  the  bridge  was  to  be  only  93  1-2  feet 
above  low  water  level  at  its  eastern  end  and  62  feet 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STAXTQX  35 

at  the  west  end.  The  loss  to  the  Pennsylvania  canals 
from  the  Delaware  and  Lake  Erie  to  'the  Ohio  river 
was  also  urged.  Mr.  Stanton  is  said  to  have  been 
indefatigable  in  the  preparation  of  this  case,  gather 
ing  statistics  of  river  travel,  testing  fuel  and  chim 
neys  to  show  that  it  was  necessary  to  have  flues 
eighty  feet  high  in  order  to  make  steam  for  the  fast 
packets,  and  that  such  chimneys  could  not  be  lowered 
without  delay,  as  well  as  considerable  danger.  Cap 
tain  Charles  W.  Batchelor,  also  a  native  of  Steuben- 
ville,  commanded  the  Hibernia  Xo.  2,  one  of  the  larg 
est  and  fastest  packets  of  that  day,  and  it  is  related 
that  while  carrying  on  his  investigations  Stanton  took 
passage  on  this  boat  down  the  river.  On  reaching 
the  Wheeling  bridge  he  directed  the  Captain  not  to 
attempt  to  lower  the  chimneys.  As  he  anticipated 
they  struck  the  bridge  and  came  down  with  a  crash, 
considerably  damaging  the  upper  works  of  the 
steamer.  Congress  at  that  time  had  not  attempted  to 
regulate  river  traffic  and  bridges  to  the  extent  since 
assumed.  The  defendants  pleaded  the  sovereignty  of' 
Virginia  and  that  the  complainants  had  their  remedy, 
if  any,  in  the  courts  of  that  state,  'that  the  average- 
height  of  spring  floods  did  not  much  exceed  twenty- 
nine  feet,  that  for  all  useful  purposes  the  height  of 
steamboat  chimneys  need  not  exceed  forty-seven  feet 
aboveithe  water  and  could  have  hinges;  that  the  bridge 
over  the  canal  at  Louisville  was  only  fifty-six  feet,  and 
that  this  bridge  would  not  be  an  appreciable  incon 
venience  to  boats  of  the  average  class.  It  was  pre 
dicted  by  many  that  Mr.  Stanton  and  his  case  would 
be  laughed  out  of  court.  But  Justice  Grier  took  a 
different  view,  and  in  deference  to  the  importance  of 


E6  PROFESSIONAL  CAREER 

the  matter  and   the  new   questions  involved  trans 
ferred  the  case  to  the  Supreme  Court. 

In  the  meantime  the  Virginia  Legislature  had 
passed  an  enabling  act  declaring  the  bridge  as  con 
structed  to  be  of  lawful  height  and  in  conformity 
with  the  intent  and  meaning  of  the  act  of  March 
19,  1847.  This  brought  the  question  of  State  sover 
eignty  squarely  to  the  front. 

While  gathering  material  for  his  presentation  of 
this  case  during  the  fall  of  1849  Mr.  Stanton  had 
fche  misfortune  to  fall  down  the  hatchway  of  the 
steamer  Isaac  Newton,  at  Pittsburgh,  and  received  a 
compound  fracture  of  the  knee  from  which  he  never 
recovered.  He  was  brought  to  his  home  in  Steuben- 
ville  where  he  lay  for  several  weeks.  But  he  had  all 
necessary  books  and  papers  brought  to  his  house,  and 
fully  digested  this  case  as  well  as  attending  to  his 
other  business,  so  he  was  ready  when  the  case  was 
reached  on  the  calendar  at  the  January  term,  1850,  of 
the  Supreme  Court.  Having  been  formally  admitted 
to  the  bar  of  that  tribunal  on  February  24,  he  made 
a  powerful  argument  in  support  of  his  motion.  Mr. 
Stanton  was  completely  victorious  in  every  position 
which  he  took,  and  as  a  consequence  the  only  ques 
tion  remaining  was  whether  the  bridge  was  a  nuisance 
and  obstruction  as  claimed.  To  ascertain  the  facts 
the  Court  on  May  29  appointed  Hon.  R.  H.  Walworth, 
formerly  Chancellor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  Com 
missioner  to  take  evidence  and  report  the  same  to 
the  next  term  of  court.  Additional  time  being  neces 
sary  the  matter  was  extended  to  the  December  term, 
1851,  when  the  Commissioner  presented  a  voluminous 
report  of  some  700  pages,  sustaining  Mr.  Stanton  on 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STAXTOX  37 

every  point  both  of  law  and  evidence.  The  Court  in 
May,  1852,  affirmed  his  conclusions  and  directed  that 
the  bridge  be  elevated  to  a.  height  of  111  feet  above 
low  water  mark  for  a  stretch  of  300  feet.  The  court 
had  declared  for  the  freedom  of  the  river,  Virginia 
statutes  to  the  contrary.  The  alterations  were 
ordered  to  be  made  on  or  before  February  1,  1853, 
but  in  the  meantime  the  bridge  people  took  a  new- 
tack  and  brought  sufficient  influence  to  bear  upon 
Congress  to  induce  that  body  to  pass  an  act  on 
August  31,  1852.  declaring  the  bridge  a  post  road  as 
it  then  stood.  Thus  all  the  labor  went  for  nothing, 
and  the  height  of  this  bridge  has  remained  a  stand 
ard  for  all  subsequent  bridges  over  the  Ohio.  The 
proceedings  which  we  have  given  above  in  condensed 
form  cover  123  pages  in  three  volumes  of  Howard's 
9,  11  and  13  U.  S.  Supreme  Court  reports,  thus  indi 
cating  the  importance  and,  'magnitude  of  the  matter. 
It  is  an  interesting  circumstance  that  shortly  after 
the  enabling  act  of  Congress  was  passed,  a  storm 
destroyed  the  original  bridge,  which  gave  Stanton  the 
opportunity  of  remarking  what  Providence  thought 
of  it,  but  its  successor  was  erected  in  the  same  posi 
tion,  and  still  stands,  or  rather  hangs. 

About  this  time  Mr.  Stanton  was  engaged  in 
another  interesting  case  whose  full  history  will  be 
found  from  pages  9  to  23  of  Pennsylvania  State 
reports,  and  which  illustrates  the  curiosities  of  rail 
roading  in  that  State  as  late  as  1852.  The  Pennsyl 
vania  Canal  Commissioners  under  authority  of  the 
State  had  built  a  railroad  from  Columbia  in  Lancas 
ter  county  to  West  Philadelphia.  From  Columbia 
the  Harrisburg,  Portsmouth,  Mo-untjoy  and  Lancaster 


38  PROFESSIONAL  CAREER 

railroad,  whose  name  seems  nearly  as  long  as  its 
tracks,  extended  westward  to  the  state  capital,  where 
it  connected  with  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  for 
Pittsburgh,  the  last  named  company  also  having 
terminal  facilities  in  Philadelphia.  The  charter  of 
the  P.  R.  R.  authorized  it  in  certain  contingency  to 
connect  with  the  Columbia  railroad,  but  the  summary 
of  the  case  naively  states  that  "The  Pennsylvania 
Railroad  was  never  extended  eastward  beyond  Har- 
risburg."  The  P.  R.  R.  Co.  desiring  to  operate 
through  cars  from  Philadelphia  to  Pittsburgh  made 
suitable  traffic  arrangements  with  the  road  from 
Columbia  to  Harrisburg,  but  could  not  come  to  an 
agreement  with  the  Canal  Commissioners  to  haul  its 
cars  over  the  Columbia  and  West  Philadelphia  road. 
Hence  it  brought  suit  to  compel  the  Commissioners 
to  haul  its  cars.  Mr.  Stanton  was  attorney  for  the 
defense,  and  when  the  case  was  heard  in  the  Supreme 
Court  the  Commissioners  were  sustained.  Jeremiah 
S.  Black  was  the  presiding  judge,  and  we  shall  read 
of  him  again  in  connection  with  Mr.  Stanton.  Both, 
however,  lived  to  see  the  day  when  the  P.  R.  R.  ran 
its  cars  through  to  Philadelphia,  and  the  connecting 
roads  were  only  so  many  undistinguishable  links  in  a 
great  chain. 

In  another  important  railroad  case  involving  a 
change  of  gauge  at  Erie,  Pa.,  so  as  to  permit  a  uniform 
gauge  between  Buffalo  and  Cleveland  the  Supreme 
Court  sustained  the  local  authorities  who  were  inter 
ested  in  having  a  break  at  that  city,  and  decided 
against  Mr.  Stanton's  clients,  and  the  State  Legisla 
ture  revoked  their  franchises.  But  he  did  not  give 
up,  and  by  threatening  to  earn7  the  matter  to  the 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  39 

United  States  Supreme  Court,  he  compelled  the  state 
authorities  to  back  down,  and  cars  have  ever  since 
run  unvexed  from  Buffalo  to  Cleveland.  This  case 
occupies  40  pages  of  the  Pennsylvania  State  reports. 
These  are  representative  cases  showing  the  char 
acter  of  Mr.  Stanton's  practice  at  this  time,  and  we 
shall  refer  to  one  more  not  only  because  of  its 
national  importance  but  because  it  was  in  the  trial 
of  this  case  at  Cincinnati  that  Edwin  M.  Stanton  and 
Abraham  Lincoln  met  for  the  first  time.  This  was 
known  as  the  McCormick  reaper  case.  As  early  as 
1831  Cyrus  H.  McCormick  invented  a  machine  to  be 
drawn  'by  horses  intended  to  supersede  the  old  hand 
scythe  in  cutting  grain.  He  set  up  a  working  model 
on  his  father's  plantation  in  Rockbridge  county,  Va., 
and  took  out  patents  for  the  machine  and  its  improve 
ments  in  1845  and  1847  with  a  reissue  in  1853.  He 
had  several  suits  in  defense  of  his  patent  claims,  one 
of  which  was  a  New  York  case  decided  by  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  U.  S.  on  collateral  points  in 
his  favor  in  1856.  Messrs.  Stanton  and  Harding 
were  on  the  opposite  side  of  that  case.  But  the  most 
serious  opposition  was  from  John  H.  Manny,  of 
(Wisconsin,  who  about  1850  turned  out  a  machine 
embracing  essential  features  of  the  McCormick  reaper, 
especially  curved  divides  at  the  end  of  the  cutter  bar 
to  separate  the  grain  stalks  as  they  fell.  This  was  the 
crux  of  the  whole  affair,  and  as  the  opening  of  the 
western  prairies  to  settlement  was  creating  unlimited 
possibilities  for  the  future  every  step  in  the  progress 
of  the  case  was  fought  with  the  best  legal  talent  the 
country  could  command.  Of  course  suit  was  brought 
for  infringement  of  the  patents,  and  the  case  was  set 


40  PROFESSIONAL  CAREER 

for  hearing  at  Cincinnati  in  September,  1855.  Messrs. 
Watson  and  Stanton,  of  Pittsburgh,  and  Harding,  of 
Philadelphia,  appeared  for  McCormick,  and  Beverly 
Johnson  and  E.  1ST.  Dickerson  on  the  other  side.  To 
the  McCormick  force  had  been  added  Abraham  Lin 
coln.  It  was  arranged  that  two  attorneys  should 
speak  on  each  side,  and  Stanton  and  Harding  vvere 
chosen  for  McCormick,  much  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  disap 
pointment,  who,  however"  remained  to  the  close  of  the 
case,  and  unqualifiedly  commended  Mr.  Stanton's 
speech.  The  decree  was  in  favor  of  Stanton's  side, 
and  the  case  was  appealed  to  the  U.  S.  Supreme 
Court.  In  this  connection  Mr.  Flower  relates  a 
curious  story  bearing  on  the  final  decision  in  the 
case.  As  we  have  said  the  curved  divider  was  the 
crux  of  the  whole  matter  the  machine  being  practic 
ally  useless  without  it,  but  that  feature  was  covered 
by  McCormick's  patents.  One  Col.  Wood,  who  had 
made  Manny's  models  knew  that,  so  one  day  he  went 
down  into  Virginia  and  procured  an  old  McCormick 
reaper,  made  prior  to  the  issue  of  McCormick's 
patent  on  the  divider.  He  purchased  it  and  made  the 
rod  straight,  for  a  curved  divider  would  not  be  an 
infringement  on  this.  Using  salt  and  vinegar  to  rust 
over  the  fresh  marks  of  the  blacksmith,  he  shipped 
the  doctored  reaper  to  Washington  to  be  used  on  the 
final  hearing.  Stanton  was  ignorant  of  the  fraud  but 
when  he  saw  this  machine  he  had  no  further  doubt  of 
winning  the  case.  The  final  hearing  came  before  the 
Supreme  Bench  in  February,  1858,  and  although  the 
attorneys  were  limited  to  a.n  hour  each  for  argument, 
the  court  took  such  deep  interest  in  Stanton's  address 
that  he  was  allowed  his  own  time  to  complete  it.  The 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  41 

decision  was  'in  favor  of  Stanton's  clients,  Manny 
himself  having  died,  Justice  Daniel  dissenting,  and 
as  will  now  be  conceded,  correctly. 

We  have  referred  to  this  case  as  the  first  meeting 
of  Stanton  and  Lincoln.  When  the  attorneys  came 
together  at  the  Burnett  House  in  Cincinnati  for  con 
sultation  Stanton  was  not  favorably  impressed  with 
the  long,  lanky,  not  to  say,  uncouth  attorney  from 
Illinois,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  make  his  contempt 
apparent,  and  during  the  progress  of  the  case,  in 
court  and  out,  he  appeared  to  be  highly  appreciative 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  blue  cotton  umbrella,  and  his  ill- 
fitting  garments.  He  curtly  ruled  him  out  from  argu 
ing  the  case,  but,  as  we  have  said,  this  did  not  prevent 
Mr.  Lincoln  from  remaining  and  listening  to  the 
suit,  after  which  he  gave  Stanton  his  full  meed  of 
praise.  But  shortly  before  the  final  submission  of 
the  case,  Mr.  Lincoln  called  at  the  room  of  their 
associated  counsel,  one  of  whom  is  authority  for  this 
additional  history  not  hitherto  published,  and  said 
to  him :  "You  must  have  noticed  that  Mr.  Stanton 
is  determined  that  I  shall  not  make  an'  argument  in 
this  case.  I  think  I  should  have  the  courage  to  insist 
upon  doing  so  if  I  were  satisfied  that  the  interests 
of  our  clients  required  it.  I  think  however,  that  they 
do  not  for  the  reason  that  I  have  here  reduced  to 
writing  the  substance  of  all  that  I  would  say,  and 
possibly,  it  is  better  said  here." 

This  gentleman  read  the  argument  and  concluded 
that  it  was  the  most  masterful  review  and  condensa 
tion  of  the  whole  case  that  was  possible,  and  passed 
it  up  to  the  court  with  the  other  papers.  He  says, 
that  according  to  his  recollection  of  the  paper  it 


42  PROFESSIONAL  CAREER 

contained  the  bones  and  sinews  of  the  opinion  of  the 
court  delivered  in  this  case.  In  March,  1861,  this 
same  gentleman  was  in  Washington  City  on  profes 
sional  business  and  was  stopping  at  Willard's  hotel. 
When  Mr.  Lincoln  came  there  to  be  inaugurated  he 
hesitated  about  calling  on  him  lest  it  might  bring 
back  unpleasant  recollections  of  the  Cincinnati 
episode.  He  had  about  concluded  not  to  call,  when 
he  received  a  note  from  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  had  in  some 
way  learned  that  he  was  at  the  hotel,  inviting  him  to 
his  room.  When  he  arrived  there  he  had  a  conversa 
tion  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  addressed  him  substan 
tially  as  follows:  "I  am  about  to  do  that  for  which 
I  seem  to  owe  an  explanation  to  all  the  people  of  the 
United  States.  I  can  make  it  to  no  one  but  you. 
Mr.  Stanton,  as  you  know,  has  been  serving  conspicu 
ously  in  the  cabinet  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  faithful  among 
the  faithless.  There  is  a  common  appreciation  of  hU 
ability  and  fidelity,  and  a  common  expectation  that  I 
will  take  him  into  my  cabinet,  but  you  know  that  I 
could  not  possibly,  consistently  with  my  self  respect, 
pursue  that  course  in  view  of  his  personal  treatment 
of  me  at  Cincinnati."  About  a  year  later  this  same 
attorney  met  Mr.  Lincoln  in  Washington,  when  the 
latter  said  to  him:  "I  am  about  to  do  an  act  for 
which  I  owe  no  explanation  to  any  man,  woman  or 
child  in  the  United  States  except  you.  You  know 
the  War  Department  has  demonstrated  the  great 
necessity  for  a  Secretary  of  Mr.  Stanton's  great 
ability,  and  I  have  made  up  my  mind  to  sit  down  on 
all  my  pride,  it  may  be  a  portion  of  my  self  respect, 
and  appoint  him  to  the  place." 

Lincoln  never  showed  his  real  greatness  more 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  43 

forcibly  than  on  this  occasion  when  a  smaller  or  less 
disinterested  man  would  have  fallen.  And  Stanton's 
ability  never  received  a  better  or  nobler  recognition. 
Attempts  have  been  made  at  times  to  exalt  one  of 
these  two  men  at  the  expense  of  the  other.  This  is 
futile  as  well  as  ungracious.  Each  had  his  sphere 
and  his  line  of  duty,  and  each  was  greatest  in  that 
sphere.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  Lincoln  could  not  have 
filled  Stanton's  place,  and  at  that  time  it  is  more 
than  doubtful  if 'Stan ton  could  have  filled  Lincoln's. 
Each  was  the  complement  of  the  other,  and  none  real 
ized  this  fact  better  than  the  two  great  minds  which 
worked  so  faithfully  together  during  the  dark  days 
of  the  Civil  War.  The  country  honors  both,  and  any 
respect  and  affection  shown  to  the  memory  of  one 
is  no  derogation  to  the  memory  of  the  other. 


CHAPTER  III. 

A  WONDERFUL  WORK— SECESSION  CLOUDS. 

A  Quiet  Period-^Remarriage — Washington  Home — The  Great 
California  Cases — Enormous  Service  Rendered — Lincoln's 
Election — Secession  Movements — The  Coming  Storm — 
Buchanan's  Weakness — Attorney  General — Improved  Tone 
in  National  Councils — The  Government  Upheld. 

After  his  support  of  the  Free  Soil  ticket  in  1848 
Stanton  seems  to  have  remained  very  quiet  so  far 
as  politics  were  concerned.  It  was  an  era  of  compro 
mises.  Slavery  was  demanding  more  and  more  under 
threats  of  dissolving  the  Union,  and  both  the  Whig 
and  Democratic  organizations  were  truckling  to  it 
more  or  less.  Although  he  was  in  Washington  dur 
ing  the  sessions  of  the  Democratic  convention  which 
nominated  Franklin  Pierce  at  Baltimore  in  1852  he 
did  not  attend  it,  but  returned  home  as  soon  as  his 
business  was  completed.  General  Scott  was  the 
WThig  nominee,  and  his  overwhelming  defeat  marked 
the  overthrow  of  the  Whig  party.  A  new  political 
party  was  beginning  to  develop,  but  as  yet  it  was 
attracting  little  or  no  attention  from  the  politicians. 
During  these  years  Mr.  Stanton  devoted  himself  to 
his  law  business,  but  when  James  Buchanan,  a  per 
sonal  friend,  was  nominated  by  the  Democrats  in 
1856  he  warmly  supported  him.  He  doubtless  re 
garded  the  Republicans  as  simply  his  old  enemies, 
the  Whigs,  masquerading  under  a  new  name,  and  if 
he  failed  to  realize  then  that  they  represented  a  new 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON  45 

and  potent     force,  it  was  not     surprising,     because 
scarcely  anybody  else  realized  it. 

On  June  25,  1856  Mr.  Stanton  and  Miss  Ella, 
daughter  of  Lewis  Hutchinson,  of  Pittsburgh,  were 
married  by  Dr.  Theodore  Lyman,  rector  of  Trinity 
Church,  he  being  at  that  time  in  his  42d  year  and  the 
bride  in  her  26th.  They  leased  a  house  in  Washing 
ton  on  C  street,  N.  W.,  the  nature  and  extent  of  Mr. 
Stanton's  business  requiring  his  presence  most  of 
the  time  at  the  capital. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Jeremiah  S.  Black, 
was  Chief  Justice  of  the  Pennsylvania  Supreme 
Court  when  Stanton  was  before  that  body  in  the 
early  railroad  cases,  and  was  greatly  impressed  with 
Mr.  Stanton's  ability  as  a  lawyer.  Consequently 
when,  in  1857,  he  was  appointed  Attorney  General  in 
Buchanan's  Cabinet,  and  needed  assistance  in  the 
important  cases  in  which  the  Government  was  then 
engaged  he  naturally  turned  to  Stanton  for  help. 
Judge  Black  was  conceded  to  be  one  of  the  first 
attorneys  in  the  country,  but  was  also  an  intense 
partisan  which  afterwards  led  him  into  what  might 
mildly  be  called  some  inconsistencies.  The  greait 
work  now  before  Stanton  was  the  settlement  of  the 
California  land  troubles,  especially  what  was  known 
as  the  Linmntour  case,  probably  the  most  stupendous 
fraud  ever  attempted  to  be  perpetrated  on  this  or  any 
other  government. 

The  treaty  with  Mexico  made  at  the  close  of  the 
war  in  1848  provided  that  "grants  of  land  made  by 
Mexico  in  the  ceded  territories"  should  "preserve  the 
legal  value  which  they  may  possess,  and  the  grantees 
may  cause  their  legitimate  titles  to  be  acknowledged 
before  the  American  tribunals."  In  1851  a  Board  of 


46  A  WONDERFUL  WORK 

Land  Commissioners  was  created  ,by  Congress  before 
which  claimants  might  prove  their  titles  with  the 
right  of  appeal  by  either  party  to  the  U.  S.  Courts. 
The  Board  adjourned  on  March  1,  1856,  having 
passed  on  803  claims  covering  19,148  square  miles 
including  the  sites  of  San  Francisco,  Sacramento  and 
other  cities,  affirming  most  of  the  titles,  but  some  of 
the  claims  were  so  outrageous  that  appeals  were 
taken  by  the  Government  to  the  U.  S.  District  Court 
for  California,  and  there  they  were  pending  when 
Black  was  appointed  Attorney  General  on  March  6, 
1857.  The  leading  claimant  was  one  J.  Y.  Lirnan- 
tour,  a  French  merchant  of  Monterey,  who  filed 
eight  claims  covering  958  square  miles.  Six  of  these 
covering  924  miles  were  rejected  by  the  Board,  and 
two  embracing  34  miles  were  confirmed.  In  these 
tracts  were  the  city  of  San  Francisco  and  islands 
inside  and  outside  the  bay,  in  fact  pretty  much  every 
thing  in  sight.  Kven  then  the  value  of  the  property 
ran  up  into  the  millions,  and  had  the  scheme  been 
successful  Limantour  and  his  descendants  would  have 
been  rich  beyond  the  dreams  of  avarice.  The  modern 
Pacific  coast  lumber  thief  is  very  modest  in  compari 
son.  Naturally  there  was  great  public  clamor 
against  what  was  considered  a  gigantic  robbery,  but 
the  claimants  appeared  to  have  documentary  and 
other  proof  necessary  to  sustain  their  position.  But 
during  the  month  of  May,  1857  one  Augustus  Jouan, 
came  to  Washington  and  made  certain  revelations  to 
the  Government  officials  .demonstrating  that  the 
claim  was  simply  a  tremendous  forgery  in  which  he 
was  an  accomplice.  He  was  sent  back  to  San  Fran 
cisco  to  report  to  the  District  Attorney.  It  was  evi 
dent  that  a  great  legal  battle  was  on  hand,  which 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  47 

would  require  the  best  brains  available.  Mr.  Black 
turned  to  Stanton  in  this  emergency  and  On  Feb 
ruary  21,  1858,  a  few  days  after  his  final  argument 
in  the  famous  reaper  case,  he  sailed  from  New  York 
for  San  Francisco  via  Panama,  accompanied  by  his 
son  Edwin.  His  vessel  was  the  "Star  of  the  West" 
which  became  historic  three  years  later,  as  drawing 
the  first  shot  from  the  rebel  batteries  in  Charleston 
harbor  while  carrying  .supplies  <to  the  "beleagured 
garrison  in  Fort  Sumter.  He  arrived  at  San  Fran 
cisco  on  Friday  morning,  March  19,  and  at  once 
entered  upon  his  Herculean  tasks.  The  first  step  was 
to  collect  the  archives  of  the  territory  under  Mexican 
rule,  which  were  voluminous  in  quantity,  but  which 
had  never  been  collected  and  classified.  Many  were 
in  the  hands  of  private  parties,  and  a  special  act  of 
Congress  was  found  necessary  to  compel  their  pro 
duction.  It  was  successfully  accomplished,  and  the 
four  hundred  volumes  so  collected  remain  a  monu 
ment  of  his  untiring  energy.  In  these  archives  wrere 
recorded  the  grants  made  by  the  Mexican  govern 
ment  and  the  reason  or  consideration  therefor. 
Among  them  was  the  documentary  chain  of  title  to 
the  lands  claimed  by  Limantour,  apparently  com 
plete,  the  alleged  consideration  being  advances  in 
money  and  goods  furnished  the  Mexican  government. 
It  was  apparently  invincible,  but  it  is  not  nec 
essary  here  to  relate  the  details  of  the  system  of 
forgery  and  perjury  on  which  it  rested,  and  the  pa 
tience  and  accuracy  with  which  every  'phase  was 
exposed.  The  story  will  be  found  fully  related  in 
Mr.  Gorham's  work.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  when  Mr. 
Stanton  was  through  the  expose  was  so  complete 
that  Liman tour's  attorneys  threw  up  the  case,  judg- 


48  A  WONDERFUL  WORK 

ment  was  given  in  favor  of  the  Government,  Lirnan- 
tour  was  indicted,  and  fled  the  country  never  to 
return. 

Another  noted  case  of  that  period  was  the  "New 
Almaden"  silver  mine,  yielding  fl,000,000  a  year, 
wherein  the  title  was  shown  to  be  fraudulent,  which 
was  taken  to  the  Supreme  Court  and  reached  a  final 
decision  in  1863. 

These  are  only  striking  samples  among  many 
smaller  cases,  upwards  of  twenty-one  of  which  were 
afterwards  argued  by  Mr.  Stan  ton  before  the 
Supreme  Court.  Not  only  was  there  a  direct  saving 
of  millions  of  dollars  to  the  Government  and  people 
but  a  settlement  for  all  time  of  the  complicated  land 
titles  of  California.  The  value  of  the  work  was 
simply  inestimable.  For  this  he  received  a  fee  of 
$25,000  and  expenses. 

It  is  related  that  after  winning  these  cases  many 
miners,  whose  entire  possessions  were  involved  in  the 
outcome,  brought  bags  of  gold  dust  and  nuggets  to  Mr. 
Stanton's  office  and  begged  him  to  accept  them  as  a 
free  will  offering.  He  refused  them  all,  stating  that 
the  Government  would  pay  him  for  his  services,  and 
he  could  not  accept  any  other  compensation. 

Mr.  Stanton  arrived  home  from  California  in 
February,  1859,  having  been  absent  a  little  less  than 
a  year.  He  had  been  home  but  a  few  days  when,  on 
Sunday,  February  27,  the  country  was  startled  by  a 
social  tragedy,  the  shooting  of  Philip  Barton  Key, 
son  of  Francis  Scott  Key,  author  of  "The  Star  Span 
gled  Banner,"  by  Daniel  E.  Sickles.  Key  was  a. 
widower,  and  had  seduced  the  young  wife  of  Sickles, 
and  at  the  time  of  the  tragedy  was  standing  in  front 
of  the  Sickles  residence  presumably  for  the  purpose 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON  49 

of  meeting  Mrs.  Sickles.  Sickles  was  indicted  for 
murder,  and  the  trial,  which  lasted  three  weeks,  was 
replete  with  exciting  incidents.  Stanton  was 
engaged  for  the  defense,  and  his  speech  in  summing 
up  the  case  was  a  masterpiece  of  legal  and  forensic1 
eloquence  that  has  seldom  if  ever  been  surpassed.  He 
did  not  take  his  position  on  the  so-called  unwritten 
law  which  constitutes  an  aggrieved  husband  into  a 
judge,  jury  and  executioner,  but  upon  the  old 
common  law  doctrine  of  self  defense,  and  the  right 
of  the  husband  to  slay  an  adulterer  detected  in  the 
commission  of  his  crime.  We  have  only  space  for  a 
couple  of  brief  extracts : 

By  the  American  law,  itbe  husband  is  always  present  by  his 
wife,  his  arm  is  always  by  her  side;  and  his  wing  is  ever  over 
her.  The  consent  iof  the  wife  cannot  in  any  degree  affect  the 
question  of  the  adulterer's  guilt,  amd  if  the  t>e  slain  by  the  -hus 
band  then,  it  is  justifiable  homicide.  *  *  The  husband  be 
holds  ihim  in  the  very  aot  oi  withdrawing  his  -wife  from  his  roc  f, 
from  his  .presence,  from  his  arm,  from  his  wing,  from  his  nest, 
meets  him  in  the  act  and  slays  him.  And  we  say  the  right  to 
slay  him  stands  on  the  firmest  principles  of  self  defense. 

Sickles  was  acquitted,  the  jury  being  out  only  an 
hour,  and  the  verdict  met  with  general  approval  He 
afterwards  took  his  wife  back  to  his  home,,  and  a  son 
born  to  him  by  his  second  wife  was  named  Stanton 
Sickles. 

All  of  the  year  1859  was  a  busy  one  but  Mr. 
Stanton  found  time  to  attend  to  his  home  matters. 
On  May  5  he  purchased  from  Eliphalet  F.  Andrews 
the  property  on  the  corner  of  Third  and  Logan 
streets,  Steubenville,  which  he  had  long  held  under 
lease  for  the  sum  of  $3,000.  The  place  was  then 
occupied  by  his  mother,  the  widow  and  children  of 


50  A  WONDERFUL  WORK 

his  brother  Darwin,  and  his  sister  Oella.  It  was  his 
expressed  wrish  that  he  might  return  to  pass  the  eve 
ning  of  life  there,  and  there  to  die.  This  wish  was 
not  realized  and  on  June  22,  1870,  his  widow  and 
executors  sold  the  house  and  grounds  to  Dr.  Enoch 
Pearce  for  $7,500,  who  still  occupies  them  with  his 
family. 

In  October  of  that  same  year  Mr.  Stanton  pur 
chased  a  lot  fronting  on  what  is  now  Franklin 
Square  in  Washington,  for  $5,880,  and  with  the 
assistance  of  money  received  through  his  wife  erected 
a  large  brick  and  stone  residence  which  he  occupied 
until  his  death. 

As  stated  above  Mr.  Stanton  had  been  a  warm 
supporter  of  James  Buchanan  in  the  campaign  of 
1856,  as  well  as  of  his  Kansas-Nebraska  policy  in  the 
two  years  following.  According  to  Judge  Black  he 
held  the  Abolitionists  responsible  for  preventing  the 
settlement  of  the  slavery  question  there,  by  failing  to 
vote  on  the  Lecompton  constitution.  He  was  not  a 
voter  in  1860,  being  a  resident  of  Washington,  and 
took  no  active  part  in  the  Presidential  campaign  of 
that  year.  Not  counting  "Sam  Houston  and  his  old 
Indian  blanket"  there  were  four  tickets  in  the  field : 
Lincoln  and  Hamlin  representing  the  Republicans, 
Douglas  and  Johnson  for  "squatter!  sovereignty"  the 
regular  Democratic  nominees,  Breckenridge  and 
Lane,  extreme  State  rights  party  and  pro-slavery, 
and  "Bell  and  Everett,"  representing  in  somewhat 
vague  terms  the  "LTnion  and  the  Constitution."  His 
personal  preference  was  for  Breckinridge,  but  he 
appears  to  have  also  leaned  towards  Douglas,  whose 
election  might  prove  a  golden  mean  to  avert  the  dis 
union  which  was  openly  threatened  if  Lincoln  should 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  51 

be  successful.  That  the  election  of  Lincoln  was  a 
foregone  conclusion  was  apparent  to  Mr.  Stantou  as 
well  as  other  political  observers  of  that  year.  This 
opinion  was  expressed  in  a  letter  to  his  sister,  Mrs. 
Wolcott  as  well  as  to  others,  with  the  belief  that 
great  dissensions  would  follow.  The  expected  hap 
pened.  Lincoln  received  180  votes  in  the  Electoral 
College  to  72  for  Breckenridge,  12  for  Douglas  and 
39  for  Bell,  receiving  a  clear  majority  of  the  Electoral 
but  only  a  plurality  of  the  popular  vote.  The  storm, 
whose  mutterings  had  been  heard  for  months,  was 
not  long  coming.  The  election  was  held  on  Novem 
ber  6,  and  in  anticipation  of 'the  result  the  South 
Carolina  Legislature  had  been  called  in  special  ses 
sion  the  day  before.  On  the  day  after  the  'election 
in  the  United  States  District  Court  room  at  Charles 
ton  the  foreman  of  the  Grand  Jury,  speaking  for  him 
self  and  fellow  jurors,  declined  to  proceed  with  their 
work  because  the  hope  of  the  perpetuity  oil 'the  Fed 
eral  government  had  been  swept  away  "by  the  verdict 
of  the  Northern  section  of 'the  Confederacy,  solemnly 
announced  to  the  country  through  the  ballot  box  on 
yesterday."  A.  G.  Magrath,  the  presiding  judge, 
thereupon  arose  and. 'in  a  bombastic  speech  resigned 
his  office,  followed  by  the  District  Attorney  and 
Marshal.  After  this  theatrical  performance,  which 
was  also  intended  to  cripple  the  Government^  from  a 
legal  point  of  view,  events  moved  rapidly.  A  bill  was 
prepared  and  rushed  through  the  Legislature  calling 
a  convention  on  December  17.  The  convention  met 
at  Columbia,  the  capital  of  the  state,  on  the  day  fixed, 
but  owing  to  the  prevalence  of  an  epidemic  disease 
adjourned  to  Charleston,  in  consequence  of  which 
the  passage  of  the  secession  ordinance  was  delayed 


52  A  WONDERFUL  WORK 

(?)  until  December  20.  This  was  followed  by  simi 
lar  action  by  Mississippi  on  January  9,  Florida  on 
the  10th,  Alabama  on  the  llth,  Georgia  on  the  18th, 
and  Louisiana  on  the  26th.  Delegates  from  these  six 
states  assembled  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  on  Feb 
ruary  4,  adopted  a  Constitution  on  the  8th,  and  the 
next  day  elected  Jefferson  Davis  President  of  the 
new  Southern  Confederacy,  and  Alexander  H.  Steph 
ens,  Vice  President.  These  officers  were  inaugurated 
on  February  18,  subordinate  officers  appointed  and 
the  Avheels  of  a  fully  developed  provisional  govern 
ment  set  in  motion.  Everything  moved  along  like 
clock  work.  Preparations  were  made  for  the  organ 
ization  of  an  army  and  navy,  and  the  seizure  of  Gov 
ernment  forts,  arsenals  and  public  buildings  went 
merrily  on.  The  laws  of  the  United  States  were 
suspended,  although  the  postal  service  was  allowed 
to  continue  as  a  matter  of  manifest  public  conven 
ience.  Texas  had  passed  her  ordinance  of  secession 
on  February  1,  but  as  it  had  to  undergo  the  rather 
useless  form  of  submission  to  a  vote  of  the  people  on 
the  23d  that  state  was  not  represented  at  the  Mont 
gomery  convenion.  Virginia  Tennessee,  Arkansas 
and  North  Carolina  did  not  formally  secede  until 
after  the  bombardment  of  Fort  Sumter,  but  while  a 
strong  Union  sentiment  existed  in  all  these  states, 
there  was  little  doubt  as  to  the  action  of  those  in  con 
trol  of  affairs.  So  when  Lincoln  was  inaugurated  on 
March  4,  1861,  the  flag  of  the  Union  only  floated 
over  two  places  in  the  states  openly  in  revolt!  except 
at  the  lower  end  of  the  Florida  Keys,  where  there  was 
no  temptation  to  attack  it,  and  it  had  practically 
disappeared  from  most  of  the  territory  where  the 
final  leap  was  yet  to  be  made. 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON  53 

During  these  four  months  when  the  nationality 
which  had  been  built  up  with  so  much  care,  and 
preserved  through  the  storms  and  stress  of  three 
quarters  of  a  century,  was  apparently  in  the 
throes  of  diplssolution  what  were  the  constituted 
authorities  at  Washington  doing  to  arrest  the  threat 
ened  disintegration?  When  James  Buchanan  was 
nominated  and  elected  President  in  1856^  he  had  made 
a  creditable,  though  not  a  marked  record  in  public 
affairs.  He  had  been  a  Representative  from  Penn 
sylvania  ten  years  from  1821  to  1831,  Minister  to 
Russia  two  years,  Senator  twelve  years,  Secretary  of 
State  four  years,  making  in  all  a  prominent  public 
career  of  twenty-eight  years.  Possibly  it  would  be 
putting  it  too  strong  to  say  that  in  all  that  period 
he  never  said  a  foolish  thing  and  never  did  a  wise 
one,  but  it  is  a  fact  that  he  was  better  known  by  his 
urbanity,  pleasing  manners  and  correct  deportment 
than  for  any  striking  act.  Von  Hoist,  the  able  Ger 
man  writer  of  our  constitutional  history,  notes  the 
fact  that  at  the  well  provided  table  and  the  chatty 
tea,  Buchanan  was  a  stimulating  and  winning  talker, 
adding  that,  "the  person  who  saw  in  him  a  great 
statesman  must  have  been  either  a  very  bad  physiog 
nomist  or  have  had  a  very  unclear  idea  as  to  what 
the  requirements  of  a  statesman  are.  *  *  *  * 
Weakness  ,  self-overestimation  and  wilfulness — a 
more  disastrous  combination  of  qualities  could, 
under  existing  circumstances,  be  scarcely  imagined." 
Nobody  at  this  time  questions  Buchanan's  personal 
integrity  or  loyalty,  but  he  had  never  been  called 
upon  before  to  meet  a  great  crisis,  and  when  the  test 
came  he  signally  failed.  That  the  failure  was  no 


54  A  WONDERFUL  WOKK 

worse  was  due  to  the  fact  that  he  finally  called  into 
his  counsels  the  subject  of  this  biography. 

We  have  already  referred  to  the  activity  of  South 
Carolina  and  other  Southern  States  in  the  direction 
of  separation  and  preparation  for  armed  resistance 
should  the  same  be  necessary,  and  in  this  they  were 
not  wanting  in  assistance  from  the  President's  own 
political  household.  The  Cabinet  at  this  time  was 
composed  of  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  Secretary  of 
State;  Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury;  J.  Toucey,  of  Connecticut,  Secretary  of 
the  Navy;  Jacob  Thompson,  of  Mississippi,  Secretary 
of  the  Interior;  A.  V.  Brown,  of  Tennessee,  Postmas 
ter  General ;  John  B.  Floyd,  of  Virginia,  Secretary  of 
War;  Jeremiah  S.  Black,  of  Pennsylvania,  Attorney 
General;  not  a  bad  distribution  geographically,  but, 
as  events  proved,  composed  of  little  material  calcu 
lated  to  interfere  with  the  plans  of  the  Union  wreck 
ers.  Muskets  were  even  sold  from  the  arsenal  at 
Harper's  Ferry  to  be  used  against  the  Government. 

The  country  was  in  a  feverish  state  of  expecta.- 
tion  waiting  for  the  opening  of  Congress  and  the 
annual  Presidential  message.  How  would  the  latter 
meet  the  emergency?  That  South  Carolina  would 
attempt  to  secede  in  a  few  days  was  a  foregone 
conclusion.  Could  the  crisis  be  firmly  met,  and  the 
spread  of  the  conflagration  checked,  or  would  it  be 
allowed  to  extend  beyond  control?  The  President 
was  not  idle.  He  had  not  the  mind  which  enabled 
him  to  penetrate  to  the  heart  of  things,  but  was  very 
careful  that  he  should  do  nothing  which  should  hurt 
the  feelings  of  the  malcontents,  or  cause  them  to 
raise  the  question  of  legality.  So  as  early  as  Novem 
ber  17,  he  called  upon  the  Attorney  General  for  a 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STAXTOX  55 

legal  opinion  on  the  situation.  The  first  question 
proposed  was  whether  a  military  force  could  be 
used  within  the  limits  of  a  State  where  there  were  no 
judges  (U.  S.)  marshals  or  other  civil  officers.  Mr. 
Black's  reply  three  days  later  was  that  it  could  not. 
The  reductio  ad  absurdum  of  this  proposition  is  that 
when  any  state  wished  to  block  the  operations  of  the 
Xational  Government  it  was  only  necessary  to  induce 
the  court  officers  to  resign  or  expel  them  from  the 
country,  and  there  being  no  machinery  of  the  law  to 
put  in  operation  it  simply  stopped.  Later  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  U.  S.  effectually  punctured 
this  bubble  by  the  declaration  that  "when  the  regular 
course  of  justice  is  interrupted  by  revolt,  rebellion  or 
insurrection,  so  that  the  courts  of  justice  cannot  be 
kept  open,  civil  war  exists,  and  hostilities  may  be 
prosecuted  on  the  same  footing  as  if  those  opposing 
the  Government  were  foreign  enemies  invading  the 
land."  Judge  Black  also  discussed  the  question  as 
to  "whether  Congress  has  the  constitutional  right  to 
make  war  against  one  or  more  states,"  and 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  had  not.  Carrying 
this  sophistry  still  further  he  concluded  that  hostili 
ties  carried  on  against  a  state  would  be  ipso  facto 
an  expulsion  of  such  state  from  the  Union,  suggesting 
that  in  such  event  "will  not  all  the  federal  states  be 
absolved  from  their  obligations?"  In  other  words 
the  slightest  military  effort  on  the  part  of  the  Gov 
ernment  for  its  own  preservation  and  the  perpetuity 
of  the  Union,  would  have  the  inevitable  effect  of 
destroying  that  Union.  One  would  have  supposed 
this  written  opinion  would  have  been  sufficient  to 
satisfy  the  most  ultra  secessionists,  but  there  being 
differences  in  the  Cabinet  there  was  evident  fear  that 


56  A  WONDERFUL  WORK 

the  President  might  not  after  all  officially  enunciate 
the  doctrine  that  the  only  real  power  the  Government 
possessed  was  to  either  decently  or  indecently  com 
mit  hari  kari.  Cass  had  threatened  to  resign  if 
secession  ideas  were  to  'prevail,  and  Stan  ton,  who 
had  been  appointed  Assistant  Attorney  General  pre 
pared  an  argument  showing  that  the  United  States 
IS  a  Nation.  The  fire  -eaters  became  alarmed,  and, 
presumably  during  the  absence  of  Stanton  on  some 
business  in  Pittsburgh,  telegraphed  to  Jefferson 
Davis,  then  in  consultation  with  'his  Governor  at 
Jackson,  Miss.,  to  come  immediately  to  Washington, 
The  telegram  was  from  two*  members  of  the  Cabinet, 
and  Mr.  Davis  says:  "On  arrival  at  Washington, 
I  found,  as  had  been  anticipated,  that  my  presence 
there  was  desired  on  account  of  the  influence  which 
it  was  supposed  I  might  exercise  with  the  President 
in  relation  to  his  forthcoming  message  to  Congress. 
On  paying  my  respects  to  the  President,  he  told  me 
that  he  had  finished  the  rough  draft  of  his  message, 
but  that  it  was  still  open  to  revision  and  amendment, 
and  that  he  would  like  to  read  it  to  me.  He  did  so, 
and  very  kindly  accepted  all  the  modifications  which 
I  suggested."  The  nature  of  those  suggestions  can 
easily  be  guessed  from  the  man  who,  even  long  after 
the  war  was  over,  in  a  book  intended  to  be  a  vindica 
tion  of  himself  and  his  followers,  declared  and 
repeatedly  avowed  the  principle  "that  a  Senator  in 
Congress  occupied  the  position  of  an  ambassador 
from  the  state  which  he  represented  to  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  a,s  well  as  in  some  sense  a 
member  of  the  Government."  (Rise  and  Fall  of  the 
Confederate  Government  P.  202.) 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  57 

Mr.  Rhodes  in  his  history  commends  Judge 
Black's  position  at  this  time  because  he  declared  that 
the  President  might  collect  customs  duties  from  a 
revenue  cutter  in  the  harbor  if  denied  access  to  the 
custom  house,  a  self-evident  truth  which  he  overlays 
with  ten  printed  pages  of  verbosity  to  the  effect  that 
"The  Union  must  utterly,  perish  at  the  moment  when 
Congress  shall  arm  one  part  of  the  people  against 
another  for  any  purpose  beyond  that  of  merely  pro 
tecting  the  General  Government  in  the  exercise  of  its 
proper  constitutional  functions,"  said  "constitutional 
functions"  having  already  been  whittled  away  to  the 
vanishing  point. 

On  December  3,  the  message  appeared,  and 
between  the  efforts  of  Black  and  Davis  it  was  certainy 
a  unique  state  paper.  From  it  one  would  imagine 
that  the  loyal  citizens  of  the  country  were  the  ones 
who  were  responsible  for  the  condition  of  affairs. 
They  were  charged  with  fomenting  servile  in 
surrection  with  all  its  imaginable  as  well  as  unimag 
inable  atrocities,  and  the  President  actually 
declared  that  the  Southern  states  would  be  "justified 
in  revolutionary  resistance  to  the  government  of 
the  Union,"  unless  certain  laws  passed  by  some  of 
the  Northern  states  mainly  to  prevent  the  kidnapping 
of  free  negroes  to  be  sold  as  slaves,  were  repealed. 
This  was  not  all,  agitation,  that  is  free  discussion, 
must  be  suppressed  as  the  price  of  National  existence. 
After  this  introduction,  which  could  not  have  been 
bettered  by  Jefferson  Davis  himself,  he  proceeded  to 
the  legal  and  constitutional  side  of  the  question  as 
it  had  been  elucidated  by  Judge  Black.  He  could 
not  officially  recognize  South  Carolina  as  an  indepen- 


58  A  WONDERFUL  WORK 

dent  nation  without  authority  from  Congress,  but 
was  careful  to  inform  that  body  that  it  had  no  power 
"to  coerce  a  state  into  submission  which  is  attempting 
to  withdraw  or  has  actually  withdrawn  from  the 
Confederacy."  When  the  contents  of  this  astound 
ing  document  were  flashed  across  the  country  no 
wonder  the  spontaneous  cry  went  up,  "Oh  for  one 
hour  of  Jackson."  Fortunately  a  disciple  of  Jack 
son  was  soon  to  come  to  the  front  to  stay  the  hand 
that  was  hastening  disintegration  until  a  greater  than 
Jackson  should  take  the  helm  of  State,  and  piercing 
through  the  fogs  of  state  sovereignty,  proclaim  the 
sovereignty  of  the  people  of  the  whole  Nation,  and 
that  the  supreme  law  of  the  land  should  be  enforced, 
any  action  of  individual  states  or  state  governments 
to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

The  South  Carolina  authorities  were  very 
anxious  that  no  effort  should  be  made  to  re-inforce 
the  Union  garrison  at  Fort  Moultrie  in  Charleston 
harbor,  the  one  solitary  place  in  the  state  where  the 
National  flag  still  floated.  All  they  wanted  was  to 
be  let  alone  to  carry  out  their  projects.  In  this  they 
were  ably  seconded  by  Mr.  Trescott,  Assistant  Secre 
tary  of  State,  aided  by  Floyd,  Cobb  and  Thompson. 
On  December  8  Cobb  resigned,  and  in  fact  the  tension 
was  becoming  so  strong  that  a  breakup  of  the  Cabinet 
was  imminent.  Cass  resigned  on  the  llth  because 
the  President  would  not  reinforce  Fort  Moultrie,  and 
was  temporarily  succeeded  by  Trescott.  As  the 
secession  of  South  Carolina  would  make  him  a  "for 
eigner"  his  resignation  was  accepted,  and  on  the 
17th,  Judge  Black  took  the  office.  As  one  of  the 
curious  incidents  of  that  period,  Thompson,  the  Sec- 


EDWIN  McMASTEES  STANTON  59 

retary  of  the  Navy  made  a  visit  to  North  Carolina  to 
urge  the  secession  of  that  State.  On  December  20 
South  Carolina  declared  the  Union  dissolved,  and  on 
that  day  Edwin  M.  Stanton  was  appointed  Attorney 
General  to  succed  Black,  and  entered  upon  his  duties 
a  week  later. 

Judge  Black  has  claimed  the  credit  of  urging 
the  appointment  of  Mr.  Stanton  to  the  office  of  Attor 
ney  General.  There  is  no  disposition  to  question 
the  correctness  of  this  claim,  although  Mr.  Stanton 
was  a  personal  friend  of  the  President,  and  quite  as 
well  known  to  him  as  to  any  member  of  the  Cabinet. 
It  has  also  been  authoritatively  stated  that  when 
Buchanan  was  at  a  loss  to  find  a  man  to  succeed 
Judge  Black  as  Attorney  General,  Col.  George  W. 
McCook,  a  member  of  the  convention  which  nomi 
nated  Buchanan  for  the  Presidency,  suggested  Mr. 
Stanton  for  the  place,  and  the  suggestion  was  at  once 
approved.  Judge  Black,  in  a  letter  written  in  1870, 
after  Mr.  Sitanton's  death,  declared  that  Stanton 
indorsed  his  opinion  of  November  20,  "in  extravagant 
terms  of  approbation,  and  adhered  steadily  to  the 
doctrines  of  the  annual  message."  There  is  not  a 
scintilla  of  evidence  to  support  such  an  asser 
tion,  in  fact  the  whole  tenor  of  Stanton's  life  in 
speech,  writing  or  action,  from  his  youthful  contests 
with  the  nullifiers  of  1832  to  the  day  of  his  death 
was  directly  contrary  to  such  a  supposition.  But 
from  a  "private  memorandum"  given  by  Mr.  Black 
to  the  President  early  in  December,  but  not  made 
public  by  him  until  1881,  it  appears  that  he  had 
experienced  such  a  change  of  heart  that  he  could 
truthfullv  declare  that  he  and  Mr.  Stanton  were  in 


60  A  WONDERFUL  WORK 

"perfect  accord  on  all  questions  whether  of  law  or 
policy."  It  is  so  exactly  opposite  to  his  first  opinion 
that  no  apology  is  needed  for  its  reproduction : 

The  Union  is  necessarily  perpetual.  No  state  can  lawfully 
withdraw  or  be  expelled  from  it.  The  federal  constitution  is 
as  much  a  part  of  the  constitution  of  every  state  as  if  it  had 
been  .textually  inserted  therein.  The  federal  government  is 
sovereign  within  its  own  sphere,  and  acts  directly  upon  the 
individual  citizens  of  every  state.  Within  these  Limits  its  coer 
cive  power  is  ample  to  defend  itself,  its  laws  and  its  property, 
lit  can  suppress  insurrections^,  fight  battles,  conquer  armies, 
disperse  hostile  combinations,  and  punish  any  or  all  of  its 
enemies.  It  can  meet,  repel,  and  subdue  all  those  who  rise 
against  it. 

A  more  vigorous  presentation  of  the  powers 
of  the  General  Government  or  more  concise  yet  com 
plete  summary  of  those  powers  has  probably  never 
been  presented.  When  we  compare  it  with  the 
shuffling,  quibbling,  hesitating  document  of  a  few 
weeks  previous  we  are  struck  not  only  by  the  change 
of  sentiment  but  the  different  way  in  which  it  is 
expressed.  Should  the  higher  critics  a  thousand 
years  hence  accidentally  resurrect  these  two  papers 
or  copies  of  them  from  the  archives  of  the  musty 
past  they  will  doubtless  have  little  hesitancy  in 
reaching  the  conclusion  that  both  could  not  have  been 
written  by  the  same  person.  And  should  they  hap 
pen  to  come  across  other  papers  written  by  another 
person  who  occupied  a  prominent  position  about  that 
time,  they  will  at  least  do  some  pretty  strong!  guess 
ing  as  to  who  was  the  real  author.  However,  this 
may  be  it  was  evident  that  both  the  President  and 
Judge  Black  had  become  anxious  over  the  effect  of 
the  annual  message.  It  was  thought  that  vigorous 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON     61 

denunciation  of  "Northern  Agitation"  and  anti- 
coercion  sop  to  the  South  would  tide  over  matters 
at  least  until  Mr.  Buchanan's  term  of  office  expired, 
and  then  might  come  the  deluge.  Just  the  opposite 
occurred.  The  disunionists  were  encouraged  to  rush 
matters  to  a  conclusion  while  they  were  protected 
at  headquarters,  while  there  was  a  rising  tide  of 
indignation  in  the  loyal  sections.  Neither  Buchanan 
nor  Black  wished  the  government  to  go  to  pieces  on 
his  hands,  and,  to  put  it  plainly,  both  wanted  a  strong 
mind  to  help  them  out  of  the  muddle.  There  was 
furthermore  the  spectre  of  impeachment.  In  the 
emergency  they  turned  to  Stan  ton. 

In  the  meantime  South  Carolina  had  seceded 
and  sent  a  commission  to  Washington  to  treat  for 
the  surrender  of  the  forts  in  Charleston  harbor. 
These  Commissioners  were  to  meet  the  President  on 
the  afternoon  of  the  27th,  and  on  that  morning  the 
country  was  startled  by  the  announcement  that 
Major  Anderson,  in  command  at  Fort  Moultrie  had 
spiked  his  guns  during  the  night  and  transferred  his 
little  garrison  to  a  stronger  position  in  Fort  Sumter. 
Union  men  rejoiced,  and  the  secessionists  were  corres 
pondingly  indignant,  and  among  the  most  indignant 
was  Floyd,  Secretary  of  War.  The  Commission  head- 
ed^  by  Jefferson  Davis,  called  on  the  President,  who 
seems  to  have  completely  broken  down  and  declared 
that  the  movement  was  "not  only  without  but  against 
my  orders.  It  is  against  my  policy."  It  has  been 
demonstrated  that  Major  Anderson  did  not  act  con 
trary  to  orders  in  his  movement,  but  if  he  had  he 
would  have  been  considered  justified  under  the  cir 
cumstances.  The  demand  was  that  the  President 


62  A  WONDERFUL  WORK 

order  Anderson  back  to  Fort  Moultrie,  but  this  was 
too  much  even  for  him,  and  he  said  he  must  call  his 
Cabinet  together.  Jefferson  Davis  in  his  account  of 
the  affair  naively  remarks:  "My  opinion  was  that 
the  wisest  and  best  course  would  be  to  withdraw  the 
garrisons  altogether  from  the  harbor  of  Charleston." 
At  the  Cabinet  meeting  which  followed  Floyd  was 
rabid,  and  demanded  that  the  garrison  be  at  once 
withdrawn  from  Sumter,  in  accordance  with  what 
he  claimed  was  a  pledge  from  the  President.  The 
latter  was  hesitating  and  uncertain,  and  after  a  con 
test  of  three  days  Floyd  resigned.  His  resignation 
had  been  demanded  several  days  before  on  account  of 
fraudulent  practices  discovered  in  his  department, 
but  he  was  allowed  to  remain  until  it  became  evident 
to  him  that  he  could  no  longer  do  his  friends  any 
good.  Joseph  Holt,  of  Kentucky,  who  had  succeeded 
Brown  as  Postmaster  General  was  made  Secretary 
of  War,  leaving  First  Assistant  Horatio  King  in 
charge  of  the  postoffice.  For  three  days  the  Cabinet 
discussions  continued,  the  President  still  hesitating 
whether  or  not  he  should  order  Anderson  back  to 
Fort  Moultrie,  and  was  only  deterred  by  the  threat  of 
Stanton,  Holt  and  Black  to  resign  if  anything  of  the 
kind  were  done.  Stanton  was  particularly  emphatic, 
denouncing  such  an  act  as  a  crime  only  equalled  by 
the  treason  of  Arnold,  to  which  Buchanan  raised  his 
hand  deprecatingly,  exclaiming  "Oh,  no !  Not  so  bad 
as  that,  my  friend,  not  so  bad  as  that!"  Stanton  and 
Black  embodied  their  objections  to  the  President's 
proposed  reply  to  the  South  Carolina  Commissioners 
in  a  memorandum  of  seven  paragraphs  of  which  all 
except  the  second  and  fourth  were  written  by  Stan- 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON  63 

ton,  The  first  is  a  point  blank  denial  of  the  right 
of  secession,  and  hence  there  should  be  no  recognition 
of  the  commissioners  in  the  character  of  diplomatic 
ministers  or  agents,  the  third  embraces  a  peremptory 
refusal  to  negotiate  about  the  possession  of  a  military 
post  belonging  to  the  United  States  or  any  arrange 
ment  about  it.  The  fifth  denies  any  previous  bargain 
or  pledge  by  the  President.  The  sixth  is  a  strong 
indorsement  of  Major  Anderson,  and  the  seventh 
demands  the  reinforcement  of  Fort  Sumter  with  the 
least  possible  delay.  The  second  and  fourth  para 
graphs  by  Judge  Black  suggest  the  striking  out  of 
expressions  of  regret  at  the  unwillingness  of  the  Com 
missioners  to  proceed  with  the  negotiations  and  a 
sentence  in  regard  to  coercion.  These  sections 
although  sound  on  the  main  question  read  very  dif 
ferently  from  Stanton's  incisive  points,  and  their 
literary  composition  reminds  one  more  of  the  Novem 
ber  opinion  than  the  December  one  previously  quoted. 
The  President  did  not  follow  the  instructions  of  the 
memorandum,  but  was  indecisive  as  usual,  and  this 
brought  from  the  commissioners  a  letter  so  insulting 
that  he  declined  to  receive  it,  thus  ending  this  miser 
able  business.  The  documentary  history  of  this  Cab 
inet  crisis  is  voluminous  and  is  given  quite  fully  by 
Gorham,  pages  127-159,  and  Flower  82-95.  The  let 
ter  of  the  President  to  the  Commissioners  and  their 
reply  of  January  2,  occupy  three  columns  of  the  New 
York  Tribune  of  January  8,  1861,  and  are  too  lengthy 
to  reproduce  here.  The  Commissioners  concluded  by 
the  statement  that  they  proposed  returning  to  Char 
leston  the  following  morning,  January  3,  so  that  each 
side  as  it  were  got  in  a  parting  shot. 


64  A  WONDERFUL  WORK 

The  outcome  of  this  whole  affair  was  that  the 
President  finally  made  up  his  mind  that  Fort  Sumter 
must  be  reinforced,  and  General  Scott,  chartering  the 
California  packet  Star  of  the  West,  by  authority  of 
Secretary  Holt,  put  250  soldiers  aboard,  and  started 
her  for  Charleston.  The  failure  of  the  expedition  is 
well  known.  Any  chance  of  success  it  might  have 
had  was  frustrated  by  Thompson,  who  was  then  writ 
ing  his  resignation  as  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  sending 
a  telegram  to  Charleston  that  the  troops  were  under 
way.  Newly  erected  batteries  on  Morris  island 
guarded  the  harbor,  whose  guns  speedily  caused  the 
steamer  to  retreat.  Major  Anderson  had  not  been 
informed  of  the  effort,  and  before  he  realized  the 
situation  sufficiently  to  accomplish  anything  it  was 
too  late.  He  properly  regarded  the  firing  on  the 
steamer  as  an  act  of  war,  but  refrained  from  hostili 
ties  until  he  could  hear  from  Washington.  This 
action  was  approved,  and  supplies  and  reinforce 
ments  promised  which  were  never  sent.  The  Cabinet 
by  this  time  wasi  composed  of  Black,  John  A.  Dix,  of 
New  York,  (Treasury),  Holt,  Toucey  (Navy),  Stan- 
ton  and  King.  The  moving  spirit  of  the  whole  was 
Stan  ton,  and  this  is  generally  conceded.  He  talked, 
wrote  and  acted,  arousing  public  sentiment  and 
thwarting  conspiracies.  It  was  perhaps  too  much  to 
expect  that  the  closing  administration  should  take 
any  radical  step  towards  restoring  the  authority  of 
the  Government  in  the  revolted  sections,  and  the 
revolutionists  while  they  were  busily  engaged  in 
seizing  all  unprotected  national  property,  were  not 
anxious  to  assume  the  responsibility  of  actually 
commencing  hostilities,  especially  as  each  day  was 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON  65 

making  them  stronger  from  a  military  point  of  view. 
Washington  was  full  of  conspirators,  and  rumors  of 
plots  were  thicker  than  the  plots  themselves.  South 
ern  leaders  held  a  meeting  and  urged  the  immediate 
secession  of  all  the  slave  states  and  the  formation  of 
a  provisional  government,  which,  as  we  have  seen  was 
carried  out  by  seven  of  them,  while  their  friends 
remained  in  Washington  to  hamper  the  government 
and  expose  its  plans.  It  was  proposed  to  seize  the 
capital  itself  and  prevent  the  inauguration  of  Lin 
coln,  and  February  15,  the  date  fixed  for  counting  the 
Electoral  votes  was  set  as  the  day.  Even  Stanton 
was  apprehensive  that  the  city  might  be  captured, 
but  determined  that  this  should  not  happen  if  he 
could  prevent  it.  It  was  a  theory  that  should  Mary 
land  secede  this  action  would  also  include  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  which  had  formerly  composed  a 
part  of  that  State  and  what  had  once  been  the  capital 
of  the  Nation  would  be  the  capital  of  the  new  Con 
federacy.  The  President  sent  another  message  to 
Congress  on  January  28  with  the  old  quibbles  about 
his  duty  "to  defend  and  protect  the  public  property 
within  the  seceding  states  so  far  as  practicable," 
although  Stanton  with  Black,  Holt  and  Dix  objected 
to  the  last  qualification.  But  the  point  had  been 
reached  where  Presidential  messages  had  little  effect 
one  way  or  the  other. 

Of  course  there  was  plenty  of  talk  during  this 
period,  of  proposed  constitutional  amendments, 
irrepealable,  protecting  slavery  in  the  states  where 
it  existed.  As  is  well  known  the  Republican  plat 
form  upon  which  Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected  did  not 
contemplate  any  outside  interference  with  the  "pecu- 


66  A  WONDERFUL  WORK 

liar  institution"  in  any  (State,  but  did  object  to  its 
extension  into  the  territories.  An  out  and  out  Abol 
itionist  was  as  a  rule  almost  as  unpopular  in  the 
North  as  in  the  South,  and  Jefferson  Davis  himself 
in  his  "Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Southern  Confederacy" 
declares  that  fear  of  Northern  aggrandizement  was 
the  real  cause  of  the  rebellion,  although  his  declara 
tions  to  this  effect  do  not  carry  much  weight  In 
order  to  remove  the  least  excuse  for  rebellion  and 
to  go  as  far  as  possible  towards  assuring  the  South 
ern  people  that  there  would  be  no  attack  upon  any 
of  their  constitutional  rights  public  meetings  were 
held  at  various  places,  and  among  others  at  Stanton's 
old  home,  Steubenville,  Ohio,  on  January  15.  As 
illustrative  of  the  length  to  which  the  loyal  people  of 
the  country  were  willing  to  go  in  order  to  restore 
harmony  we  copy  a  report  of  that  meeting  from  the 
"True  American"  newspaper  of  January  23.  Col. 
James  Collier  was  appointed  Chairman,  and  Dr. 
Worthington,  John  Sheridan  and  David  Donovan, 
Secretaries.  The  proceedings  were  opened  with 
prayer  by  J.  K.  Andrews.  The  following  gentlemen 
wrere  elected  Vice  Presidents:  Thomas  L.  Jewett, 
James  Gallagher,  Alexander  Doyle,  James  McKin- 
ney,  William  Kilgore,  James  Sterling,  W.  S.  Bates, 
Thompson  Hanna,  H.  G.  Garrett,  A.  J.  Beatty,  James 
Parks,  Benjamin  Linton,  Joseph  B.  Peters,  John  W. 
Gray  and  Henry  Beall.  The  following  gentlemen, 
John  H.  Miller,  George  Webster,  Lewis  Anderson, 
Joseph  Means,  Richard  Harris  and  W.  B.  Allison, 
having  been  appointed  Committee  on  Resolutions, 
reported  as  follows : 

Whereas,    The     present     state     of     our    beloved     country 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  67 

is  such  as  to  awaken  the  mo'St  intense  anxiety  and  alarm  for  its 
peace  and  safety,  and 

Whereas,  It  is  due  to  our  officers  in  every  department 
of  ithe  Federal  Government,  that  the  people  from  whom  ema 
nate  all  just  government  and  laws,  should  matte  known  to 
•them  in  this  perilous  hour  freely  and  fully  their  wishes  and 
sentiment,  itherefore 

Resolved,  That  as  citizens  of  Ohio,  discarding  all  party 
feelings  and  passions,  we  here  declare  our  unchanging  attach 
ment  to  the  perpetual  union  of  the  states,  our  firm  reliance 
upon  the  'Constitution  of  our  country,  as  the  bond  of  union,  and 
the  faithful  enforcement  of  -tine  laws  in  pursuance  thereof,  wiih- 
out  which  the  one  cannot  be  maintained  or  the  other  preserved. 

Resolved,  That  in  a  spirit  of  concession:  and  compro 
mise  we  approve  and  recommend  the  proposition  known  as  the 
Border  State  Compromise,  which  we  understand  to  be  to  the 
following  purport,  viz: 

1.  Recommending    a    repeal    of   all    state    laws    interfering 
with,  and  impairing  the  efficiency  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law. 

2.  That  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  be  amended  for  the  pre 
venting  of  kidnapping  and  so  as  to  provide  for  the  equalization 
of  the  commissioner's  fees. 

3.  That    the    Constitution    be    so    amended    as    to    prohibit 
any    interference    with    silavery  in    any    of  the    states    where    it 
now  exists. 

4.  That  Congress  shall  not  abolish  slavery  in  the  District 
of  Columbia  without  the  consent  of  Maryland  and  the  consent 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  District  nor  without  compensation. 

5.  That    Congress   shall   not   interfere   with  it  he   inter-state 
slave  trade. 

6.  That  there  shall  be  a  perpetual  prohibition  of  the  Afri 
can  slave  trade. 

7.  That  the  line  of  36  deg.  30  min.   shall  be  run  through 
all  ithe  existing  territory  of  the  United  States;  that  in  all  north 
of  that  line,  silavery  shall  ;be  prohibited;  and  that  south  of  that 
line    neither    Congress    nor    the    Territorial    Legislature    shall 
hereafter  pass  any  law  abolishing,  prohibiting,  or  in  any  man 
ner  interfering  with  African  slavery;  and  that  when  any  territory 
containing  a  sufficient  population  for  one  member  of  Congress 


68  A  WONDERFUL  WORK 

in  any  area  of  60,000  square  miles,  s'hall  apply  for  admission  as  a 
state,  it  shall  be  admitted  with  or  without  slavery  as  its  consti 
tution  may  determine. 

Resolved,  That  we  earnestly  request  our  Senators  and 
Representative  in  Congress  to  favor  tihe  immediate  adoption 
of  these  propositions. 

Resolved,  That  the  Union-tloving  citizens  of  those  states 
who  have  labored  and  still  laboir  with  devotion,  courage  and 
patriotism,  to  withhold  their  states  from  tihe  vortex  of  secession, 
are  entitled  to  the  admiration  and  gratitude  of  the  whole 
American  people. 

Resolved,  That  we  cordially  approve  the  recent  special 
message  of  President  Buchanan,  and  that  his  constitutional 
obligations  imposed  up*on  him  the  necessity  for  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  laws,  North  and  South,  and  whenever  necessary 
the  employment  of  the  Army  and  Navy  to  this  end. 

Resolved,  That  the  patriotic  conduct  of  Major  Ander 
son  in  taking  the  responsibility  of  removing  his  command  from 
an  untenable  position  to  Fort  Sumter,  both  being  the  property 
of  the  Government,  deserves  our  warmest  commendation. 

On  motion  of  Col.  George  W.  McCook  the  report 
was  received,  and  after  a  short  and  harmonious  dis 
cussion,  the  resolutions  were  adopted  with  great 
enthusiasm  by  an  overwhelming  majority.  Three 
cheers  were  given  with  a  will  for  Edwin  M.  Stan  ton, 
for  Major  Anderson  and  the  Union. 

While  many  Republicans  were  ready  to  accept 
the  36  degree  30  minute  resolution  for  the  sake  of 
peace  it  was  most  distasteful  to  many  others,  and 
the  same  newspaper  from  which  the  above  account  is 
taken  vigorously  denounced  it,  Lincoln  was  willing 
tq  accept  everything  except  this,  but  insisted  on 
standing  on  his  platform  of  no  extension  of  slavery 
into  the  territories. 

A  copy  of  these  resolutions  was  sent  by  John 
F.  Oliver  to  Stanton  who  received  them  with  approval 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  69 

declaring  in  his  reply  that  "If  the  resolutions  of  your 
meeting  were  sanctioned  by  the  Republican  party  in 
Congress,  I  think  that  the  troubles  that  now  disturb 
and  endanger  the  country  would  speedily  be  remov 
ed."  In  this  Mr.  Stanton  was  mistaken,  as  the  result 
proved.  The  body  politic  wa,s  too  sick  to  be  cured 
with  that  kind  of  panacea  even  if  it  had  ever  been 
available.  A  resolution  to  amend  the  Constitution 
so  as  to  forever  prevent  Congress  from  interfering 
with  slavery  in  any  state  was  passed  in  both  houses 
of  Congress  by  large  majorities;  but  it  had  no  effect 
whatever  in  staying  the  course  of  events.  Even  the 
36 :30  line  was  ignored  when  Dakota,  Nevada,  and 
Colorado  were  organized  as  territories  without  any 
restriction  as  to  slavery.  There  was  but  one  cry  on 
the  part  of  patriots,  "Save  the  Union,"  and  it  was  not 
until  the  stern  logic  of  events  forced  upon  the  coun 
try  the  conviction  that  unless  slavery  was  destroyed 
it  would  destroy  the  Government,  that  old  Abolition 
ists,  Conservative  Republicans  and  loyal  Democrats 
became  a  unit  in  the  conviction  that  it  must  go. 

As  it  was  evident  Fort  Sumter  could  not  be  rein 
forced  with  either  men  or  provisions  without  a  fight 
attention  was  diverted  to  Fort  Pickens  at  Pensacola, 
where  the  IT.  S.  steamer  Brooklyn  arrived  February 
6  with  a  company  of  artillery,  but  an  order  from  the 
President  through  Secretaries  Holt  and  Toucey  pre 
vented  them  from  landing.  Stanton  protested  against 
this  order,  but  Buchanan  was  still  too  much  under 
Southern  influence  to  rescind  it. 

There  was  another  significant  incident  about 
this  time.  General  Sickles,  who  in  the  earlier  Con 
gressional  debates  had  opposed  the  use  of  force  to 


70  A  WONDERFUL  WORK 

preserve  the  Union,  but  who  soon  viewed  the  situa 
tion  differently,  (shall  we  say  through  the  influence 
of  his  friend  Stanton?)  had  offered  a  resolution  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  which  was  adopted, 
providing  for  a  celebration  of  Washington's  birth 
day.  Secretary  of  War  Holt  and  General  Scott  con 
cluded  to  have  a  military  parade  so  far  as  their  slen 
der  resources  would  permit,  both  on  account  of  its 
propriety  and  for  moral  effect.  The  necessary  orders 
were  issued  on  February  21st,  but  in  the  meantime 
the  conspirators  had  heard  of  it,  and  brought  such 
pressure  to  bear  on  President  Buchanan  that  at  8 
o'clock  that  night  he  sent  for  Holt  and  requested  him 
to  revoke  the  orders.  There  was  nothing  to  do  but 
comply,  but  when  the  crowds  gathered  the  next  morn 
ing  to  see  the  parade  the  action  became  public,  caus 
ing  great  indignation.  Gen.  Sickles  rushed  to  the 
War  office,  where  he  found  the  President  and  Secre 
tary,  and  forcibly  urged  that  the  original  plan  be 
carried  out  as  far  as  possible.  The  President  weak 
ened,  and  such  of  the  troops  as  could  be  assembled 
under  the  belated  order  paraded  in  the  afternoon 
and  were  reviewed  by  the  President  and  loyal  mem 
bers  of  the  Cabinet.  Buchanan  afterwards  wrote  to 
Mr.  Tyler,  who  was  leader  of  the!  protesters,  "excus 
ing  himself  for  changing  his  mind  and  his  orders, 
and  apologizing  for  having  permitted  the  army  and 
navy  to  carry  the  flag  of  the  Union  through  the 
streets  of  the  national  capital  on  Washington's  birth 
day." 

When  Stanton  received  intelligence  that  the  so- 
called  Confederate  government  was  to  be  inaugurated 
on  February  8,  he  called  upon  the  President  to  stop 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  71 

it,  but  the  latter  responded  "It  is  now  too  late." 
Stanton  replied,  "It  is  never  too  late  to  save  the  coun 
try,"  and  urged'  that  the  performance  at  Montgomery 
was  only  a  prelude  to  what  might  happen  at  Wash 
ington.  Indeed  there  were  rebel  leaders  who  were 
predicting  the  same  thing.  But  in  one  sense 
Buchanan  was  (right,  he  had  tied  his  hands, 
declared  the  Federal  government  was  impotent, 
and  was  in  no  position  to  interfere  with  the  proceed 
ings  at  Montgomery  even  had  he  so  desired.  But  he 
did  not  so  desire,  not  because  he  was  disloyal,  but 
because  he  shrank  from  the  responsibility  of  any  act 
which  might  bring  on  a  war ;  his  term  was  nearly  out 
and  he  would  leave  his  successor  to  face  the  crisis. 
Stanton  insisted  that  Congress  be  called  upon  to  take 
measures  at  least  for  National  defense  but  nothing 
was  done,  and  the  days  drifted  on  with  rumors  of 
war  and  the  country  in  suspense  until  the  4th  of 
March  ushered  in  a  new  Administration. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

BEGINNING  OF  THE  CONFLICT. 

Lincoln's  Inauguration — Precautions  of  Stanton  and  Scott — 
Impatience  with  the  Administration. — Fall  of  Fort  Sumter 

..and  'Call  for  Troops — "On  to  Richmond"  and  Baittle  of  Bull 
Run — 'McClellan's  First  Meeting  With  Stanton — Former 
Supersedes  Scott — 'Dinners — Drilling  and  Delay — iReomarka- 
ble  Correspondence. 

Thanks  to  the  foresight  of  Stanton,  ably  second 
ed  by  General  Scott,  the  apprehensions  that  there 
wouldl  be  turmoil  attending  the  canvass  of  the  Elec 
toral  vote  or  the  inauguration  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
were  not  realized.  There  was  indeed  little  danger 
of  a  formal  movement  on  the  capital  while  Maryland 
and  Virginia  remained  in  the  Union,  as  according  to 
their  own  doctrines  it  would  be  illegal  for  the  mana 
gers  of  the  Confederate  government  to  invade  a  "Sov 
ereign  State."  But  there  was  plenty  of  material  in 
both  the  states  named  to  have  formed  irregular 
organizations,  which,  with  the  aid  of  the  large  disloyal 
element  in  the  city,  would  have  been  in  position  to 
cause  serious  trouble,  had  it  .not  been  for  the 
precautions  referred  to.  And  there  were  not  want 
ing  men  even  in  Congress  to  protest  against  bringing 
even  these  few  hundred  troops  to  Washington  aa 
calculated  to  wound  Southern  susceptibilities.  Lin 
coln's  inaugural  address  was  conciliatory  and  conser 
vative  but  firm.  He  would  maintain  the  Constitu 
tion;  as  it  was  and  enforce  the  fugitive  slave  law  in 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  73 

good  faith,  but  held  "that  in  contemplation  of  univer 
sal  law  and  of  the  Constitution  the  Union  of  these 
states  is  perpetual.  No  state  upon  its  own  mere 
motion,  can  lawfully  get  out  of  the  Union;  resolves, 
and  ordinances  to  that  effect  are  legally  void;  and 
acts  of  violence  within  any  state  or  states,  against  the 
authority  of  the  United  States,  are  insurrectionary  or 
revolutionary,  according  to  circumstances.  *  * 
To  the  extent  of  my  ability  I  shall  takd  care,  as  the 
Constitution  itself  expressly  enjoins  upon  me,  that 
the  laws  of  the  Union  be  faithfully  executed  in  all 
the  states.  In  doing  this  there  need  be  no  bloodshed 
or  violence,  and  there  shall  be  none  unless  it  be  forced 
upon  the  National  authority.  The  power  confided  to 
me  will  be  used  to  hold,  occupy,  and  possess  the  prop 
erty  and  places  belonging  to  the  government,  and  to 
collect  the  duties  and  imports,  but  beyond  what  may 
be  necessary  for  these  objects  there  will  be  no  inva 
sion,  no  using  of  force  against  or  among  the  people 
anywhere.  *  *  The  mails,  unlesst  repelled,  will 
continue  to  be  furnished  in  all,  parts  of  the  Union." 
The  mail  service  was  in  fact  continued  throughout 
the  South  until  May  27  following. 

Lincoln's  original  Cabinet  was  composed  of  Wm. 
H.  Seward,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  State;  Salmon 
P.  Chase,  of  Ohio,  Treasury;  Simon  Cameron,  of 
Pennsylvania,  War;  Gideon  Welles,  Connecticut, 
Navy;  Caleb  B.  Smith,  Indiana,  Interior;  Edward 
Bates,  Missouri,  Attorney  General,  and  Montgomery 
Blair,  of  Maryland,  Postmaster  General.  In  ability 
and  force  of  character  it  certainly  fell  short  of  the 
Cabinet  which  had  just  retired,  notwithstanding  the 
prominence  of  Seward  and  Chase. 


74  BEGINNING  OF  THE  CONFLICT 

What  would  the  new  Administration  do?  That 
was  what  the  country  was  waiting  to  see.  The  inaug 
ural  programme  was  very  plain,  but  carrying  it  out 
was  another  matter.  The  situation  was  entirely 
different  from  what  it  was  when  Buchanan  sent  his 
December  message  to  Congress,  and  was  considering 
whether  he  should  reinforce  Major  Anderson.  The 
work  that  could  then  have  been  done  by  a  few  hun 
dred  men  would  now  need  as  many  thousands,  and 
had  the  men  been  at  the  disposal  of  the  Government, 
no  available  vessels  could  have  run  the  batteries  now 
encircling  Charleston  harbor  and  garrisoned  by  thous 
ands  of  troops.  General  Scott  gave  it  as  his  opinion 
from  a  military  point  of  viewT  that  the  reinforcement 
of  Fort  Sumter  was  impracticable  and  the  effort 
could  only  result  in  bloodshed  and  defeat,  with  the 
responsibility  of  inaugurating  civil  war.  Major 
Anderson  had  written  "that  I  would  not  be  willing  to 
risk  my  reputation  on  an  attempt  to  throw  reinforce 
ments  into  this  harbor  within  the  time  for  our  relief 
rendered  necessary  by  the  limited  supply  of  our  pro 
visions,  and  with  a  view  of  holding  possession  of  the 
same,  with  a  force  of  less  than  twenty  thousand 
good  well  disciplined  men."  In  place  of  irreg 
ular  proceedings  in  one  state  there  was  now 
a  fully  organized  de  facto  government  whose 
authority  was  acknowledged  in  seven  states;  with 
all  the  machinery  for  taxation  and  other  govern 
mental  functions  in  operation,  and  which  had  already 
provided  for  raising  an  army  of  100,000  men  for 
offensive  and  defensive  purposes.  The  border  states 
including  Virginia,  Maryland,  North  Carolina,  Ken 
tucky,  Tennessee,  Arkansas  and  Missouri  had  not 


,EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON  75 

seceded,  and  there  appeared  to  be  a  preponderance 
of  Union  sentiment  in  all  of  them,  but  in  several  of 
them  at  least  this  statement  needed  qualification. 
While  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee  and 
Arkansas  undoubtedly  preferred  remaining  in  the 
Union  as  it  had  been  with  the  other  Southern  states, 
yet  the  leaders  at  least  were  determined  to  cast  their 
lot  with  their  brethren  farther  south,  and  on  no 
account  permit  an  army  to  march  across  their  terri 
tory  to  sustain  the  rights  of  the  government.  Ken 
tucky,  Maryland  and  Missouri  talked  "neutrality" 
which  soon  disappeared  under  the  exigencies  of  the 
times.  Against  all  this  combination  the  President 
had  with  him  an  empty  treasury,  an  insignificant 
navy  and  some  12,000  or  15,000  available  soldiers. 
To  make  a  decided  move  under  these  circumstances 
was  to  invite  disaster,  and  instead  of  restoring  the 
authority  of  the  Government,  Washington  itself 
would  have  been  lost,  the  President  a  fugitive,  and 
the  Southern  Confederacy  with  its  headquarters  in 
the  National  Capitol  would  have  been  recognized  by 
the  powers  of  the  world,  and  dictated  terms  of  peace 
to  what  was  left  of  the  Union.  True  there  were  the 
Northern  States  with  their  great  resources,  whose 
people  would  not  permit  the  Union  to  be  broken  up 
if  they  could  help  it.  But  those  resources  were  utter 
ly  useless  until  put  in  shape  to  be  made  available. 
China  is  a  country  of  immense  population  and  illim 
itable  resources,  and  although  the  Government  was 
not  as  badly  off  as  that  of  China,  yet  the  reference 
shows  at  once  the  difference  between  naked  resources 
and  their  immediate  availability.  A  single  misstep 
would  have  thrown  all  the  border  states  into  the 
Southern  Confederacy,  and  it  was  far  from  certain 


76  BEGINNING  OF  THE  CONFLICT 

that  the  Northern  people  would,  be  a  unit.  Stephen 
A.  Douglass,  Mr.  Lincoln's  'leading  opponent  hatd 
come  nobly  to  the  front  in  support  of  the  Adminis 
tration,  but  would  the  million  and  a  third  voters 
who  had  supported  him  follow  their  leader?  Dif 
ferences  of  opinion  prevailed  everywhere  in  the 
North.  Even  Union  Democrats  were  slow  in  making 
advances  towards!  the  Republicans  not  knowing  how 
they  would  be  received,  while  others  openly  declared 
that  they  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  a  "Republi 
can  war."  Some  local  elections  indicated  a  falling 
off  in  the  Republican  vote,  which  was  taken  as  evi 
dence  of  a  lack  of  sympathy,  and  Republicans  were 
too  often  suspicious  of  their  new  allies.  There  wrere 
factions  in  the  Cabinet  and  out  of  it,  and  the  country 
was  very  far  from  measuring  Lincoln's  own  great 
ness.  So  far  the  impression  had  not  been  very  fav 
orable  to  the  long,  lank,  homely  man  from  the  West, 
and  Illinois  was  pretty  far  west  in  those  days.  His 
stories  were  quoted  and  his  serious  declarations 
forgotten.  He  knew  the  virtue  of  patient  waiting, 
but  the  public  looked  upon  it  as  ai  sign  of  weakness 
and  indecision.  Washington  City  was  apparently 
composed  of  one  half  rebels  and  the  other  half  office- 
seekers.  The  new  Confederacy  was  sending  a  com 
mission  to  arrange  for  the!  evacuation  of  Fort  Sum- 
ter  and  other  terms  of  settlement,  just  as  South 
Carolina  had  done  three  months  before,  and  seemed 
ta  have  been  encouraged  by  at  least  one  member  of 
the  Cabinet.  In  fact  when  it  was  evident  that  Fort 
Sumter  could  not  be  reinforced  its  evacuation  was 
openly  discussed.  As  a  strategic  point  it  was  worth 
less  any  way,  and  could  be  taken  in  a  few  hours,  but 
from  a  political  and  moral  point  of  view  it  represent- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  TT 

ed  the  sole  assertion  of  National  sovereignty  (with 
the  exception  of  Fort  Pickens  and  Key  West)  within 
the  limits  of  the  so-called  Southern  Confederacy.  It 
might  be  taken  by  force,  but  to  haul  down  the  flag 
and  abandon  it  without  a  struggle  would  encourage 
the  revolt  andj  make  the  Nation  contemptible  in  the 
eyes  of  the  world.  Lincoln  had  no  clear  headed 
thinker  and  resolute  character  like  Stanton  at  his 
elbow  on  which  to  lean,  but  he  worked  out  the  prob 
lem  himself  and  worked  it  out  rightly  as  the  result 
proved,  in  the  meantime  making  an  effort  to  provis 
ion  the  fort. 

Mr.  Stanton  in  the  meantime  had  resumed  his 
law  practice  in  Washington,  but  kept  a  close  eye  on 
public  events.  He  had  promised  to  keep  his  friend 
Buchanan  posted  as  to  the  course  of  events  in  Wash 
ington.  He  was  naturally  disgusted  with  much  that 
he  saw,  the  hordes  of  officeseekers,  the  open  boasts  of 
the  Secessionists  and  the  apparent  vacilation  of  the 
Administration.  To  a  person  of  his  energetic  and 
decisive  nature  the  last  was  doubtless  the  greatest 
evil  of  all,  and  he  does  not  hesitate  to  criticise  and 
denounce  the  men  who  were  running  the  Government 
from  Lincoln  down.  It  is  not  necessary  to  quote 
from  his  letters  at  this  time  as  they  are  easily  acces 
sible  in  several  publications.  He  has  been  severely 
censured  for  these  letters  which  were  private  com 
munications,  but  without  just  cause.  The  same  cen 
sure  was  coming  from  others  of  every  shade  of  poli 
tics,  and  it  did  seem  to  many  as  though  the  ship  of 
state  was  being  allowed  to  drift  on  the  rocks  through 
the  supineness  of  its  officers.  The  time  arrived  when 
Mr.  Stanton,  like  thousands  of  his  countrymen  came 


78  BEGINNING  OF  THE  CONFLICT 

to  hare  a  very  different  estimate  of  Lincoln,  from 
what  they  then  expressed. 

The  bombardment  of  Fort  Sumter  began  at  4 :30 
A.  M.  on  April  12,  and  when  the  people  of  the  United 
States  sat  down  to  breakfast  on  that  morning  they 
knew  that  the  last  peaceful  argument  had  ended. 
Henceforth  it  was  to  be  an  appeal  to  arms.  Stanton, 
writing  to  Buchanan  on  that  day,  said :  "We  have 
the  war  upon  us.  The  telegraphic  news  of  this  morn 
ing  you  will  have  seen  before  this  reaches  you.  The 
impression  here  is  held  by  many,  1st,  that  the  efforts 
to  reinforce  will  be  a  failure;  2d,  that  in  less  than 
twenty-four  hours  from  this  time  Anderson  will  have 
surrendered;  3d,  that  in  less  than  thirty  days  Davis 
wrill  be  in  possession  of  Washington."  Mr.  Stanton 
was  correct  in  his  statements  that  these  were  the 
impressions  of  the  Washington  public,  and  the  first 
two  were  substantially  right,  while  the  third  was  a 
misguess,  although  had  the  Confederates  possessed  an 
organized  army  convenient,  they  could  have  captured 
the  capital  in  spite  of  the  small  garrison  of  regulars 
collected  there. 

Maj.  Anderson  had  already  informed  the  Charles 
ton  authorities  that  his  provisions  would  not  last 
longer  than  the  loth,  and  that  he  would  surrender  on 
that  day,  unless  relief  or  contrary  orders  arrived,  and 
the  question  naturally  arises  why  did  not  the  besieg 
ers  wait  and  thus  peacefully  gain  their  end?  Jeffer 
son  Davis  says  in  his  book  that  it  was  the  fear  of  rein 
forcements,  and  it  was  known  that  vessels  were  on 
their  way  to  Charleston,  which  arrived  about  the  time 
the  bombardment  began.  But  it  was  also  known  that 
no  vessel  then  owned  by  the  Government  could  run 
the  gauntlet  of  the  batteries  of  Charleston  harbor, 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  79 

and  peaceful  provisioning  was  the  utmost  that  could 
be  accomplished.  But  doubts  were  arising  in  the 
South  as  to  the  wisdom  of  the  secession  movement, 
especially  in  view  of  the  conciliatory  position  of  the 
Government.  President  Lincoln's  waiting  policy, 
although  criticised  even  by  Republicans  was  having 
some  effect,  and  there  were  signs  of  a  reaction.  Some 
thing  was  needed  to  crystalize  the  South  and  bring 
the  waverers  into  line.  "Strike  a  blow,"  said  Roger 
A.  Pryor,  who  was  then  in  Charleston,  and  Virginia 
will  be  in  the  Southern  Confederacy  in  less  than  an 
hour."  The  blow  was  struck,  and  the  bombardment 
continued  until  Sunday  afternoon  the  14th  inst.  when 
Major  Anderson  and  his  little  garrison  sur 
rendered.  Charleston  gave  itself  up  to  wild  enthusi 
asm,  w^hich  infected  all  the  seceded  states.  But 
while  the  conspirators  were  bent  on  consolidating  the 
South,  they  had  not  counted  on  consolidating  the 
North.  The  President  at  once  issued  his  call  for 
75,000  troops,  which  was  greeted  by  such  an  outburst 
of  patriotism  as  the  world  has  never  seen.  For  the 
time  being  all  political  differences  were  forgotten. 
Mr.  Buchanan  wrote  from  his  home  at  Wheatland, 
Pa. :  "The  North  will  sustain  the  Administration 
almost  to  a  man."  Douglass  traveled  from  one  city 
to  another,  addressing  enormous  crowds,  intense 
loyalty  pointing  every  utterance,  and  volunteers  came 
faster  than  they  could  be  handled.  For  the  time 
being  at  least  there  wrere  no  Republicans  or  Demo 
crats,  but  all  were  for  the  Union.  The  Union  senti 
ment  by  this  time  had  been  so  far  overcome  in  Vir 
ginia,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee  and  Arkansas  that 
these  states  were  forced  into  the  Southern  Confeder- 


80  BEGINNING  OF  THE  CONFLICT 

acy,  although  there  was  strong  opposition  in  all  of 
them,  especially  in  the  mountain  regions.  The  effort 
to  drag  Maryland,  Kentucky  and  Missouri  in  the 
same  direction  signally  failed;  there  never  was  any 
hesitancy  in  Delaware.  Fernando  Wood,  Mayor  of 
New  York  City,  had  made  the  preposterous  proposi 
tion  that  the  city  should  secede  from  the  State  and 
ally  itself  with  the  rebels,  but  in  the  patriotic  ground- 
swell  all  this  was  forgotten. 

But  patriotism  could  not  do  everything.  These 
crude  untrained  levies  must  be  trained  and  organized. 
The  way  to  the  capital  lay  through  a  semi-hostile  ter 
ritory;  volunteers  were  attacked  on  the  streets  of 
Baltimore,  and  there  the  first  blood  was  shed  for  the 
Union.  The  South  had  gained  an  immense  start, 
her  troops  had  been  training  for  months  under  exper 
ienced  officers  educated  by  the  Government  at  West 
Point,  and  their  leaders  openly  boasted  that  they 
would  be  in  Washington  by  May  1.  Then  there  were 
numerous  other  drawbacks.  Men  flocked  to  Wash 
ington,  hoping  to  get  rich  quickly  out  of  army  con 
tracts  or  secure  lucrative  positions  for  which  they 
were  in  no  way  fitted.  Party  spirit  began  to  show  its 
head  again,  and  Republicans  and  Democrats  were 
mutually  suspicious  of  each  other.  The  bulk  of  the 
new  officeholders  were  naturally  Republicans,  and 
although  Dix,  Butler,  Stan  ton  and  many  of  the  other 
party  were  ready  to  come  to  the  front  their  advances 
wrere  not  always  cordially  received.  Mr.  Stan  ton 
was  engaged  in  active  correspondence  at  this  time 
with  Mr.  Buchanan  and  John  A.  Dix,  and  he  was  not 
the  man  to  avoid  expressing  his  opinions  when  the 
occasion  arose.  The  situation  at  Washington  exas- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  81 

perated  him  beyond  endurance,  the  manifest  corrup 
tion,  the  apparent  inadequacy  of  the  Government  to 
cope  with  the  situation  and  the  general  feeling  of 
insecurity  are  graphically  portrayed.  Mr.  Lincoln 
comes  in  for  a  full  share  of  criticism,  and  if  his 
remarks  on  the  general  situation  are  severe  it  must 
be  remembered  that  they  were  not  more  so  than  many 
of  the  Northern  speakers  and  newspapers.  He  lived 
to  revise  his  opinion  concerning  Lincoln,  and  the  Pres 
ident  had  no  support  stronger  or  more  loyal  than 
Stanton  in  the  dark  days  of  the  civil  war  which  fol 
lowed. 

President  Lincoln  had  issued  a  proclamation 
calling  a  special  session  of  Congress  on  July  4  to 
which  a  message  was  sent  which  was  an  able  state 
paper,  showing  the  Government's  position  up  to  that 
time,  and  calling  for  500,000  volunteers,  a  loan  of 
1250,000,000,  and  new  taxes  aggregating  $100,000,- 
000  a  year.  Meanwhile  the  Federal  Army  in  process 
of  organization  had  crossed  the  Potomac  river  into 
Virginia,  occupying  Alexandria,  and  having  several 
skirmishes  of  no  particular  importance.  By  the  mid 
dle  of  July  a  strong  public  sentiment  had  arisen 
urging  an  immediate  advance  on  Eichmond  where 
the  Confederate  Congress  was  to  meet  on  July  20. 
"On  to  Richmond"  became  the  general  cry,  and  the 
Administration  under  the  pressure  of  public  opinion 
put  the  army  in  motion  under  General  McDowell. 
His  force  met  that  of  the  enemy  in  full  force  on  Sun 
day,  July  21,  and  the  result  is  well  known.  There 
is  not  space  to  discuss  the  military  features  of  that 
battle  which  ended  in  the  panic  and  retreat  to  Wash 
ington.  It  was  not  then  known  that  the  Confederates 


82  BEGINNING  OP  THE  CONFLICT 

were  nearly  as  badly  demoralized  as  the  Union  forces, 
and  none  outside  the  military  authorities  would  have 
been  surprised  to  see  the  stars  and  bars  in  Washing 
ton  the  next  day.  Mr.  Stanton  in  a  letter  to  his 
brother-in-law  C.  P.  Wolcott,  who  resided  at  the  cor 
ner  of  High  and  Adams  streets,  Steubenville,  wrote: 

Affairs  in  Washington  are  to  some  degree  recovering 
from  the  'horrible  condition  exhibited  on  Monday  and  Tuesday, 
the  disorganized  rabble  of  destitute  soldiers  is  being  cleared 
from  the  streets  by  slow  degrees,  the  army  officers  are  not 
swarming  so  thickly  in  the  .'hotels'  and  taverns,  and  are  perhaps 
beginning  to  join  their  men.  The  enemy  have  advanced  to 
Fairfax,  and  their  movements  are  as  unpenetrated  a  mystery  as 
foefore.  Wihy  they  did  not  take  possession  of  the  city,  as  they 
might  have  done  without  serious  resistance  on  Monday  and 
Tuesday,  is  a  marvel.  The  "Tribune"  struck  a  mighty  blow  on 
Tuesday  at  >the  cause  of  this  and  all  the  other  late  disasters. 
The  effort  to  cast  the  <blame  on  the  "White  Plume  of  Navarre" 
(McDowell)  proves  a  ridiculous  failure.  Tihe  confident  boast 
ings  of  the  Grand  Army's  march  were  too  recent  to  be  forgot 
ten.  McDowell  is  flat  at  present,  but  wiho  knows  the  same 
influence  'may  pick  him  up  again,'  Great  expectations  are  had 
of  McClellan.  But  will  'he  not  be  thwarted  by  Scott's  jealousy 
and  cabinet  intrigues  at  every  step?  There  may  be  some  reason 
to  fear  ithat  ihis  arrival  will  be  retarded  by  General  Lee.  With 
all  the  calamity  that  is  upon  us  I  still  do  not  by  any  means 
despair  of  the  Republic.  The  power  of  endurance,  I  think,  will 
prove  equal  to  the  occasion,  and  if  our  people  can  bear  wi'h 
this  iCabinet,  they  will  be  able  to  support  a  great  many  disas 
ters. 

On  July  26  Mr.  Stanton  wrote  to  ex-President 
Buchanan  practically  to  the  same  effect.  That  Mr. 
Stanton  at  this  time  expressed  the  views  of  many 
Union  Democrats  as  well  as  Republicans  is  not 
doubted.  That  he  afterwards  changed  these  views  as 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  83 

to  the  leading  characters  mentioned  is  equally  cer 
tain. 

While  demoralization  seemed  to  prevail  at  Wash 
ington  the  country  was  encouraged  by  a  series  of 
small  battles  in  the  mountain  region  of  West  Vir 
ginia,  which  practically  drove  the  rebels  from  that 
section,  which  had  already  manifested  its  loyalty  to 
the  Union  and  a  determination  not  to  follow  the 
eastern  section  of  the  state  in  its  partnership  with 
the  Southern  Confederacy.  This  department  was 
under  command  of  General  George  B.  McClellan,  and 
although  the  victories  were  won  directly  by  subordi 
nates  the  general  credit  was  not  improperly  assigned 
to  him.  He  was  34  years  of  age,  a  graduate  of  West 
Point,  had  served  in  the  Mexican  war,  watched  the 
struggle  in  the  Crimea  as  Commissioner  from  the 
United  States,  and  was  subsequently  chief  engineer 
and  vice  president  of  the  Illinois  Central  railroad  and 
President  of  the  Eastern  Division  of  the  Ohio  &  Mis 
sissippi  railroad,  now  the  B.  £  O.  Southwestern.  He 
was  made  a  Major  General  in  May,  1861,  when  fol 
lowed  the  West  Virginia  campaign  already  referred 
to.  In  addition  he  had  a  handsome  appearance  and 
winning  personal  qualities  which  gained  for  him 
friends  at  first  sight,  and  for  a  time  made  him  the 
idol  of  the  army.  His  capacity  for  organization  and 
preparation  for  a  campaign  has  never  been  question 
ed.  So  when  the  disaster  occurred  at  Bull  Run,  and 
political  pressure  as  much  as  anything  else  demanded 
a  change  of  commanders,  McClellan  was  the  logical 
successor  to  McDowell,  and  he  came  direct  to  Wash 
ington.  While  the  demoralization  was  marked  it 
would  be  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  everybody  was 


84  BEGINNING  OF  THE  CONFLICT 

panic  stricken.  The  extent  of  the  disaster  was  real 
ized  on  Monday,  and  on  Tuesday  President  Lincoln 
visited  the  camps  to  speak  words  of  encouragement 
to  the  soldiers,  and  Congress  preserved  the  even  tenor 
of  its  way,  discussing  and  legislating  to  meet  the 
emergency;  and  among  other  things  passing  an  act 
confiscating  all  property  used  in  aid  of  the  insurrec 
tion,  which  was  the  beginning  of  the  anti  slavery  leg 
islation,  for  slaves  had  been  used  in  constructing 
Confederate  forts  and  intrenchments.  But  that  sub 
ject  was  still  too  delicate  to  bear  any  rough  handling. 
General  Butler  in  command  at  Fortress  Monroe  ar 
rived  at  a  rather  ingenious  solution  so  far  as  his 
department  was  concerned  by  declaring  slaves  who 
flocked  into  his  lines  "contraband  of  war,"  and  put 
them  to  work.  A  proclamation  by  General  Fremont 
freeing  slaves  in  Missouri  was  modified  by  the  Presi 
dent  to  conform  to  the  Confiscation  Act. 

McClellan,  on  his  arrival  at  Washington  with 
the  full  concurrence  of  the  President  and  General 
Scott  set  to  work  to  reorganize  the  army.  New  volun 
teers  were  coming  in  under  the  recent  act  of  Congress, 
hourly,  and  his  handsome  figure  was  everywhere  in  evi 
dence  no  less  than  the  promises  of  great  things  which 
fell  from  his  polished  tongue.  He  was  a  fluent  writer, 
and  both  his  public  and  private  letters  bear  witness 
to  the  fact  that  whatever  others  might  think,  in  his 
own  mind  at  least,  he  was  in  fact  the  State,  all 
others  from  the  President  down  were  simply  puppets 
to  dance  when  he  pulled  the  strings.  In  comparison 
with  him  Louis  XIV.  was  a  nonentity.  That  Stan-ton 
was  friendly  to  McClellan  is  evident  from  his  letters 
quoted  above.  But  when  McClellan  asserts  as  he  does 


EDWIN  McMASTBBS  STANTON  85 

in  "Battles  and  Leaders  of  the  Civil  War"  that  upon 
his  arrival  in  Washington,  "He   (Stanton)   at  once 
sought  me  and  professed  the  utmost  personal  affec 
tion,"  he  is  not  only  out  of  line  with  the  facts  but  con 
tradicts  his  subsequent  statement  in  his  "Own  Story" 
wherein  he  says  he  was  first  introduced  to  Mr.  Stan- 
ton  a  few  weeks  after  reaching  Washington  as  a  safe 
adviser  on*  legal  points.     Just  when  this  was  is  told 
by  S.  L.  M.  Barlow,  an  eminent  New  York  attorney 
who  went  to  Washington  at  the  request  of  General 
McClellan  a  few  days  after  the  seizure  of  the  Confed 
erate  Commissioners  Mason  and  Slidell  by  Captain 
Wilkes  of  the  U.  S.  steamer  San  Jacinto  from  the 
British  mail  steamer  Trent,  which  had  created  such  a 
furore  in  Great  Britain.     McClellan,  who  had  been 
asked  to  attend  a  Cabinet  meeting  the  next  day,  asked 
Barlow's  opinion  as  to  the  right  to  hold  the  envoys. 
What  McClellan  had  to  do  with  this  phase  of  the 
question  is  not  clear,  but  Barlow  replied  that  the 
matter  was  so  serious  that  he  preferred  to  ask  some 
other  lawyer  to  aid  him,  and  says :    "He  ( McClella  u ) 
asked,  'Whom  would  you  go  to?7     I  answered,  'To 
Mr.  Stanton,  who  is  an  able  lawyer.'    He  assented  to 
this,  though  he  did  not  know  Mr.   Stanton."     Mr. 
Barlow   reached   the  conclusion   after  a  conference 
with  Mr.  Stanton  that  the  right  to  hold  Mason  and 
Slidell  was  doubtful,  and  adds:    "I  made  the  report 
to  General  McClellan,  who  was  much  inclined,  never 
theless,  to  hold  the  envoys  and  risk  a  war  with  En 
gland.     The  same  evening  I  presented  Mr.  Stanton, 
which  was  the  beginning  of  their  acquaintance.  From 
that  evening  for  a  week  or  thereabouts  Mr.  Stantoa 
was  consulted  by  the  General  every  day  and  some- 


86          BEGINNING  OF  THE  CONFLICT 

times  both  in  the  morning  early  and  in  the  evening." 
So  it  was  not  until  about  the  middle  of  November  that 
Stanton  and  McClellan  met,  and  when  Mr.  Barlow 
reached  home,  he  wrote  to  Stanton  under  date  of 
November  21  inquiring  about  the  Trent  affair  and 
expressing  confidence  in  McClellan.  Stanton  replied 
on  the  23d  that  nothing  on  that  subject  had  trans 
pired  and  closed  with  this  significant  sentence:  "I 
think  the  General's  true  course  is  to  mind  his  own 
department  and  win  a  victory.  After  that  all  other 
things  will  be  of  easy  settlement" 

A  long  time  ago  a  man,  whose  reputation  for 
patience  has  come  down  through  thei  ages,  reached  a 
point  where  even  that  virtue  seems  to  have  lost  its 
effect,  and  exclaimed.  "Oh!  that  mine  enemy  would 
write  a  book."  This  patriarch  was  a  philosopher,  and 
knew  that  if  the  aforesaid  enemy  would  only  put  his 
thoughts  down  in  writing  he  could  not  fail  to  reveal 
his  true  character  sooner  or  later  in  letters  so  plain 
that  all  who  would  might  read.  If  ever  there  was  a 
publication  to  which  this  reasoning  would  apply  it  is 
McClellan's  "Own  Story."  In  it  he  has  completely 
settled  questions  which  before  its  publication  were 
matters  of  controversy,  and  settled  them  adversely  to 
himself.  In  his  supposed  defense  and  in  the  letters 
written  to  his  wife  and  others  there  published  for  the 
first  time  he  has  made  a  stronger  case  against  him 
self  than  any  prepared  by  his  enemies,  and  the  cur 
ious  part  of  it  all  is  that  he  seems  blissfully  uncon 
scious  of  the  effect  of  his  own  revelations,  displaying 
a  state  of  mind  which  is  peculiar  to  say  the  least. 
As  the  letters  written  after  he  was  given  command 
of  the  army  of  the  Potomac  throw  much  light  on  his 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  87 

subsequent  career,  especially  his  relations  with  Stan- 
ton,  a  few  sample  extracts  are  herewith  given.     On 
July  27   McClellan   was   assigned   to   command   the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  on  that  day  he  wrote  to 
his  wife:    "I  find  myself  in  a  new  and  strange  posi 
tion  here.     President,  Cabinet,  and  General  Scott  and 
all,  deferring  to  me.     By  some  strange  operation  of 
magic  I  seem  to  have  become  the  power  of  the  land." 
Congress  remained  in  session  until  August  6,  en 
acting  a  great  deal  of  valuable  legislation,  and  he 
writes  on  July  30,  concerning  a  visit  to  the  Senate: 
"Was  quite  overwhelmed  by  the  congratulations  I 
received,  and  the  respect  with  which  I  was  treated. 
I  suppose  half  a  dozen  of  the  oldest  made  the  remark 
I  am  becoming  so  much  used  to:     'Why,  how  young 
you  look ;  and  yet  an  old  soldier.'     They  give  me  my 
way  in  everything.     Full  swing  and  unbounded  con 
fidence.     All  tell  me  that  I  am  held  responsible  for 
the  fate  of  the  nation,  and  that  its  resources  shall 
be  placed  at  my  disposal."     Certainly  one  could  not 
ask  for  more,  and  our  "young  Napoleon"  whose  head 
seems  by  this  time  to  have  been  badly  turned,  on 
August  2,   writes:     "I  handed  to  the  President  to 
night  a  carefully  considered  plan  for  conducting  the 
war  on  a  large  scale.     I  shall  carry  this  thing  on 
en  grande  and  crush  out  the  rebellion  in  one  cam 
paign.     I  flatter  myself  that  Beauregard  has  gained 
his  last  victory." 

How  he  found  time  to  prepare  a  "carefully 
considered  plan"  of  such  magnitude  in  the  previous 
five  days  largely  devoted  to  social  functions  and 
public  exhibitions  is  not  explained,  but  from  subse 
quent  complaints  the  "plan"  seems  to  have  been  cold- 


88  BEGINNING  OF  THE  CONFLICT 

ly  received,  in  fact  it  was  an  outline  of  plans  practic 
ally  already  adopted  by  the  Government. 

As  General  Scott,  McClellan's  superior  officer, 
had  apparently  ceased  "deferring"  to  him  his  tone 
suddenly  changed.  "He  understands  nothing;  he 
appreciates  nothing,"  and  on  August  9  he  indites 
this  astonishing  communication:  "General  Scott 
is  the  great  obstacle.  He  will  not  comprehend  the 
danger.  I  have  to  fight  my  way  against  him.  To 
morrow  the  question  will  probably  be  decided  by 
giving  me  absolute  control,  independent  of  him.  I 
suppose  it  will  result  in  enmity  on  his  part  against 
me,  but  I  have  no  choice.  The  people  call  on  me  to 
save  the  country.  I  must  save  it,  and  cannot 
respect  anything  that  is  in  the  way.  I  receive  letter 
after  letter,  have  conversation  after  conversation, 
calling  on  me  to  save  the  nation,  alluding  to  the 
presidency,  dictatorship,  etc.  As  I  hope  one  day  to 
be  united  forever  with  you  in  heaven,  I  have  no  such 
aspirations.  I  would  cheerfully  take  the  dictator 
ship  and  agree  to  lay  down  my  life  when  the  country 
is  saved.  I  am  not  spoiled  by  my  new  unexpected 
position." 

By  August  16  he  seems  to  have  worked  himself 
up  to  a  state  of  terror,  and  writes:  "I  am  here  in 
a  terrible  place;  the  enemy  have  from  three  to  four 
times  my  force  (the  enemy  had  about  one- third)  ;  the 
President,  the  old  General,  cannot  or  will  not  see  the 
true  state  of  affairs.  *  *  If  my  men  will  only 
fight  I  think  I  can  thrash  him  notwithstanding  the 
disparity  of  numbers.  I  am  weary  of  all  this.  *  * 
A  heavy  rain  is  swelling  the  Potomac;  if  it  can  be 
made  impassable  for  a  week  we  are  saved." 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  89 

He  does  not  explain  how  the  rains  would  pre 
vent  the  Confederates  from,  shelling  the  city  from 
the  heights  south  of  the  river,  which  he  had  appre 
hended  on  his  first  arrival  at  Washington.  As  time 
passed  and  Beauregard  did  not  attack  his  courage 
rose,  and  by  August  20,  he  concludes:  "I  can  now 
defend  Washington  with  almost  perfect  certainty. 
In  a  week  I  ought  to  be  perfectly  safe,  and  be  pre 
pared  to  defend  all  Maryland;  in  another  week  to 
advance  our  position." 

By  September  6  he  concludes  that  "If  B.  attacks 
now,  he  would  be  defeated  with  terrible  loss.  I  feel 
now  perfectly  secure  against  any  attack.  The  next 
thing  will  be  to  attack  him."  A  few  days  after  he 
writes:  "I  inclose  a  carti  just  received  from  A. 
Lincoln,  which  shows  too  much  deference  to  be  shown 
outside."  *  *  *  I  am  becoming  daily  more  dis 
gusted  with  this  administration;  perfectly  sick  of  it." 

On  October  6  he  writes:  "I  do  not  expect  to 
fight  a  battle  near  Washington ;  probably  none  will 
be  fought  until  I  advance,  and  that  I  will  not  do  until 
I  am  fully  ready.  *  *  A  long  time  must  elapse 
before  I  can  do  this,  and  I  expect  all  the  newspapers 
to  abuse  me  for  delay,  but  I  will  not  mind  that." 

On  the  10th  he  wrote:  "There  are  some  of  the 
greatest  geese  in  the  Cabinet  I  have  ever  seen ;  enough 
to  tax  the  patience  of  Job." 

So  the  days  ripened  into  weeks  and  the  weeks 
into  months,  and  still  the  monotonous  headline 
appears  in  the  newspapers:  "All  quiet  on  the  Poto 
mac."  In  the  meantime  the  Confederates  were 
placing  batteries  along  the  river  shutting  off  Wash 
ington  from  the  sea,  With  a  little  assistance  from 


90  BEGINNING  OF  THE  CONFLICT 

the  army  the  naval  officers  professed  their  ability 
to  keep  the  river  open.  In  spite  of  urging  McClel- 
lan  failed  to  give  that  assistance,  and  a  complete 
blockade  was  established.  In  his  testimony  after 
wards  McClellan  said  he  never  regarded  the  obstruc 
tion  of  the  Potomac  as  of  vital  importance;  its  im 
portance  was  more  moral  than  physical! 

By  the  middle  of  October  he  concluded  that 
General  Scott  was  an  obstacle  in  his  path  which 
should  be  removed.  In  fact  he  had  persistently 
ignored  his  superior  for  some  time  past,  even  to  the 
extent  of  disobeying  direct  orders,  and  communicat 
ing  with  the  President  and  Secretary  of  War  without 
any  regard  to  his  chief.  Such  a  spirit  carried  through 
the  army  would  have  been  subversive  of  all  discipline, 
and  naturally  displeased  the  old  hero,  who  had  so 
heartily  welcomed  his  junior  officer  to  Washington. 
On  October  4,  Scott  addressed  a  passionate  remon 
strance  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  but  the  "Young 
Napoleon's"  star  was  in  the  ascendant  and  it  does 
not  seem  to  have  had  any  effect.  Finally,  on  October 
31st  he  sent  in  his  resignation,  and  on  the  next  da> 
McClellan  succeeded  to  the  command  of  all  the 
armies  of  the  United  States. 

There  was  no  doubt  a  general  feeling  of  relief 
at  the  change.  General  Scott  was  full  of  years,  and 
his  infirmities  were  such  as  to  prevent  him  taking 
the  place  in  the  field  afterwards  occupied  by  Grant, 
but  his  past  record  of  long  and  faithful  services  to 
the  country,  his  unswerving  loyalty  when  Virginia, 
his  native  State  endeavored  to  cut  loose  from  the 
Union,  the  sundering  of  the  old  ties  which  had  bound 
him  to  Lee  and  many  of  his  associates  on  the  battle- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  91 

fields  of  Mexico,  have  linked  his  name  inseparably 
with  his  country's  history  and  all  that  is  highest  and 
best  in  unselfish  patriotism. 

The  President  called  on'  the  new  commander 
with  congratulations  to  which  McClellan  answered: 
"I  feel  as  if  several  tons  were  taken  from  my  should 
ers  today.  I  am  now  in  contact  with  you  and  the 
Secretary.  I  am  not  embarrassed  by  intervention." 
Everybody  thought,  "now  we  shall  see  something." 
But  things  went  on  as  before,  drilling  by  day  and 
letter  writing  at  night. 

The  Trent  affair  has  already  been  referred  to 
and  how  it  became  the  means  of  introducing  McClel 
lan  to  Mr.  Stanton.  They  naturally  became  quite 
friendly,  and  although  as  we  have  seen  Mr.  Stanton 
never  became  fully  imbued  with  the  idea  that  the 
duties  of  President,  Secretary  of  State  and  Secretar 
ies  of  War  and  Navy  had  been  transferred  to  the 
young  commander.  On  November  17  McClellan 
wrote  to  his  wife.  "I  shall  try  again  to  write  a  few 
lines  before  I  go  to  Stanton's  to  ascertain  what  the 
law  of  nations  is  on  this  Slidell  and  Mason  seizure." 

A  few  days  later  he  again  writes :  "I  have  been 
at  work  all  day  nearly  on  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of 
War,  in  regard  to  future  military  operations.  I 
have  not  been  at  home  for  some  three  hours,  but  am. 
concealed  at  Stanton's  to  dodge  all  enemies  in  the 
shape  of  browsing  Presidents.  *  *  *  One  A.  M. 
I  am  pretty  thoroughly  tired  out.  The  paper  is  a 
very  important  one,  and  is  intended  to  place  on 
record  that  I  have  left  nothing  undone  to  make  this 
army  what  it  ought  to  be  and  that  the  necessity  for 
delay  has  not  been  my  fault.  I  have  a  set  of  men 


92  BEGINNING  OF  THE  CONFLICT 

to  deal  with  unscrupulous  and  false.  If  possible, 
they  will  throw  whatever  blame  there  is  on  my 
shoulders,  and  I  do  not  intend  to  be  sacrificed  by 
such  people." 

As  the  only  "people"  who  had  any  control  over 
McClellan  were  President  Lincoln  and  Secretary  of 
War  Cameron,  who  were  stretching  every  nerve  to 
help  him,  only  beseeching  him  to  do  something,  the 
weight  of  the  above  special  pleading  can  easily  be 
determined. 

The  general  impatience  at  what  seemed  to  be 
extending  into  everlasting  delay  finally  began  to  be 
so  pronounced  that  on  December  21,  the  Congress 
ional  Committee  on  Conduct  of  the  War  requested 
an  interview  with  General  McClellan.  He  promised 
to  be  present  on  the  23d,  but  was  ill  on  that  day,  and 
did  not  appear  until  January  15,  during  which 
period  even  a  show  of  military  preparations  ceased. 
But  in  the  meantime  the  committee  had  been  taking 
other  testimony,  which  showed  that  the  Washington 
fortifications  were  inadequately  garrisoned,  and  that 
with  twTo  exceptions  none  of  the  subordinate  Generals 
knew  anything  of  McClellan's  plans  except  Franklin 
and  Porter,  who  declined  to  give  them  without  hts 
permission.  But  nobody  except  Porter?  could  see 
anything  to  prevent  the  army  moving  at  once,  and 
he  declined  to  give  his  reasons.  So  everybody  was 
left  in  the  dark,  and,  as  Nicolay  and  Hay  express  it, 
"the  military  machine  both  east  and  west,  was  not 
only  at  a  complete  standstill,  but  was  without  a 
programme." 


CHAPTER  V. 

SECRETARY  OF  WAR. 

McClellan's  Misstatements — Gen.  Stone  and  Ball's  Bluff — 
Eckert's  Promotion — More  Vigorous  Prosecution  of  the 
War — Order  for  General  Movement — Victories  in  the  West — 
Stanton  Disclaims  Credit — Battle  of  the  Ironclads — Stanton's 
Norfolk  Campaign. 

On  January  11,  1862,  there  was  an  important 
change  in  the  Cabinet.    Simon  Cameron  retired  from 
the  office  of  Secretary  of  War,  and  Edwin  M.  Stanton 
was  appointed  in  his  place.    The  latter  was  confirmed 
by  the  Senate  on  the  13th,  and  Cameron  was  appoint 
ed  Minister  to  Russia.     Mr.  Cameron  could  not  have 
been  considered  as  a  successful  administrator,  and 
during  the  later  phases  of  the  McClellan  controversy 
he  had  sunk  to  a  cipher.     Like  Generals  Fremont  and 
Hunter  he  had  advanced  views  in  regard  to  liberating 
slaves,  which  Mr.  Lincoln  had  determined  to  control 
in  his  own  time  and  manner,  and  there  were  stories 
of  corrupt  army  contracts  due  at  least  to  lack  of 
vigilance.     But  beyond  all  these  matters  the  Presi 
dent  doubtless  recognized  the  fact  that  military  mat 
ters  were  in  bad  shape,  and  wanted  more  vigor  in  that 
direction.    As  seven  cities  claimed  the  honor  of  Hom 
er's  birthplace,  so  there  have  not  been  lacking  those 
who  are  willing  to  be  credited  with  having  suggested 
the  appointment  of  the  new  war  minister.     Nicolay 
and   Hay   say   the   matterf  was  discussed   privately 
among  Cameron,   Seward  and  Chase,   that  they  all 


94  SECRETARY  OF  WAR 

joined  in  the  opinion  that  the  most  agreeable  and 
fittest  successor  in  the  War  Department  would  be 
Stanton,  and  that  each  of  them  was  impressed  with 
the  belief  that  he  alone  was  the  chief  agency  in  bring 
ing  about  a  change  and  especially  in  selecting  the 
man  destined  to  become  the  greatest  war  minister  the 
Government  has  ever  had.  But  the  conclusion  is 
that  the  appointment  was  Lincoln's  own  work.  Even 
had  he  preferred  Judge  Holt,  whose  appointment 
would  have  met  with  general  acceptance,  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  not  the  man  to  consult  his  personal  pref 
erences  when  the  country's  interest  was  at  stake,  and 
to  discover  the  motive  which  controlled  Stanton's 
appointment  we  have  only  to  refer  back  to  the  inter 
view  related  on  page  No.  42.  As  there  stated  Mr. 
Stanton's  appointment  had  occurred  to  him  when 
making  up  his  cabinet  the  previous  year,  but  the  call 
had  not  then  been  so  strong  as  to  demand  the  efface- 
ment  of  party  lines  and  personal  sentiment.  It  was  a 
good  thing  for  both  men  that  the  more  they  were 
thrown  together  the  more  they  grew  to  respect  and 
love  each  other. 

It  was  hardly  to  be  expected  that  McClellan 
would  keep  his  fingers  out  of  this  pie,  and  accordingly 
on  page  153  of  his  "Own  Story"  he  tells  of  Stanton 
calling  on  him  immediately  after  his  nomination.  "He 
said  that  acceptance  would  involve  great  sacrifices  on 
his  part,  and  that  the  only  possible  inducement  was 
that  he  might  have  it  in  his  power  to  aid  me  in  put 
ting  down  the  rebellion,  by  devoting  all  his 
energy  and  ability  to  my  assistance,  and  that  together 
we  could  soon  bring  the  war  to  a  close.  If  I 
wrished  him  to  accept  he  would  do  so,  but  on  my  ac- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  95 

count  only.  He  had  come  to  know  my  wishes  and 
determine  accordingly.  I  told  him.  I  hoped  he  would 
accept  the  nomination." 

Can  any  one  who  had  the  slightest  acquaintance 
with  Edwin  M.  Stanton  give  the  slightest  credence 
to  this  preposterous  story?  It  certainly  would  require 
a  strong  effort  of  the  imagination  to  picture  the  fiery 
and  robust  Stanton  kowtowing  thus  to  anybody— least 
of  all  to  a  character  like  McClellan.  Such  a  perform 
ance  and  statements  are  contrary  to  the  whole  nature 
of  the  man,  and  are  as  inconsistent  with  his  manner 
and  methods  as  is  the  claim  of  Judge  Black  to  the 
authorship  of  the  memorandum  quoted  on  page  60. 
McClellan  practically  contradicts  himself  only  a  few 
pages  later  in  his  book  when  he  says  Stanton  "no 
doubt  made  use  of  his  pretended  friendship  for  me  to 
secure  his  appointment/'  and  that  "he  climbed  on 
my  shoulders  only  for  the  purpose  of  throwing  me 
down." 

Stanton  did  call  upon  McClellan  on  the  16th,  the 
day  after  the  former's  commission  issued,  in 
company  with  General  Van  Vliet,  a  member  of 
McClellan's  staff.  Having  practiced  on  keeping  Mr. 
Lincoln  waiting  his  pleasure  the  General  doubtless 
considered  it  advisable  to  break  Stanton  in  early  so 
that  the  latter  might  know  his  place,  and  consequent 
ly  kept  him  waiting  an  hour  while  he  was  holding  a 
"levee"  with  members  of  his  staff  and  others  upstairs. 
This  did  not  have  just  the  effect  desired,  and,  accord 
ing  to  General  Van  Vliet,  Stanton  was  very  indignant, 
and  desired  to  know  "what  sort  of  a  commanding  gen 
eral  the  country  had."  He  was  destined  to  find  out 
ere  long,  but  certainly  this  does  not  tally  very  well 


96 

with  McClellan's  story  of  the  call  a  few  days  before. 
In  response  to  a  visit  by  officers  in  the  regular  service 
on  the  new  Secretary  on  January  20,  the  latter  made 
a  pointed  address,  concluding  with  the  words:  "It 
is  my  work  to  furnish  the  means,  the  instruments  for 
prosecuting  the  war  for  the  Union  and  putting  down 
the  rebellion  against  it.  It  is  your  duty  to  use  those 
instruments,  and  mine  to  see  to  it  that  you  do  use 
them."  In  a  letter  a  few  days  after  to  Chas.  A.  Dana, 
afterwards  Assistant  Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  Stanton 
says :  "This  army  has  got  to  fight  or  run  away,  and 
while  men  are  striving  nobly  in  the  West,  the  cham 
pagne  and  oysters  on  the  Potomac  must  be  stopped." 
It  was  very  evident  that  a  new  atmosphere  was  pre 
vailing  at  the  capital,  and  the  mails  and  telegraph 
lines  brought  congratulations  from  loyal  men  of  all 
political  parties. 

At  the  outset  of  his  official  career  the  new  Secre 
tary  was  confronted  with  some  difficult  problems 
which  came  over  as  a  legacy  from  the  old  administra 
tion.  First  there  were  what  were  known  as  arbitrary 
arrests.  It  is  conceded  that  in  time  of  war  persons 
suspected  of  being  spies  or  giving  aid  and  comfort  to 
the  enemy  in  any  way  may  be  arrested  by  military 
authorities  without  going  through  the  customary  le 
gal  processes,  and  confined  without  the  right  to  a 
speedy  trial.  This  power  is  necessary  to  the  preserva 
tion  of  the  State,  although  its  liability  to  abuse  has 
always  caused  it  to  be  watched  with  jealous  scrutiny. 
Previous  to>  Mr.  Stanton's  appointment  the  power 
had  been  exercised  through  the  medium  of  the  Secre 
tary  of  State,  a  civil  officer  of  the  Government,  a 
proceeding  of  doubtful  legality  to  say  the  least.  Mr. 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTOX     97 

Stanton  recognizing  the  fact  that  this  authority  must 
be  exercised,  if  at  all,  through  the  military  arm  of  the 
Government,  caused  a  proclamation  of  pardon  to  be 
issued  for  all  except  spies  and  known  aggravated  cas 
es,  and  having  the  whole  matter  transferred  to  the 
War  Department,  he  appointed  Gen.  John  A.  Dix  and 
Hon.  Edwards  Pierrepont  a  commission  to  examine 
into  such  arrests,  to  avoid  manifest  injustice  in  this 
exercise  of  the  war  power. 

Another  was  the  case  of  General  Charles  P. 
Stone,  who  in  the  fall  of  1861  had  charge  of  the  out 
posts  of  defenses  of  Washington.  On  October  20th 
he  was  located  at  Poolesville,  Md.,  a  few  miles  above 
Washington,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Potomac.  Mc- 
Clellan,  at  that  time,  was  apparently  anxious  to  learn 
the  location  of  the  enemy,  and  on  the  day  previous 
had  ordered  General  McCall  with  a  force  to  march 
from  Langley  on  the  south  side  of  the  river  to  Dranes- 
ville,  about  half  way  to  Leesburg,  Va.,  to  feel  the 
strength  of  the  enemy  in  that  direction.  Leesburg 
was  a  short  distance  from  Ball's  Bluff,  opposite  Con 
rad's  ferry,  the  landing  place  from  Poolesville,  so  that 
the  two  forces  marching  along  converging  lines  would 
meet  at  that  point.  An  order  was  sent  to  General 
Stone,  to  keep  a  good  lookout  on  Leesburg,  and  see  if 
McCall's  movement  had  driven  the  Confederates 
away,  adding,  "perhaps  a  slight  demonstration  on 
your  part  would  have  the  effect  to  move  them."  Mc- 
Clellan  insisted  that  this  order  meant  nothing  more 
than  that  Stone  should  pretend  to  cross  the  river,  and 
in  the  meantime  watch  the  enemy.  Stone,  however, 
took  it  as  an  order  to  cross,  and  sent  over  a  party 
under  command  of  Col.  E.  D.  Baker,  a  Senator  from 


98  SECRETARY  OF  WAR 

Oregon,  a  young  man  of  great  promise,  and  a  special 
friend  of  President  Lincoln.  For  some  occult  reason 
McClellan  concluded  that  McCall's  forces  would  not 
be  needed  to  co-operate  with  Stone,  and  instead  of 
allowing-  them  to  advance  towards  Leesburg  where 
they  could  have  made  a  strong  diversion  at  least, 
ordered  them  back  to  Prospect  Hill,  near  or  at  their 
old  camp.  Like  the  celebrated  King's  army  that  had 
marched  up  the  hill  and  then  marched  down  again, 
they  followed  McClellan's  orders.  Word  of  this  ret 
rograde  movement  was  sent  to  Stone  at  Poolesville, 
but  it  was  too  late  as  Stone  had  already  left  that  point 
for  the  river  opposite  Ball's  Bluff,  where  a  forlorn 
hope  under  Col.  Baker  was  being  cut  down  by  a  force 
of  Confederates.  One  or  two  wretched  scows  fur 
nished  the  only  means  of  reinforcement  or  retreat, 
and  after  the  death  of  Col.  Baker  the  remnant  of  the 
retreating  force  siwamped  the  miserable  boats  by 
overcrowding,  and  it  was  hard  to  tell  whether  Con 
federate  bullets  or  the  waters  of  the  Potomac  were 
responsible  for  the  greater  loss.  It  could  not  be 
called  a  bloody  battle  so  far  as  numbers  went,  com 
pared  with  the  struggles  that  came  after.  Forty-nine 
were  killed,  158  wounded  and  688  missing  on  the 
Union  side;  and  36  killed  and  117  wounded  on  the 
Confederate.  Reinforcements  were  sent  under  Gen. 
Banks  on  the  22nd,  and  a  Confederate  attack  was 
repulsed,  but  Gen.  McClellan  thinking  "that  the 
enemy  were  strengthening  themselves  at  Leesburg" 
ordered  all  troops  back  to  the  Maryland  side.  On  the 
contrary  the  enemy  were  preparing  to  get  out  of  the 
way  as  quickly  as  possible,  a  trick  which  they  were 
to  play  on  numerous  subsequent  occasions.  There 


ABRAHAM     MXCOLX 


EDWIN  McMASTEES  STANTON  99 

was  great  glee  in  the  Confederacy  over  this  affair,  and 
corresponding  depression  arid  indignation  in  the 
North  over  what  was  regarded  as  an  inexcusable  and 
useless  slaughter.  McClellan's  star  was  still  in  the 
ascendant,  and  the  whole  blame  fell  not  unnaturally 
on  Gen.  Stone,  Congress  ordered  an  investigation 
and  there  was  considerable  testimony  as  to  the  loose 
way  in  which  affairs  were  conducted  at  the  camp,  that 
his  wife  at  least  was  intimate  with  prominent  seces 
sion  families  in  the  neighborhood,  and  treachery  was 
strongly  hinted.  To  these  charges  Stone  interposed 
an  indignant  denial  so  far  as  any  disloyalty  was  con 
cerned.  But  this  did  not  convince  Congress  or  the 
public,  and  General  McClellan,  who  seems  to  have 
conducted  an  investigation  on  his  own  account,  made 
an  examination  of  the  written  report  of  the  testimony 
of  a  refugee  from  Leesburg  which,  he  says:  "So  far 
as  such  a  thing  could,  tended  to  corroborate  some  of 
the  charges  made  against  General  Stone.  I  satisfied 
my  mind  by  personal  examination  of  the  sincerity  of 
the  refugee,  and  then  showed  the  statement  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  upon  which  he  directed  me  to  give 
the  order  to  arrest  General  Stone  immediately."  In 
the  face  of  this  testimony  before  Congress,  the  per 
sonal  recommendation  of  the  General  of  the  Army, 
and  the  intimation  from  Northern  Governors  that 
they  would  not  send  their  volunteers  to  be  slaughter 
ed  under  such  men  as  Stone,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how 
Stanton,  with  Lincoln's  approval,  could  fail  to  issue 
the  order  of  arrest,  and  yet  he  has  been  censured  for 
it.  McClellan  had  the  order  in  his  possession  three 
days  before  putting  it  into  execution,  which  was  done 
on  the  night  of  February  8th,  and  Stone  was  taken 


100  SECEETARY  OF  WAR 

to  the  forts  in  New  York  harbor.  Subsequently  he 
wrote  to  McClellan's  aide-de-camp  desiring  to  know 
if  he  should  ask  for  a  sort  of  inquiry,  and  the  reply 
was  "No."  The  same  source  directed  him  to  "write 
nothing;  say  nothing;  keep  quiet."  In  answer  to  an 
inquiry  as  to  "who  had  the  power  to  bring  you  to 
trial,"  his  reply  was,  "When  I  was  arrested  the  Gen 
eral  in  Chief,  General  McClellan,  had  that  power.  I 
know  I  should  claim  that  power  if  any  man  under 
my  command  were  arrested."  As  the  General  in 
Chief  in  this  case  had  procured  the  order  and  directed 
its  execution,  it  did  not  look  as  though  he  was  anxious 
for  the  court  of  inquiry.  The.  army  was  soon  engaged 
in  the  Peninsular  campaign,  and  to  Gen.  Stone's 
requests  for  a  hearing  the  reply  was  that  officers 
could  not  be  spared  from  the  front  for  that  purpose, 
which  was  doubtless  true.  He  was  discharged  from 
prison  on  August  16th,  and  restored  to  the  army, 
serving  until  near  the  close  of  the  war,  when  he  re 
signed  and  became  Chief  of  the  General  Staff  to  the 
Khedive  of  Egypt,  That  the  real  cause  of  the  disas 
ter  was  McClellan's  withdrawal  of  McCall  from 
Dranesville,  thereby  releasing  the  Confederates  at 
Leesburg  to  overwhelm  Baker,  seems  clear  upon  a 
careful  study  of  the  situation. 

About  this  time  another  incident  occurred,  more 
agreeable  in  its  nature,  showing  Stanton's  readiness 
to  right  a  wrong  when  brought  to  his  attention.  The 
affair  was  indirectly  connected  with  the  Ball's  Bluff 
disaster  related  above,  and  is  given  in  detail  by  David 
Homer  Bates  in  his  interesting  and  valuable  book 
"Lincoln  in  the  Telegraph  Office."  Mr.  Bates,  also 
a  native  of  Steubenville,  was  manager  of  the  War 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          101 

Department  Telegraph  office  from  1861  to  1866.     He 
says: 

"Lincoln  frequently  visited  us  in  this  room  (the 
old  War  Department  building, )  and  from  its  windows 
in  September,  1861,  watched  his  friend  Col.  E.  D. 
Baker  with  his  brigade  marching  out  on  his  way  to 
Ball's  Bluff  and   death.      Lincoln  also  made  daily 
visits  during  this  period  to  McClellan's  headquarters 
on  Fifteenth  street,  to  which  wires  had  been  run  and 
the  telegraph  placed  in  charge  of  Thomas  L.  Eckert 
(also  an  Ohio  man)  who-  had  been  appointed  captain 
and  assistant  aide-de-camp.  Eckert's  written  instruc 
tions  from  Secretary  Cameron   (possibly  at  McClel 
lan's  request)  were  to  deliver  all  military  telegrams 
received  at  Washington  to  the  commanding  general, 
and  this  order,  in  at  least  one  case,  caused  Eckert  to 
keep  from  Lincoln's  knowledge  a  dispatch  of  great 
importance.     On  October  21,  1861,  a  message  from 
Gen.   Stone  near  Poolesville,  was  received  at  army 
headquarters  over  the  hastily  constructed  telegraph 
line,  stating  that  his  troops  had  moved  across  the 
Potomac    at    Edward's    ferry,     (a    short    distance 
below    Conrad's    ferry,)     and    after    an    encounter 
with  the  enemy  had  been  repulsed  with  considerable 
loss  including  Col.   E.   D.   Baker,   who  was  killed. 
McClellan  not  being  in  his  office  Eckert  started  out  to 
find  him,  taking  from  the  stable  the  sole  remaining 
horse,   an  ugly  tempered   mare,   dubbed   the  "man- 
killer."     He  rode  over  to  Fitz  John  Porter's  head 
quarters  across  the  Potomac,  where  he  learned  that 
McClellan  had  returned  to  the  city.     Eckert  came 
back  and  finding  that  McClellan  had  gone  to  the 
White  House,  dismounted,  walked  across  Lafayette 


102  SECRETARY  OP  WAR 

Square,  and,  in  Lincoln's  presence,  delivered  the 
message  to  McClellan,  who  did  not  tell  the  President 
what  it  contained.  *  *  *  Soon  after  the  delivery 
of  Stone's  dispatch  to  McClellan,  Lincoln  came  to 
headquarters  and  asked  Eckert  if  he  had  any  late 
dispatches  from  the  front,  Eckert  was  in  a  quandary. 
He  recalled  the  peculiar  wording  of  his  order  of 
appointment,  and  as  McClellan  had  not  seen  fit  to 
disclose  the  contents  of  Stone's  despatch,  he  did  not 
feel  that  he  was  warranted  in  doing  so.  Accordingly 
he  gave  the  evasive  answer  that  there  was  nothing 
on  file.  Lincoln  then  went  into  McClellan's  room  and 
there  saw  the  despatch  for  the  first  time.  On  his  way 
out,  passing  Eckert's  desk  he  asked  him  why  he  had 
withheld  the  information.  Eckert  thereupon  told  the 
President  what  his  written  orders  on  the  subject  were, 
and  explained  that  when  he  saw  Mr.  Lincoln  enter  the 
office  he  had  deftly  placed  the  copy  of  the  despatch 
under  the  blotter,  so  that  when  he  made  his  reply  to 
the  President  he  had  told  the  truth,  but  not  all  the 
truth.  Thereafter,  when  told  there  was  no  news, 
Lincoln  would  sometimes  slyly  remark :  'Is  there  not 
something  under  the  blotter?'  *  *  The  President 
made  no  criticism  of  his  action,  but  upon  more  care 
ful  reflection  Eckert  concluded  that  he  had  made  a 
mistake  because,  as  Commander  in  Chief  of  the  Army, 
Lincoln  outranked  both  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the 
commanding  general." 

Now  for  the  sequel :  "These  instructions  ( Mc 
Clellan's)  also  caused  him  to  refrain  from  sending 
military  news  to  the  Secretary  of  War  himself,  and 
when  Stanton  entered  the  Cabinet  he  soon  found  that 
he  was  being  kept  in  ignorance  of  army  news,  which 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  103 

however,  in  some  cases  was  printed  in  the  newspaper's 
and  affected  the  financial  markets.  It  seemed  evi 
dent  to  Stanton  that  there  was  a  leak  somewhere,  and 
naturally  the  telegraph  department  was  suspected. 
Stanton  directed  Assistant  Secretary  Watson  to  in 
vestigate  the  matter,  and  the  latter  devoted  a  part 
of  his  time  for  a  wreek  or  so  to  this  inquiry.  His 
report  to  Stanton  while  not  locating  the  leak  in  the 
news,  wras  to  the  effect  that  Eckert  was  not  giving 
close  attention  to  his  duties,  and  particularly  that  he 
had  withheld  important  military  despatches  from  the 
knowledge  of  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of 
War.  An  order  was  therefore  made  out  for  his  dis 
missal.  Stanton  telegraphed  for  Edward  S.  Sanford, 
President  of  the  American  Telegraph  Company,  to 
come  from  NewT  York  and  take  charge  of  the  tele 
graph.  This  was  early  in  1862.  Sanford  had  a  high 
opinion  of  Eckert's  abilities,  faithfulness  and  hon 
esty,  and  so  reported  to  Stanton,  who,  however,  pre 
ferred  to  trust  his  assistant's  report.  At  once,  upon 
learning  from  Sanford  that  there  was  dissatisfac 
tion  with  his  services,  Eckert  wrote  out  his  resigna 
tion,  and  sent  it  by  messenger  to  the  War  Depart 
ment.  '  This  was  on  a  Saturday  afternoon.  Stanton 
was  surprised  and  indignant  that  an  officer  under 
charges,  and  whose  order  of  dismissal  had  been 
prepared,  should  have  received  an  inkling  of  the  facts, 
and  sent  in  his  resignation  before  the  dismissal  could 
be  served  on  him.  This  placed  Sanford  in  an  unpleas 
ant  situation,  and  he  wrent  to  Stanton's  house  early 
Sunday  morning  to  intercede  for  Eckert,  and  finally 
obtained  Stanton's  consent  to  an  interview'.  Eckert, 
accompanied  by  Sanford,  went  to  the  War  Department 


104  SECRETARY  OF  WAR 

that  afternoon,  and  was  ushered  into  the  Secretary's 
presence,  and,  as  he  has  recently  told  me,  he  and 
Sanford  stood  for  at  least  ten  minutes  while  Stanton 
continued  to  write  at  his  desk,  without  looking  up 
to  see  who  his  callers  were.  Finally  Stanton  turned 
and  asked  Eckert  what  he  wanted.  The  latter  re 
plied:  "Mr.  Sanford  tells  me  that  you  sent  for  me 
and  I  am  here.' 

"Then  Stanton  in  a  loud  voice,  said  he  under 
stood  that  Captain  Eckert  had  been  neglecting  his 
duties,  and  was  absent  from  his  office  much  of  the 
time,  and  allowed  newspaper  men  to  have  access  to 
the  telegraph  office,  also  that  he  was  an  unfit  person 
for  the  important  position  he  occupied.  Pointing  to 
a  large  pile  of  telegrams,  all  of  which  were  in  Eckert' s 
handwriting,  he  demanded  to  know  why  copies  had 
not  been  regularly  delivered  to  the  Secretary  of  War 
at  the  time  of  receipt.  Eckert  replied  that  his  order 
of  assignment  from  Secretary  Cameron  expressly 
required  all  military  telegrams  to  be  delivered  to  the 
commanding  general  and  to  no  one  else. 

'"Well,'  Stanton  retorted,  'why  have  you  neglected 
your  duties  by  absenting  yourself  from  your  office  so 
frequently?'  " 

"Eckert  replied  that  he  had  not  neglected  his 
duties;  that  he  had  attended  to  them  strictly  and 
faithfully;  that  any  statements  to  the  contrary  were 
false;  that  for  over  three  months  he  had  been  at  his 
post  of  duty  almost  constantly,  and  had  hardly  taken 
off  his  clothes  during  that  time  except  to  change  his 
linen ;  that  he  remained  in  his  office  many  times  all 
night  long  and  that  he  seldom  slept  in  his  bed  at  his 
hotel,  and  finally,  inasmuch  as  it  appeared  that  his 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          105 

services  were  not  acceptable,  he  insisted  on  his  resig 
nation  being  accepted. 

"Just  then  Eckert  felt  an  arm  placed  on  his 
shoulder,  and  supposing  it  to  be  that  of  Sanford, 
who  had  all  this  time  remained  standing  with  him, 
turned  round,  and  was  surprised  to  find  that,  instead, 
it  was  the  hand  of  the  President,  who  had  entered  the 
room  while  the  discussion  was  going  on.  Lincoln, 
still  with  his  hand  on  the  Captain's  shoulder,  said  to 
Stanton:  'Mr.  Secretary,  I  think  you  must  be  mis 
taken  about  this  young  man  neglecting  his  duties, 
for  I  have  been  a  daily  caller  at  General  McClellan's 
headquarters  for  the  last  three  or  four  months,  and 
I  have  always  found  Eckert  at  his  post.  I  have  been 
there  often  before  breakfast,  and  in  the  evening  as 
well,  and  frequently  late  at  night,  and  several  times 
before  daylight,  to  get  the  latest  news  from  the  army. 
Eckert  was  always  there,  and  I  never  observed  any 
reporters  or  outsiders  in  the  office.' 

"Governor  Brough,  of  Ohio,,  who  had  known 
Ekert  before,  in  connection  with  a  telegraph  line 
on  Brough's  (Belief on taine)  railroad  in  Ohio,  which 
Eckert  had  inspected  and  rebuilt  about  1857,  hap 
pened  to  be  in  the  Secretary's  room  while  Eckert  was 
uttering  his  denial  of  the  charges  against  him,  and 
after  Lincoln  had  finished  his  statement,  Brough  went 
up  to  Eckert,  took  his  hand,  and  addressed  him  in  the 
most  cordial  manner.  Then  turning  to  Stanton,  he 
told  him  that  he  would  vouch  for  anything  that 
Eckert  would  say  or  do;  that  he  believed  him  to  be 
the  ablest  and  most  loyal  man  who  could  be  selected 
for  the  place. 

"Stanton  was  so  impressed  by  the  intercession  of 


106  SECRETARY  OF  WAR 

Lincoln,  Sanford  and  Brough  that  he  quietly  took 
from  his  desk  a  package  of  papers,  and  opening  one 
said,  'I  believe  this  is  your  resignation,  is  it  not,  sir?' 

"Captain  Eckert  said  it  was,  whereupon  Stanton 
tore  it  up  and  dropped  the  pieces  on  the  floor.  He 
then  opened  another  paper  and  said,  'This  is  the  prder 
dismissing  you  from  the  army,  which  I  had  already 
signed  but  it  will  not  be  executed.'  He  then  tore  up 
the  order  of  dismissal,  and  said,  'I  owe  you  an  apology 
Captain,  for  not  having  gone  to  General  McClellan's 
office  and  seen  for  m}Tself  the  situation  of  affairs. 
You  are  no  longer  Captain  Eckert;  I  shall  appoint 
you  Major  as  soon  as  your  commission  can  be  made 
out,  and  I  shall  make  you  a  further  acknowledgement 
in  another  manner.' 

"So  from  that  Sunday  afternoon,  in  February, 
1862,  until  just  before  the  close  of  the  war,  Eckert's 
military  title,  and  the  one  by  which  he  was  best 
known  was  'Major.'  The  additional  )acknowledge- 
ment  referred  to  by  Secretary  Stanton,  consisted  of 
a  horse  and  carriage,  purchased  for  Eckert's  use  in 
the  performance  of  his  official  duties.  The  day  after 
the  interview  described  above  Stanton  detached 
Eckert  from  McClellan's  staff,  and  ordered  him  to 
make!  his  office  in  the  War  Department,  and  to  con 
nect  all  wires  with  that  building,  leaving  only  enough 
instruments  at  army  headquarters  to  handle  the 
separate  business  of  the  commanding  general." 

Thus  the  President  and  Secretary  were  no  longer 
reduced  to  the  necessity  of  "browsing"  around  the 
General's  headquarters  hunting  for  newrs.  It  may  be 
added  that  Major  Eckert  before  his  recent  death  man 
ifested  a  livelv  interest  in  the  Stanton  monument 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON          107 

project,  and  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  it  became  one  of 
the  largest  contributors  to  the  fund. 

Mr.  Elaine,  who  in  his  "Twenty  Years  of  Con 
gress"  has  given  a  series  of  rather  graphic  word  pic 
tures  of  his  time  remarks  on  page  355  of  that  work 
that  "Mr.  Stan  ton  signalized  his  entrance  upon  duty 
by  extraordinary  vigor  in  war  measures,  and  had  the 
good  fortune  to  gain  credit  for  many  successes  which 
were  the  result  of  arrangements  in  progress  and 
nearly  perfected  under  his  predecessor.  A  week  after 
he  was  sworn  in,  an  important  military  victory  was 
won  at  Mill  Springs,  Kentucky,  by  General  George  H. 
Thomas."  On  receipt  of  the  news  of  this  victory, 
January  22,  the  following  order  was  issued  from  the 
war  Department:  "The  President,  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  has  received  intelligence 
of  a  brilliant  victory  achieved  by  the  forces  of  the 
United  States  over  a  large  body  of  armed  traitors 
and  rebels  at  Mill  Springs,  etc.  He  returns  thanks 
to  the  gallant  officers  and  soldiers  who  won  that  vic 
tory,  etc."  This  does  not  look  like  attempting  to 
snatch  laurels  from  anybody.  It  should  also  be  noted 
that  the  President  is  brought  to  the  front  with  his 
rightful  title.  Mr.  Stanton's  influence  however,  was 
exerted  to  induce  the  President  on  January  27  to 
issue  an  order  directing  "a  general  movement  of  the 
land  and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States  against 
the  insurgent  forces  on  the  22nd  of  February."  Mr. 
Elaine  says  "this  order  did  not  mean  what  was  stated 
on  its  face.  It  was  evidently  intended  to  mislead 
somebody."  In  the  West,  however,  it  was  clearly 
interpreted  to  mean  business,  and  a  general  was  com 
ing  to  the  front  out  there  who  evidently  considered 


108  SECRETARY  OF  WAR 

fighting  to  be  one  of  the  functions  of  an  army,  being 
disposed  to  act  on  the  theory  that  if  the  enemy  did 
not  come  to  meet  you  it  was  your  business  to  go  out 
and  hunt  him.  Colonel,  now  General  Grant,  had 
shown  his  ability  in  a  bloody  fight  at  Belmont,  Mo., 
on  November  7th  previous,  and  was  now  in  command 
at  Cairo  with  some  river  gunboats  under  command  of 
Flag  OflQcer  A.  H.  Foote  of  the  Navy.  Mr.  Elaine 
rightfully  says  "General  Grant  evidently  inter 
preted  Mr.  Lincoln's  order  to  mean  that  he 
need  not  wait  until  the  22nd,  and  began  his 
movement  on  the  first  day  of  February."  Uncertain 
weather  and  muddy  roads  cut  no  figure  in  his  cam 
paigns,  and  the  result  was  the  fall  of  Fort  Henry  on 
February  6,  Donelson  on  the  16th  and  Nashville 
immediately  after,  giving  control  of  the  Tennessee 
and  Cumberland  rivers,  and  opening  a  way  into  the 
heart  of  the  Confederacy.  The  Northern  people  who 
had  so  long  been  waiting  with  heart  sick  impatience 
were  now  buoyant  with  enthusiasm  and  hope,  but 
when  a  leading  metropolitan  newspaper  ventured 
to  ascribe  credit  for  the  change  of  affairs  to  the  new 
Secretary,  Mr.  Stanton  at  once  entered  a  vigorous 
disclaimer,  insisting  that  the  credit  belonged  to  the 
general  and  soldiers  in  the  field,  and  quoting  as  the 
keynote  Grant's  message  to  Buckner  at  Fort  Donel 
son,  "I  propose  to  move  immediately  upon  your 
works."  Price  was  driven  by  Curtis  out  of  Missouri, 
and  that  state  practically  freed  from  the  presence  of 
an  organized  foe. 

On  March  8th,  there  was  a  sensational  episode 
which  startled  not  only  Washington  but  the  entire 
country.  When  the  Norfolk  navy  yard  was  abandon- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          109 

ed  by  a  Union  force  the  steam  frigate  Merrimac  was 
burned  and  sunk.  In  the  summer  of  1861  the  Con 
federate  authorities  raised  the  hull,  which  was  found 
practically  intact,  protected  the  exposed  portion  with 
iron  sheathing,  and  on  the  deck,  which  wras  covered  by 
iron  plated  rafters,  like  the  roof  of  a  house,  the  bat 
teries  were  located,  and  the  bow  provided  with  an 
iron  projection  to  be  used  as  a  ram.  Notwithstand 
ing  efforts  at  secrecy  reports  of  these  operations  got 
abroad,  and  in  October  a  contract  was  given  at 
Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  for  the  building  of  an  iron  vessel, 
whose  deck  was  to  be  a  few  inches  only  above  the 
surface  of  the  water,  and  whose  guns  were  mounted 
in  a  revolving  turret,  the  whole  presenting  an  appear 
ance,  in  homely  language  of  the  day,  of  a  cheese  box 
on  a  raft.  It  was  a  question  as  to  which  vessel 
would  be  ready  first,  and  it  was  a  still  more  vital 
question  as  to  which  one  would  prove  the  more  effec 
tive  for  the  work  intended.  The  first  question  was 
answered  when  at  noon  on  March  8,  1862,  the  Merri 
mac,  renamed  Virginia,  came  steaming  out  into 
Hampton  Roads.  The  story  is  too  long  to  be  told 
here.  Suffice  it  to  say  she  steered  directly  for  the 
sloop  of  war  Cumberland,  giving  the  Congress  a  pas 
sing  broadside,  and  paying  no  more  attention  to  the 
balls  from  the  old  smooth  bore  cannon  of  that  day 
than  if  they  had  been  so  many  pop  guns.  The  Cum 
berland  was  practically  cut  in'  two  by  the  impact  of 
the  ram  and  sank  instantly,  the  crew  gallantly  firing 
their  guns  until  they  reached  the  water  line.  The 
Congress  was  soon  destroyed  by  hot  shot,  and  only 
the  ebbing  tide  and  approaching  darkness  prevented 
the  destruction  of  the  entire  fleet  in  the  bay.  The 


110  SECRETARY  OF  WAR 

great  wooden  warships  which  had  seemed  so  imposing 
a  few  hours  before  were  about  as  useful  as  so  much 
paper.  Naval  warfare  had  been  revolutionized. 
There  seemed  nothing  in  the  way  of  this  new  monster 
proceeding  up  the  Potomac  river  and  shelling  Wash 
ington  or  even  going  to  sea  and  paying  similar 
respects  to  Philadelphia,  New  York  and  other  coast 
cities.  We  now  know  that  this  danger  was  exaggerated, 
but  then  it  appeared  very  real.  It  is  needless  to  say 
that  Secretary  Stanton  shared  the  general  anxiety, 
and  as  a  precautionary  measure  canal  boats  loaded 
with  stone  were  sent  down  the  Potomac  to  be  sunk 
as  an  obstruction  to  the  channel  in  case  of  necessity. 
The  same  night  he  telegraphed  to  New  York  for  sev 
eral  prominent  citizens  to  meet  for  the  purpose  of 
considering  some  plan  for  destroying  the  monster. 
He  then  investigated  the  conditions  at  Fortress  Mon 
roe  and  found  it  provisioned  for  only  sixty  days,  and 
that  it  contained  only  two  guns  considered  capable  of 
injuring  the  Merrimac,  and  one  of  them  was  un 
mounted.  He  at  once  addressed  a  vigorous  letter  to 
the  chief  of  the  ordnance  department,  and  ordered 
the  fort  provisioned  for  six  months.  In  the  mean 
time  the  new  Federal  iron  clad  christened  the  Moni 
tor,  had  left  Brooklyn,  scarcely  completed,  and  after 
narrowly  escaping  shipwreck,  arrived  at  Hampton 
Roads,  between  9  and  10  o'clock  that  night.  She  at 
once  prepared  for  action,  and  on  the  next  day,  March 
9,  occurred  the  historic  contest  which  compelled  the 
Merrimac  to  retire  towards  Norfolk* 

But  the  dragon  was  scotched,  not  destroyed, 
and  it  was  not  prudent  to  leave  the  situation  con 
trolled  solely  by  the  little  Monitor,  especially  as 
McClellan's  Peninsular  campaign  was  about  to  be 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  111 

inaugurated.     Fullv  two  months  before  Stanton  had 

o  *• 

suggested  to  Secretary  Welles  that  the  navy  should 
invest  Norfolk,  recapture  the  navy  yard  and  stop  the 
rebuilding  of  the  Merrimac,  then  known  to  be  in  prog 
ress.  Had  this  effort  been  successful  the  incidents 
related  above  would  never  have  happened,  but  Welles 
met  the  suggestion  coldly,  with  the  counter  proposi 
tion  that  the  army  invest  the  place  by  land,  which 
was  impracticable  at  that  time,  After  the  Monitor 
fight  Stanton  took  up  the  subject  vigorously,  and 
receiving  no  encouragement  from  the  navy  depart 
ment  proceeded  to  take  matters  into  his  own  hands. 
On  March  14  he  telegraphed  to  Cornelius  Vanderbilt, 
of  New  York,  well  known  as  the  "Commodore"  from 
his  fleet  of  Long  Island  Sound  steamers,  to  name  a 
price  for  bottling  up  the  Merrimac  or  destroying  her. 
He  at  once  tendered  one  of  his  boats  to  the  Govern 
ment  free  of  charge.  It  was  the  "Vanderbilt,"  a 
strong  and  powerful  sidewheel  steamer  with  which 
it  was  believed  the  Merrimac  could  be  successfully 
rammed  and  sunk,  even  though  the  Vanderbilt  might 
be  destroyed  in  the  attempt.  General  WTool,  in  com 
mand  at  Fortress  Monroe,  was  directed  to  have  a 
force  ready  for  immediate  action.  The  President, 
and  Secretaries  Stanton  and  Chase  left  WTashington 
in  the  revenue  cutter  Miami  on  the  evening  of  May  5, 
and  the  next  evening  arrangements  were  made  with 
Commander  Goldsborough  for  cooperation  of  the  ves 
sels  in  that  neighborhood.  On  the  7th  the  fleet  com 
posed  of  the  Dacotah,  Savannah,  San  Jacinto,  Moni 
tor  and  Stevens  began  shelling  the  batteries  at  Sew- 
all's  Point  near  the  subsequent  site  of  the  Jamestown 
exhibition,  and  shortly  after  the  Merrimac  came  out, 
but  when  the  Vanderbilt  prepared  to  run  her  down 


112  SECRETARY  OF  WAR 

her  commander  turned  back  towards  Norfolk  harbor, 
where,  to  prevent  capture,  she  was  blown  up  the  fol 
lowing  morning.  Troops  were  landed  under  cover  of 
the  naval  fire  and  marched  towards  Norfolk,  which 
surrendered  at  5  o'clock  that  evening.  This  brilliant 
military  achievement,  which  ranks  with  Grant's  work 
at  Forts  Henry  and  Donaldson,  was  due  in  its  con 
ception  and  throughout  its  management  to  Secretary 
Stanton.  It  revived  Union  hopes  once  more,  and 
assured  without  further  menace  absolute  control  of 
that  great  body  of  water  into  which  pours  the  Poto 
mac,  James  and  York  rivers  as  well  as  of  Chesapeake 
bay.  All  of  this  was  done  in  one  hundred  and  twenty 
hours,  and  fully  supports  the  declaration  of  General 
I.  M.  Vincent  that  "If  Stanton  had  been  a  military 
man(  the  brilliant  and  decisive  character  of  his  Nor 
folk  expedition  would  have  filled  the  world  with  his 
fame." 

Nicolay  and  Hay  in  their  usually  accurate  his 
tory  say  it  happened  by  a  curious  coincidence  that 
President  Lincoln,  Secretary  Chase  and  Secretary 
Stanton  started  in  the  evening  of  May  5  for  a  visit  to 
Fortress  Monroe.  We  have  seen  how  thoroughly  the 
details  of  the  "coincidence"  had  been  arranged  by 
Stanton. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST. 

Halleck's  Intrigues — 'Battle  of  Shiloh — Grant  Saved  'by  Stanton 
— 'Ellet's  River  Fleet — Capture  of  Memphis — Fall  of  New 
Orleans — Farragut's  and  Butler's  Work — Why  Vicksburg 
Was  Not  Taken. 

General  Grant  has  expressed  the  opinion  that 
after  the  capture  of  Donelson  and  Nashville  "if  one 
general,  who  would  have  taken  the  responsibility, 
had  been  in  command  of  all  the  troops  west  of  the 
Alleghenies,  he  could  have  marched  to  Chattanooga, 
Corinth,  Memphis,  and  Vicksburg,  with  the  troops 
we  then  had ;  and  as  volunteering  was  going  on  rapid- 
idly  over  the  North,  there  would  soon  have  been 
force  enough  at  all  these  centres  to  operate  offen 
sively  against  any  body  of  the  enemy  that  might  be 
found  near  them."  But  the  General  in  Chief  (Me 
Clellan)  was  still  "organizing"  on  the  Potomac,  and 
Halleck  and  Buell  in  their  comfortable  offices  in  St. 
Louis  and  Louisville,  were  not  only  afraid  that  some 
body  might  get  hurt,  but  Halleck  and  McClellan  were 
actually  corresponding  as  to  the  expediency  of  arrest 
ing  the  man  who  had  wTon  these  substantial  results, 
and  turning  over  his  command  to  Gen.  C.  P.  Smith. 
The  next  day  after  the  capture  of  Donelson  Stanton 
recommended  to  the  President  that  Grant  be  made  a 
Major  General,  which  was  promptly  done.  Halleck 
sent  a  telegram  to  McClellan  suggesting  that  Grant 
and  Pope  be  made  Major  Generals  and  himself  be 
given  command  in  the  West.  He  asked  this  in  return 


114  OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST 

for  Forts  Henry  and  Donelson.  On  the  20th  he 
renewed  his  request  of  McClellan  for  full  command 
in  the  West,  but  on  the  22-d  Stanton  told  him  that 
the  President  did  not  consider  any  change  in  the  mil 
itary  departments  advisable  at  that  time.  It  was 
then  that  Halleck  began  to  find  fault  with  Grant  for 
irregularity  in  sending  reports,  for  which  Grant  was 
not  to  blame,  and  on  March  2d,  he  sent  a  dispatch  to 
McClellau  accusing  Grant  of  neglect  and  inefficiency. 
In  return  McClellan  authorized  Grant's  arrest  at 
Halleck's  discretion.  This  was  evidently  farther  than 
he  wished  to  go,  but  on  the  4th  he  telegraphed  to  Mc 
Clellan  raking  up  some  rumors  concerning  Grant's 
alleged  drinking  habits,  "which,  if  true,  would  ac 
count  for  his  bad  conduct,"  adding  that  he  did  not 
consider  it  necessary  to  arrest  him  just  then,  but  had 
turned  over  his  command  to  General  Smith.  These 
dispatches  from  Halleck  were  received  at  McClellan's 
headquarters  without  passing  through  the  War  De 
partment,  and  nothing  was  known  of  them  by  the 
President  or  Secretary.  Subsequently  they  were 
transferred  to  the  War  office,  and  were  deemed  of 
such  importance  that  an  inquiry  was  sent  to  Adjutant 
General  Lorenzo  Thomas  for  more  definite  informa 
tion.  Having  in  the  meantime  been  given  command 
of  the  Western  Armies,  as  a  reward  for  Grant's  bril 
liant  operations  there  was  no  further  object  in  Halleck 
pursuing  that  personage.  He  sent  a  telegram  on  the 
15th  announcing  that  Grant  had  been  restored  to  his 
command  and  practically  admitting  that  there  was 
no  foundation  for  the  charges. 

Wfhile  this  intrigue  was  going  on  the  Union 
armies  were  gradually  working  southward.  Grant 
arrived  at  Savannah  on  the  Tennessee  river  on  March 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  115 

17,  and  stationed  five  army  divisions  at  Pittsburg 
Landing,  nine  miles  beyond.  Wallace's  division  was 
at  Crump's  Landing  midway  between  Grant's  two 
sections,  and  General  Buell  with  the  army  of  the 
Ohio  had  been  ordered  from  Nashville  to  reinforce 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  at  Savannah.  The  Con 
federates  were  not  idle.  Beauregard  had  been  order 
ed  West,  and  he  with  Gen.  A.  S.  Johnson  had  collect 
ed  a  large  army  at  Corinth,  Miss.,  twenty- three 
miles  south  of  Pittsburg  Landing.  It  is  seen  how  the 
Union  forces  were  divided,  and  Beauregard  and  John 
ston's  aim  was  to  attack  and  crush  them  in  detail. 
Of  course  Pittsburg  Landing  was  the  nearest  point, 
and  on  April  3  the  Confederates,  40,000  Srtrong, 
marched  for  that  place.  They  had  planned  for  an 
attack  on  Saturday,  April  5,  but  unexpected  delays 
prevented  it  until  the  morning  of  the  6th."  The 
Federal  forces  numbering  about  33,000  were  encamp 
ed  without  intrenchments  on  an  irregular  triangular 

o  o 

plateau,  having  the  river  as  the  base,  and  Owl  and 
Lick  Creeks  on  the  side. 

As  late  as  the  5th  Grant  was  confident  that 
there  would  be  no  attack  at  Pittsburg  Landing,  and 
that  he  would  have  to  go  to  Corinth  to  find  the  Con 
federates.  He  slept  at  Savannah  that  night,  and 
while  eating  breakfast  the  next  morning  heard  the 
sound  of  guns.  He  at  once  took  a  boat  for  the  battle 
field,  and  ordered  the  advance  troops  of  Buel's  army, 
which  had  reached  Savannah,  to  come  forward  by 
land.  Sherman,  McClernand,  Hurlburt,  W.  H.  L. 
Wallace  and  Prentiss,  division  ;commanders,  were 
fighting  against  odds,  and  being  gradually  forced 
back  towards  the  Tennessee  river.  It  was  in  lead 
ing  a  charge  in  a  desperate  effort  to  win  back  his 


116  OPEKATIONS  IN  THE  WEST 

prestige  lost  by  the  fall  of  Donelson  that  Albert  Sid 
ney  Johnston  was  killed,  a  disaster  conceded  by  the 
Confederates  to  be  equal  to  the  loss  of  a  battle. 
Grant's  arrival  on  the  field  could  not  stay  the  course 
of  events,  and  Shiloh  church,  around  which  the 
fiercest  contest  raged,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
who  gradually  forced  the  Union  array  back  towards 
the  river. 

When  night  fell  the  Confederates  occupied  most 
of  the  field,  and  whether  they  were  in  a  position  to 
follow  up  their  advantage  the  next  day  had  not 
Union  reinforcements  arrived  is  a  matter  of  contro 
versy  that  must  always  remain  speculative.  Grant 
never  for  a  moment  admitted  defeat,  and  reinforce 
ments  from  Buell's  army  did  arrive.  The  next  morn 
ing  the  Federals  took  the  offensive,  and  drove  Beaure- 
gard's  army  from  the  field,  it  retreating  towards 
Corinth. 

The  battle  of  Shiloh  was  the  subject  of  many  a 
bitter  controversy,  the  echoes  of  which  did  not  fail  to 
reach  Washington.  There  was  a  strong  pressure  for 
Grant's  immediate  removal,  but  neither  the  President 
nor  Secretary  of  War  was  disposed  to  act  hastily. 
The  great  difficulty  was  to  get  accurate  information. 
Halleck  arrived  at  Pittsburg  Landing  <>n  the  llth  and 
took  full  charge,  completely  ignoring  Grant.  On  the 
21st  Stanton  telegraphed  Halleck : 

The  President  desires  to  know  why  you  have  nov  made 
official  report  to  this  department  respecting  the  late  battle  at 
PittS'burg  Landing,  and  whether  any  neglect  or  misconduct  of 
General  Grant  or  any  other  officer  contributed  to  the  sad  cas 
ualties  that  befell  our  forces  Sunday. 

Three  days  later  Halleck  replied : 

The  sad  casualties  of  Sunday,  the  6th,  were  due  in  part  to 
the  'bad  conduct  of  officers,  who  were  utterly  unfit  for  their 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          117 

places,  and  in  part  to  the*  bravery  and  enterprise  of  the  enemy. 
I  prefer  to  express  no  opinion  in  regard  to  the  misconduct  of 
individuals  until  I  receive  the  reports  of  commanders  of  divis 
ions,  etc. 

A  meaner  and  more  unjust  statement  could 
hardly  have  been  penned.  Halleck  had  been  on  the 
ground  two  weeks,  and  was  in  a  position  to  furnish 
facts,  not  inuendoes,  which  under  the  circumstances 
bore  most  heavily  on  Gen.  Grant,  and  the  pressure  for 
his  dismissal  from  the  army  became  stronger  than 
ever.  A.  K.  McClure  tells  a  story  of  a  night  inter 
view  with  President  Lincoln  where  for  two  hours  he. 
urged  the  removal  of  Grant  as  necessary  for  the  Pres 
ident  to  retain  the  confidence  of  the  country,  and 
concluded : 

When  I  had  said  everything  that  could  be  said  from  my 
standpoint  we  lapsed  into  silence.  Lincoln  remained  silent  for 
what  seemed  a  very  long  time.  He  then  gathered  himself  up 
in  his  chair,  and  said  in  a  tone  of  earnestness  that  I  shall  never 
forget,  'I  can't  spare  this  man.  HE  FIGHTS.'  Lincoln  had 
been  encouraged  in  his  stand  by  Stanton  who  did  not  believe 
the  stories  of  Grant's  drunkenness. 

That  was  the  last  attempt  to  remove  Grant  at 
Washington,  but  he  was  so  studiously  ignored  by 
Halleck  that  he  asked  leave  of  absence  for  thirty  days, 
and  was  packing  up  preparatory  to  going  to  St.  Louis 
when  General  Sherman,  who  had  heard  of  the  matter, 
called  on  him  in  his  tent,  and  persuaded  him  to 
remain. 

When  Halleck  took  personal  charge  of  the  troops 
after  the  battle  of  Pittsburg  Landing,  the  Secretary 
of  WTar  telegraphed  him :  "I  have  no  instructions  to 
give  you.  Go  ahead,  and  all  success  attend  you." 

He  began  a  leisurely  movement  towards  Corinth, 
taking  thirty-seven  days  to  traverse  twenty-three 
miles,  intrenching  ever  night,  and  when  he  reached 


118  OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST 

that  city  he  found  Beauregard's  army  flown,  leaving 
a  lot  of  junk  and  Quaker  guns.  McClellan  was  not 
the  only  man  who  seemed  to  have  the  "slows." 

Early  in  the  war  Charles  Ellet,  Jr.,  a  young 
engineer  of  promise,  who  had  built  the  Wheeling  and 
Niagara  bridges,  had  submitted  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  a  proposition  to  construct  a  fleet  of  light  iron 
clad  but  powerful  rams,  for  service  on  the  Western 
rivers  which  could  not  only  be  used  against  rebel  gun 
boats,  but  would  render  effective  aid  to  the  army  in 
the  way  of  patrolling  these  rivers.  Mr.  Welles  in  his 
distant  home  in  Connecticut  had  possibly  never  seen 
either  the  Ohio  or  Mississippi  river,  at  any  rate  he 
thought  little  of  the  scheme.  Secretary  Stanton 
however,  with  his  knowledge  of  these  streams  and 
impressed  with  the  need  of  such  a  flotilla  took  up  the 
matter,  and  when  the  Navy  Department  refused  to 
have  anything  to  do  with  it,  in  March  1862,  sent 
for  Ellet,  writing  him  as  follows : 

If  this  department  had  several  swift,  strong  boats  on  the 
Western  rivers,  commanded  by  energetic  fighting  men,  I  could 
clear  the  rebels  out  of  those  waters,  and  recover  the  Mississippi 
to  the  use  of  commence  and  our  armies.  The  navy  seems  to 
be  helpless,  and  I  am  compelled  to  execute  a  plan  of  my  own  to 
avert  the  increasing  dangers  there.  Can  you  not  secretly  fit 
out  a  fleet  of  swift  boats  at  several  points  on  the  Ohio,  and 
descend  on  the  rebels  unexpectedly,  and  destroy  them?  Please 
call  at  my  office  at  once. 

Mr.  Ellet  promptly  responded,  and  arrange 
ments  were  made  to  carry  out  the  plan.  Mr.  Stanton 
telegraphed  to  boards  of  trade  at  Pittsburgh,  Cincin 
nati  and  New  Albany  asking  their  co-operation,  at 
the  same  time  expressing  the  hope  to  Ellet  that  not 
more  than  twenty  days  would  be  consumed  in  getting 
the  boats  ready  for  service.  Mr.  Ellet  himself  says: 

In  response  to  that  order  I  selected  three  of  the  strongest 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          119 

and  swiftest  stern  wheel  coal  tow  boats  at  Pittsburgh,  of  which 
the  average  dimensions  are  about  170  feet  in  length,  30  feet 
beam,  and  over  5  feet  hold.  At  Cincinnati  I  selected  two  side- 
wheel  boats,  of  which  the  largest  is  180  feet  long,  87  1-2  feet 
beam  in  the  widest  part,  and  8  feet  hold.  At  New  Albany  I 
secured  a  boat  of  about  the  same  length  but  rather  less  beam, 
and  subsequently  I  selected  another  at  Cincinnati,  of  about  the 
same  class  as  the  last,  and  sent  .her  to  Madison  to  be  fitted  ouL 

The  order  was  given  to  Ellet  on  March  27,  and 
on  May  26  he  joined  the  squadron  of  Commander 
Davis  at  Cairo,  with  a  fleet  of  six  vessels,  and  accom 
panied  the  gunboats  towards  Memphis.  General 
Pope  had  on  April  7,  the  second  day  of  Shiloh  battle, 
captured  Island  No.  10  with  a  large  number  of  pris 
oners,  and  his  forces  were  soon  after  sent  to  join 
Halleck's  near  Corinth.  Ellet  applied  to  Davis  for 
co-operation  in  his  movement  on  Memphis,  which  the 
latter  refused,  and  he  was  compelled  to  rely  on  his 
own  forces.  No  serious  obstacle  was  encountered 
until  the  fleet  came  in  sight  of  Memphis,  where  eight 
rebel  gunboats  were  found  on  June  6  ranged  in  two 
lines  abreast  of  the  city.  The  hills  were  crowded 
with  spectators  to  witness  the  unwonted  sight.  Five 
Union  gunboats  began  backing  down  the  river,  the 
steam  rams  being  yet  tied  to  the  bank,  but  with  the 
opening  fire  four  of  the  rams  started  into  the  conflict, 
One  of  them  had  her  rudder  disabled,  and  another 
held  back  through  mistake  of  orders.  But  two  of 
them  dashed  squarely  into  the  rebel  fleet,  followed 
by  the  gunboats.  In  twenty  minutes  four  of  the 
Confederate  boats  and  one  Union  ram  were  sunk  or 
disabled.  The  other  four  rebel  vessels  tried  to  escape 
down  stream,  but  three  of  them  were  captured  or 
destroyed,  only  one  escaping.  The  two  disabled 
Union  steamers  were  soon  repaired,  but  the  gallant 
Ellet  had  received  a  pistol  shot  from  which  he  died 


120  OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST 

two  weeks  later.  Secretary  Stanton  himself  bore  the 
sad  news  to  the  Ellet  family  in  the  suburbs  of  Wash 
ington,  and  mingled  his  tears  with  theirs.  By  his 
orders  Ellet's  wife  and  daughter  were  furnished 
quick  transportation  to  Memphis,  where  they  remain 
ed  with  the  husband  and  father  until  his  death,  which 
occurred  on  the  boat  conveying  them  north  just  as  the 
Cairo  wharf  was  reached.  Among  the  witnesses  of 
the  battle  was  Jeff.  Thompson  with  a  detachment  of 
troops.  He  naively  states  in  his  report  that  "we  were 
hurried  in  our  retirement  from  Memphis,"  and  the 
stars  and  stripes  were  hoisted  over  the  city  that 
afternoon. 

The  rams  were  afterwards  transferred  to  the 
navy  department,  and  Stanton  subsequently  organ 
ized  a  fleet  of  patrol  boats  for  Western  waters  called 
"tin  clads"  from  their  light  armor,  which  though  not 
impervious  to  cannon  was  so  to  musket  balls,  and 
rendered  efficient  service. 

While  Richmond  was  the  political  capital  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy  New  Orleans  was  recognized 
by  everybody  as  the  commercial  metropolis.  Not 
only  wa,s  it  the  largest  and  wealthiest  city  in  the 
South,  but  its  position  on  the  lower  Mississippi 
made  it  the  natural  port  for  this  great  valley.  Long 
before  the  war  its  brilliancy  and  social  supremacy 
fascinated  the  visitor,  and  its  history,  dating  back  to 
the  early  days  of  the  country's  supremacy,  gave  it  an 
exceptional  interest.  Hence  it  was  natural  that 
attention  should  be  directed  towards  it,  although  it 
was  located  so  far  from  the  scene  of  hostilities  that 
few  if  any  of  its  inhabitants  ever  expected  to  see  or 
hear  the  guns  of  an  "invader."  As  early  as  Decem 
ber  3,  1861,  a  small  Union  force  had  occupied  Ship 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  121 

Island  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  General  Benjamin 
F.  Butler  had  been  authorized  by  the  President  to 
raise  some  troops  in  New  England  for  special  work 
in  the  gulf.    Troops  were  raised,  but  when  they  arriv 
ed    at    Washington,    General    McClellan,    who    was 
opposed   to  the  expedition,   ordered   them   to   Port 
Royal,  S.  C.     Stanton  was  nominated  Secretary  of 
War  on  January  13th,  and  on  the  19th  entertained 
General  Butler  at  breakfast,  when  the  latter  says  he 
was  asked  by  Stanton  why  he  could  'not  capture  New 
Orleans.     A  long  conversation  ensued  in  which  But 
ler  says  Stanton  suggested  five  distinct  propositions, 
viz:     Capture    New    Orleans,    blockade    the    James 
river  and   cork  up  the  Confederate  "government," 
cut  off  the  stream  of  supplies  from  Baltimore  to  the 
Confederacy   through   the  Shenandoah   Valley,   con 
fiscate  slaves  of  rebellious  masters,  compel  McClellan 
to  besiege  Richmond  until  it  surrendered.     As  a  re 
sult  of  this  interview  the  order  to  send  Butler's  troops 
to  Port  Royal  was  countermanded,  although  McClel 
lan  recommended  that  they  be  held  in  reserve  "ready 
to  support  and  reinforce  in  any  quarter  where  they 
may  be  required,  and  which  can  only  be  determined 
by  circumstances  in  the  course  of  active  operations;" 
a  delightful  state  of  indefiniteness  characteristic  of 
the  writer  who  was  only  clear  that  "what  was  known 
as  General  Butler's  expedition  ought  to  be  suspend 
ed."     Stanton  evidently  did  not  think  so,  and  had 
already  called  on  General  Butler  as  to  his  facilities, 
expenses,  etc.,  and  the  latter  was  ordered  to  go  ahead 
with  his  preparations.     Butler  waited  on  McClellan 
for  the  command  to  depart,  having  furnished  him 
with  the  necessary  details,  but  none  came,  and  finally 
on  the  12th  wrotei  to  the  Secretary  that  he  was  still 


122  OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST 

waiting  instructions,  gently  hinting  that  "I  presume 
in  the  press  of  more  important  matters  these  details 
may  have  been  overlooked.  Fearing  however,  that 
the  memorandum  may  be  mislaid,  and  in  order  to 
refer  to  it,  a  duplicate  is  sent  herewith."  The  Secre 
tary  referred  this  to  McClellan  who  as  usual  did  noth 
ing,  when  a  shrewd  idea  seems  to  have  occurred  to 
Butler.  He  had  stated  to  Congress  and  the  President 
his  belief  that  the  rebel  forces  about  Washington  did 
not  exceed  65,000  men.  The  President  asked  him 
if  he  would  cross  the  Potomac  and  make  an  attack 
if  he  had  100,000  troops,  to  which  he  promptly  replied 
in  the  affirmative,  remarking  however  that  he  pre 
ferred  going  to  New  Orleans.  He  was  asked  to  call 
again,  and  in  the  meantime  learned  that  an  order 
from  McClellan  to  disembark  his  (Butler's)  troops 
at  Fortress  Monroe  had  by  some  accident  miscarried. 
He  at  once  called  on  McClellan,  and  asked  him  to 
revoke  the  order  for  disembarking,  telling  him  of  the 
conversation  with  Mr.  Lincoln  and  adding,  "I  want 
to  get  awray  from  Washington.  I  am  sick  of  the 
intrigues  and  cross  purposes  that  I  find  here.  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  Mr.  Stanton  seem  to  me  to  be  about  the 
only  persons  who  are  in  dead  earnest  for  a  vigorous 
prosecution  of  the  war."  He  asked  McClellan  wheth. 
er  he  should  call  on  him  again  before  seeing  the 
President,  and  was  told  to  do  so.  For  once  in  his 
life  McClellan  did  some  rapid  thinking.  It  was  very 
inconvenient  to  have  a  General  around  Washington 
who  wanted  to  fight,  and  it  would  be  still  more  incon 
venient  if  the  President  and  Secretary  should  take  a 
notion  to  turn  the  army  over  to  him  and  tell  him  to 
go  in.  Mr.  Lincoln  on  one  occasion  had  plaintively 
remarked  that  he  would  like  to  "borrow"  the  army  if 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          123 

McClellan  did  not  intend  to  do  anything  with  it. 
Inside  of  two  days  McClellan  had  complied  with 
Stanton's  order,  created  a  Department  of  the  Gulf 
with  Gen.  Butler  in  command,  and  instructed  him  to 
advance  on  New  Orleans  in  co-operation  with  the 
navy.  The  latter  lost  no  time,  but  sailed  for  Ship 
Island  on  the  25th  with  1,600  men,  8,000  having  pre 
ceded  him.  Admiral  Farragut  was  already  there, 
and  subsequent  events  are  a  matter  of  history.  The 
bombardment  of  Forts  Jackson  and  St.  Philip,  the 
naval  battle  in  the  river,  make  a  tale  that  is  highly 
interesting  but  cannot  be  detailed  here.  Farragut 
arrived  before  the  city  with  his  fleet  on  the  25th  of 
April,  just  one  month  from  the  day  Butler  sailed 
from  Fortress  Monroe,  and  hoisted  the  National  flag 
over  the  custom  house.  Gen.  Butler  arrived  on  May 
1,  and  took  full  possession  of  the  city,  and  on  the 
10th  Secretary  Stanton  wrote  him:  "No  event  dur 
ing  the  war  has  exercised  an  influence  upon  the  public 
mind  so  powerful  as  the  capture  and  occupation  of 
New  Orleans.  To  you  and  to  the  gallant  officers 
and  soldiers  under  your  command  the  department 
tenders  cordial  thanks." 

This  event  not  only  produced  encouragement 
at  home,  but  a  profound  effect  abroad,  where  its 
importance  was  fully  realized.  Even  those  journals 
which  had  been  most  hopeful  of  the  success  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy  admitted  that  the  blow  was 
telling  if  not  fatal.  Slidell,  the  Confederate  Com 
missioner  at  Paris,  wrote  that  "if  New  Orleans  had 
not  fallen,  our  recognition  could  not  have  been  much 
longer  delayed."  Mason  wrote  from  London:  "The 
occupation  of  the  principal  Southern  ports  by  the 
enemy,  and  the  increased  rigor  of  the  blockade  of 


124  OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST 

those  remaining  to  us,  resulting  from  it,  give  little 
hope  now  of  any  interference  in  regard  to  the  block 
ade,  and  leave  only  the  question  of  recognition." 

Great,  however,  as  were  the  direct  advantages 
of  the  capture  of  New  Orleans,  it  was  only  prelimi 
nary  to  a  still  greater  object,  the  reopening  of  the 
Mississippi  river  to  naivigation  throughout  its  entire 
length,  and  isolating  the  territory  west  of  that  river 
from  the  balance  of  the  Confederacy.     Pope  and  the 
river  navy  had  captured   Island  No.   10,   Stanton's 
rams  were  already  en  route  to  assist  in  the  destruction 
of  the  rebel  fleet  at  Memphis  and  the  capture  of  that 
city,    after    which    Vicksburg    remained    the    only 
important  fortified  city  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
Not  only  did  it  control  the  river,  but  through  it  pass 
ed  the  single  line  of  railroad  still   connecting  the 
extreme  ends  of  the  Confederacy.     The  Confederates 
were  not  insensible  to  its  importance,  but  trusting  to 
their  powerful   defenses  above   and   below   did   not 
begin  the  erection  of  strong  fortifications  and  con 
centration  of  troops  at  that  point  until  after  the 
fall  of  Memphis  and  New  Orleans.     Herculean  efforts 
were  also  made   by   conscription   to  increase   their 
armies  in  every  direction,  and  with  success.     On  the 
other  hand   Halleck  had   collected   a  fine  army   at 
Corinth,  whither  Pope's  forces  had  been  taken  from 
the  Mississippi,  and  it  was  reasonable  to  expect  that 
he  would  co-operate  in  reducing  Vicksburg  at  once. 
Farragut  and  Butler  speedily  began  working  their 
way  up  the  river,  although  it  was  known  that  the 
tatter's  force  was  too  small  to  accomplish  much  with 
out  assistance.     Gen.  Curtis  had  been  operating  to 
some  disadvantage  in  Arkansas,  and  on  June  12th 
Halleck  promised  "If  the  combined  fleet  of  Farragut 


EDWIN  McMASTEES  ST ANTON  125 

and  Davis  fail  to  take  Vicksburg  I  will  send  an  expe 
dition  for  that  purpose  as  soon  as  I  can  reinforce 
General  Curtis."     Certainly  this  promise  was  very 
late,  for  he  knew  by  April  27th  that  New  Orleans 
was  captured,  and  that  Farragut  had  orders  to  push 
up  the  river,  and  he  should  have  been  prepared  to 
meet  him.     But  he  was  still  shoveling  his  way  to 
Corinth,  and  when  Farragut  reached  Vicksburg  there 
was  nobody  to  assist  him.     He  demanded  the  surren 
der  of  the  city,  which  was  of  course  refused,  and  being 
unable  to  reduce  the  batteries  he  returned  to  New 
Orleans  about  June  1.     He  had  only  two  regiments 
of  troops  on  this  expedition.     Orders  were  sent  from 
Washington  to  try  it  again,  and  running  the  batteries 
on  June  28th  he  joined  the  ram  fleet  above  in  charge 
of  Captain  Ellet,  brother  of  the  originator  of  the 
fleet,  by  whom  word  was  carried  to  Davis  at  Memphis 
who  with  his  gunboats  joined  Farragut  in  again  run 
ning  the  batteries.     All  this  was  magnificent  but  it 
was  not  war.     In  the  meantime  Butler  had  written 
to  Stanton  that  he  would  send  half  of  his  entire  force 
to  co-operate  with   Fairagut,   which   wa^s  done,   to 
which  Stanton  replied  fully  approving  of  the  plan 
and  declaring  that  the  possession  of  New  Orleans, 
and  the  clearing  of  the  rebels  from  the  Mississippi 
had  always  appeared  to  be  one  of  the  chief  results 
of  the  war.     Assuming  that  Halleck  would  move  at 
once  he  sent  a  telegram  to  that  General  on  the  23d, 
making  suggestions  as  to  cutting  a  canal  in  the  rear 
of  Vicksburg.     General  Halleck  took  three  days  to 
indite  a  reply  to  this  telegram  which  was  five  days 
in  reaching  him,  saying:     "It  is  impossible  to  send 
troops  to  Vicksburg  at  present;  but  I  will  give  the 
matter  full  attention  as  soon  as  circumstances  will 


126  OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST 

permit."     On  July  3,  two  days  later,  he  wrote  to 
Farragut : 

The  scattered  and  weakened  'condition  of  my  forces  renders 
it  impossible  for  me  at  the  present  to  detach  any  troops  to  co 
operate  with  you  on  Vicksburg.  Probably  I  shall  be  aible  to 
do  so  as  soon  as  1  can  get  rny  troops  more  concentrated.  This 
may  delay  the  'clearing  of  the  river,  but  its  accomplisliment  will 
be  certain  in  a  few  weeks. 

But  he  had  found  it  easier  to  scatter  his  forces 
than  to  get  them  together  again,  and  on  the  14th 
Stan  ton  sent  him  the  following  telegram : 

The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  desires  to  know  whether  you 
have,  or  intend  to  have,  any  land  force  to  co-operate  in  the 
operations  at  Vicksburg.  Please  inform  me  immediately,  inas 
much  as  orders  he  intends  to  give  will  depend  on  your  answer. 

To  which  the  following  conclusive  if  not  satis 
factory  answer  was  received : 

I  cannot  at  present  give  Commodore  Farragut  any  aid 
against  Vickstiurg.  I  am  sending  reinforcements  to  General 
Curtis  in  Arkansas,  and  to  General  Buell  in  Tennessee  and 
Kentucky. 

So  the  expedition  against  Vicksburg  was  aban 
doned,  while  Halleck's  army  was  dispersed  in  guard 
ing  lines  of  railroads  and  other  unimportant  points. 
No  further  signal  advantage  was  gained  in  the  West 
that  year,  and  one  cannot  fail  to  agree  with  the 
declaration  by  Gen.  Sherman  in  his  Memoirs  that 
"  it  was  a  fatal  mistake  that  halted  General  Halleck 
at  Corinth,  and  led  him  to  disperse  and  scatter  the 
best  materials  for  a  fighting  army  that,  up  to  that 
date,  had  assembled  in  the  West." 


CHAPTER  VII. 

STAGNATION  IN  THE  EAST. 

All  Quiet  on  the  Potomac — The  Capital  Besieged — Efforts  of 
Lincoln  and  Stanton  for  Action — A  March  to  Quaker  Guns — 
The  Peninsular  Campaign— 6,000  Confederates  Check  160,000 
Federals — McDowell's  March  and  Washington's  Danger. 

In  order  to  give  a  consecutive  account  of  opera 
tions  in  the  Mississippi  Valley  in  the  spring  and 
summer  of  1862,  we  left  the  army  of  the  Potomac, 
to  which  we  must  now  return,  and  we  will  find  it 
just  where  we  left  it.  Somebody  has  remarked,  that 
happy  is  the  country  which  has  no  history.  If  this 
applied  to  an  army  then  affairs  should  have  been  in 
a  very  happy  state  around  Washington,  for  certainly 
history  was  not  making  very  rapidly  in  that  locality. 
Six  months  had  passed  away,  and  still  came  the  word 
"All  quiet  on  the  Potomac."  Rebel  batteries  block 
aded  the  river,  cutting  off  approach  by  sea,  the  Balti 
more  and  Ohio  railroad,  through  line  to  the  west 
ward,  was  held  by  the  Confederates,  and  but  a  single 
line  of  railroad  maintained  a  precarious  connection 
with  the  North.  The  capital  was  almost  in  a  state  of 
siege,  and  there  was  a  magnificent  army  of  150,000 
men  doing  nothing,  and  accomplishing  nothing,  while 
its  commander  at  his  city  home  was  holding  levees 
and  maintaining  an  inscrutable  silence  as  to  his 
future  plans,  if  he  had  any.  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Secre 
tary  Stanton  have  been  charged  with  unwarrantable 
interference  with  military  movements  and  hampering 
commanders  in  the  field.  The  records  do  not  bear 


128  STAGNATION  IN  THE  EAST 

out  this  charge.  Like  the  rest  of  the  country  they 
were  willing  to  leave  details  to  the  generals  in  the 
field,  only  insisting  that  when  they  were  furnished 
everything  possible  in  the  way  of  men  and  supplies 
they  make  an  effort  at  least  to  do  something.  A 
weary  country  could  wait  no  longer,  and  consequently 
came  President  Lincoln's  order  for  a  general  move 
ment  on  February  22,  which  Mr.  Blaine  says  was 
evidently  intended  to  mislead  somebody.  Who  that 
somebody  was  is  not  clear,  but  as  the  Western  armies 
were  in  very  lively  motion  before  the  22d  there  was 
no  doubt  as  to  where  the  order  would  especially 
apply.  But  to  avoid  any  possible  misunderstanding 
the  following  "President's  Special  War  Order  No. 
1"  was  sent  to  General  McClellan,  directing  "that  all 
the  disposable  force  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
after  providing  safely  for  the  defense  of  Washington, 
be  formed  into  an  expedition  for  the  immediate  object 
of  seizing  and  occupying  a  point  upon  the  railroad 
southwestward  of  what  is  known  as  Manassas  Junc 
tion,  all  details  to  be  in  the  discretion  of  the  General 
in  Chief,  and  the  expedition  to  move  before  or  on  the 
22d  day  of  February  next."  There  is  certainly  noth 
ing  misleading  about  this,  it  was  a  direct  order  from 
the  Commander  in  Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy  to 
his  subordinate  to  make  a  certain  movement.  Did 
he  go?  Not  at  all,  but  sat  down  to  argue  the  great 
danger  of  a  direct  advance  where  he  would  meet  hosts 
by  the  hundred  thousand  well  armed  and  generaled 
and  behind  entrenchments.  His  plan  was  to  embark 
the  army  from  Annapolis  and  proceed  by  water  to 
Urbana,  a  town  on  the  lower  Rappahannock  river,  a 
short  distance  above  its  debouchment  into  Chesapeake 
bay,  thence  march  to  West  Point  on  York  river,  and 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  129 

"thence  but  two  marches  to  Richmond/'  a  delightful 
holiday  excursion  if  nobody  should  happen  to  be  in 
the  way.  It  may  be  remarked  here  that  as  far  back 
as  the  preceding  October  McClellan's  own  reports 
showed  him  to  have  an  army  of  147,695  men  present 
and  fit  for  duty,  which  force  had  been  increased 
rather  than  diminished,  but  he  had  the  bugbear  of 
150,000  well  armed  rebels  in  front  of  him,  to  meet 
which  he  wanted  240,000  men !  The  fact  is  John 
ston's  forces  amounted  to  less  than  50,000  men,  and 
promptly  on  February  22d,  he  began  moving  his 
supplies  from  Manassas  in  the  belief  that  as  a  matter 
of  course  McClellan  would  advance  on  that  point, 
which  he  knew  he  could  not  hold.  It  is  unnecessary 
to  follow  in  detail  the  councils  and  conferences  which 
led  to  the  abandonment  of  the  Manassas  route  to 
Richmond  earnestly  urged  by  both  Lincoln  and  Stan- 
ton,  but  the  Young  Napoleon  had  his  way,  and  vigor 
ous  preparations  were  begun  to  carry  out  McClellan's 
programme  with  two  important  stipulations  namely, 
that  the  blockade  of  the  Potomac  river  and  the  B. 
&  O.  railroad  should  be  raised,  and  a  sufficient  force 
left  at  Washington  to  insure  the  safety  of  the  capital. 
McClellan  undertook  to  reopen  the  B.  &  O.  railroad; 
troops  were  collected  at  Harper's  Ferry,  and  canal 
boats  were  sent  to  be  fastened  together  to  make  a 
permanent  bridge  across  the  river.  The  General  was 
on  the  field  bravely  telegraphing  for  more  troops, 
but  when  an  attempt  was  made  to  pass  the  canal 
boats  through  the  lift  lock  it  was  discovered  that 
they  were  too  wide  by  at  least  six  inches.  The 
attempt  was  abandoned,  and  McClellan  returned 
"well  satisfied"  to  Washington,  a  satisfaction  that 
was  not  shared  by  the  President.  For  once  however 


130  STAGNATION  IN  THE  EAST 

the  Confederates  were  deceived  by  McClellan's  move 
ments.  They  did  not  dream  that  he  contemplated  a 
round  about  movement  via  Chesapeake  bay,  but  sup 
posed  he  was  preparing  to  come  directly  to  Manassas 
in  accordance  with  Lincoln's  order.  Accordingly  on 
the  9th,  having  shipped  all  his  valuable  stores  John 
ston  evacuated  Manassas,  and  at  the  same  time  the 
rebel  batteries  on  the  lower  Potomac  were  abandoned. 
McClellan  was  astounded  when  this  word  reached 
Washington,  and  from  some  unknown  cause  issued  an 
order  for  the  whole  army  to  advance  on  the  deserted 
works.  "Bad  roads"  were  no  obstacle  when  nobody 
was  in  the  way,  and  deserted  Manassas  with  itsi 
Quaker  guns  was  soon  reached,  while  Johnston's 
army  was  safely  off  to  the  southward.  Then  the 
army  marched  back,  the  whole  object  being  according 
to  McClellan's  after  explanation  to  give  the  army  a 
little  experience  in  marching  and  get  rid  of  their 
impedimenta.  Hawthorne  was  in  Washington  at  this 
time,  and  his  history  of  this  remarkable  military 
exploit  is  worth  repeating : 

On  the  very  day  of  our  arrival  sixty  thousand  men  had 
crossed  the  Potomac  on  their  march  towards  Manassas,  and  al 
most  with  their  first  step  into  Virginia  mud  the  phantasmagoria 
of  a  countless  host  and  impregnable  ramparts,  before  which 
they  had  so  long  remained  quiescent  dissolved  quite  away.  It 
was  as  if  General  McClellan  had  thrust  his  sword  into  a  gigantic 
enemy,  and  beholding  him  suddenly  collapse,  had  discovered  to 
himself  and  the  world  thait  he  had  merely  punctured  a  swollen 
bladder.  The  whole  business,  though  connected  with  the  destin 
ies  of  a  nation,  takes  inevitably  a  tinge  of  the  ludicrous.  The 
vast  preparation  of  men  and  warlike  material — the  majestic  pa 
tience  and  docility  with  which  the  people  waited  through  those 
weary  and  dreary  months — (the  martial  skill,  courage  and  cau 
tion  with  which  our  movement  was  ultimately  made — and  at 
last,  the  tremendous  shock  with  which  we  were  brought  up  sud 
denly  with  nothing  at  all.  The  Southerners  show  little  sense  of 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          131 

humor  nowadays,  but  I  think  they  must  have  meant  to  provoke 
a  laugh  at  our  expense  when  they  planted  those  Quaker  gains. 
At  all  events,  no  other  rebel  artillery  has  played  upon  us  with 
such  overwhelming  effect. 

The  Merriinac  scare  on  the  9th  of  March  threat 
ened  to  interfere!  with  the  new  plan  of  campaign,  but 
action  of  the  Monitor  and  Stan  ton's  Norfolk  expedi 
tion  soon  eliminated  that  difficulty.  On  March  11, 
McClellan  was  relieved  from  general  command  of 
the  army  in  order  that  he  might  give  his  entire  time 
to  his  own  expedition,  and  all  the  departments  were 
ordered  to  report  directly  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 
Fortress  Monroe  was  determined  as  a  base  from 
which  to  proceed  up  the  peninsula  lying  between  the 
James  and  York  rivers,  and  the  army  to  be  trans 
ferred  down  the  Potomac,  leaving  a  force  of  40,000 
under  McDowell  and  others  for  the  security  of 
Washington.  By  April  5,  under  the  skillful  man 
agement  of  J.  H.  Tucker  of  the  War  Department, 
121,500  men  with  14,592  animals  and  an  enormous 
amount  of  war  supplies  had  been  transferred  to 
Fortress  Monroe,  bringing  the  forces  in  that  neigh 
borhood  up  to  about  150,000  equipped  with  every 
thing  that  could  be  desired.  McClellan  left  for  the 
front  on  April  1,  and  the  next  day  Secretary  Stanton 
received  the  astonishing  information  that  only  19,000 
men  had  been  left  to  garrison  the  defenses  of  Wash 
ington,  and  of  these  eight  regiments  had  been  ordered 
for  duty  elsewhere.  President  Lincoln  ordered  Mc 
Dowell's  forces  to  be  retained  for  the  present,  which 
was  one  of  McClellan's  great  grievances.  From  that 
time  until  the  end  of  the  campaign  there  was  a  regu 
lar  bombardment  of  telegrams,  sometimes  making 
promises  but  almost  always  complaining.  It  must 


132  STAGNATION  IN  THE  EAST 

be  remembered  that  McDowell's  troops  were  never 
withdrawn  from  McClellan's  actual  force  on  the 
peninsula,  as  might  be  inferred  from  some  of  his 
telegrams,  for  they  never  arrived  there,  but  in  addi 
tion  to  the  121,500  actually  transported  he  afterwards 
received  over  39,000,  making  the  total  force  provided 
for  that  campaign  upwards  of  161,000  men.  On 
April  3d  McClellan  telegraphed  to  Washington  that 
he  intended  moving  on  Yorktown,  a  few  miles  up  the 
river,  the  next  day,  and  afterwards  asked  for  the  Par- 
rott  siege  guns  which  had  been  mounted  for  the  de 
fense  of  Washington.  This  was  a  matter  of  great 
concern  to  Stanton,  and  at  his  suggestion  Lincoln 
replied,  "Your  order  for  Parrott  guns  from  Wash 
ington  alarms  us  chiefly  because  it  argues  indefinite 
procrastination.  Is  anything  to  be  done?"  Stanton 
had  information  that  the  rebel  force  in  Yorktown  was 
very  small,  and  it  was  afterwards  shown  that  it  was 
only  about  6,000.  Nevertheless  additional  troops 
were  sent,  and  Stanton  gave  the  following  encourage 
ment:  "Telegraph  frequently,  and  all  the  power  of 
the  Government  shall  be  used  to  sustain  you  as  occa 
sion  may  require."  Lincoln  also  wrote:  "Once 
more,  let  me  tell  you  it  is  indispensable  that  you 
should  strike  a  blow  *  *  *  The  country  will  not 
fail  to  note,  is  nowT  noting,  that  the  present  hesitation 
is  but  the  story  of  Manassas  repeated.  I  beg  to 
assure  you  that  I  have  never  written  to  you  in  greater 
kindness  of  feeling  than  now,  or  with  a  fuller  pur 
pose  to  sustain  you  as  far  as,  in  my  most  anxious 
judgment,  I  can.  But  you  must  act." 

An  examination  of  the  map  of  Eastern  Virginia 
shows  that  the  York  and  James  rivers,  a  few  miles 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          133 

from;  their  mouths,  are  separated  by  a  narrow  strip 
of  land,  which  at  Yorktown  is  but  thirteen  miles 
wide.  Across  this  narrow  strip  the  Confederates  had 
constructed  a  chain  of  intrenchments  thinly  guarded 
by  Magruder's  meagre  force,  and  before  which  Me- 
Clellan  sat  down  with  his  160,000  men.  Rhodes  says 
that  up  to  April  11  there  was  no  time  when  the  Union 
army  did  not  outnumber  the  Confederate  three  to 
one,  but  it  was  rapidly  strengthened  after  that,  and 
on  April  17  when  Johnston  took  command  it  num 
bered  53,000.  All  this  time  McClellan  was  erecting 
siege  works,  planting  batteries,  complaining  of  the 
weather  and  Washington  authorities  indiscriminate 
ly  together  with  "abolitionists  and  other  scoundrels." 
In  the  meantime  Johnston  was  watching  McClellan, 
and  when  he  saw  his  elaborate  preparations  com 
pleted  coolly  walked  out  of  Yorktown,  which  he  never 
intended  to  hold  against  attack,  and  left  McClellan 
to  walk  in  at  his  leisure.  He  had  accomplished  his 
purpose  of  holding  the  big  Union  army  at  bay  for  a 
month  until  Richmond  could  be  fortified  and  every 
man  available  for  defense  brought  into  the  field.  It 
was  "Manassas  over  again"  minus  the  wooden  guns. 
Even  small  favors,  however,  were  thankfully  receiv 
ed,  and  Secretary  Stanton  at  once  sent  the  follow 
ing  dispatch :  "Accept  my  cordial  congratulations 
upon  the  success  of  Yorktown.  I  am  rejoiced  to  hear 
that  your  forces  are  in  active  pursuit.  Please  fur 
nish  me  with  details  as  far  as  they  are  required.  I 
hope  soon  to  hail  your  arrival  at  Richmond." 

When  Johnston  began  his  retreat  up  the  Pen 
insula  he  posted  a  strong  rear  guard  at  Williams- 
burg,  a  few  miles  from  Yorktown,  which  the  advance 
guard  of  the  Union  forces  reached  on  the  evening 


134  STAGNATION  IN  THE  EAST 

of  the  4th.  The  next  morning  Hooker  attacked,  and 
fought  at  a  disadvantage  against  heavy  reinforce 
ments  all  morning  without  any  adequate  support, 
although  30,000  men  were  within  reach,  which,  owing 
to  confusion  of  orders,  failed  to  support  him.  Mc- 
Clellan  was  notified  at  1  p.  m.  of  the  situation  at  Wil- 
liamsport,  and  was  four  hours  reaching  the  scene 
of  battle,  although  it  only  took  an  hour  and  a  half 
to  carry  the  message  to  him.  It  was  then  too  late  to 
do  anything  that  day  except  to  send  a  dispatch  to 
Washington  that  night  magnifying  Johnston's  forces, 
remarking,  "I  learn  from  prisoners  taken  that  the 
rebels  intend  to  dispute  every  step  to  Richmond,"  just 
what  Lincoln  told  him  would  happen  when  he  first 
proposed  the  Peninsular  campaign.  However,  he 
adds :  "I  shall  run  the  risk  of  at  least  holding  them 
in  check  here,  while  I  resume  the  original  plan," 
which  was  to  convey  the  troops  in  boats  up  York 
river  to  the  mouth  of  the  Pamunkey,  and  then  work 
across  the  country  westward  to  Richmond.  But 
when  morning  dawned  it  was,  found  that  the  enemy 
had  stolen  away  during  the  night,  and  then  his  cour 
age  rose,  so  the  water  plan  was  abandoned.  But  he 
informed  the  Secretary  that  "until  the  roads  improv 
ed  both  in  front  and  rear  no  large  body  of  troops 
could  be  moved."  The  rebels,  however,  whom  Mc- 
Clellan  considered  to  be  superior  in  numbers,  seemed 
to  have  no  difficulty  in  moving  with  all  the  celerity 
desired. 

The  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  been  divided  into 
four  corps  on  advice  of  twelve  generals,  in  the  field, 
which  were  commanded  by  McDowell,  Sumner, 
Heintzelman  and  Keyes,  according  to  seniority  of 
rank,  replacing  the  more  cumbersome  method  of  com- 


EDWIN  McM ASTERS  STANTON  135 

paratively  small  divisions.  McClellan  was  so  oppos 
ed  to  this  that  the  Secretary  allowed  him  to  suspend 
the  order  temporarily,  although  it  was  against  the 
wish  of  the  President,  who  sent  a  rebuke  to  McClel 
lan  after  the  battle  of  Williamsburg,  referring  to  his 
ignoring  of  the  three  corps  commanders  with  him, 
and  consulting  with  Fitz  John  Porter  only.  He 
pertinently  asks  him  :  "Do  the  commanders  of  corps 
disobey  you  in  anything?"  A  few  days  later  in  order 
to  placate  McClellan  the  President  authorized  the 
formation  of  the  5th  and  6th  corps,  commanded  by 
Porter  and  Franklin.  In  short  everything  possible 
was  done  to  satisfy  him. 

Johnston  withdrew  to  Baltimore  Cross  Roads  a 
few  miles  west  of  White  House  on  the  Richmond  road, 
McClellan  at  the  same  time  moving  northwardly 
forty  or  fifty  miles  to  White  House  on  the  Pamunkey, 
where  he  established  a  base  of  supplies,  and  on  the 
21st  established  a  line  on  the  Chickahominy  river  the 
right  wing  being  only  seven  miles  from  Richmond 
and  the  left  twelve  miles.  In  the  meantime  a  bril 
liant  feat  had  been  performed,  namely  the  capture  of 
Norfolk  and  the  destruction  of  the  Merrimac  by 
Stanton's  expedition.  This  left  the  James  river  free 
to  gunboats,  transports  and  light  draft  vessels  of  all 
kinds.  In  fact  for  the  time  being  there  was  a)  regu 
lar  panic  at  Richmond,  and  when  the  little  Monitor 
and  a  fleet  of  Federal  gunboats  reached  a  point  within 
eight  miles  of  the  city  there  was  a  general  exodus. 

The  families  of  Jefferson  Davis  and  of  the  Cabi- 
net  ministers  were  among  those  who  left  the  city.  The 
Confederate  archives  were  packed,  and  some  were  ac 
tually  shipped  away.  New  Orleans  had  fallen,  and  it 
was  expected  that  Richmond  would  follow  as  the  cul- 


STAGNATION  IN  THE  EAST 


mination  of  Stanton's  brilliant  stroke.  But  at 
Drewry's  Bluff,  eight  miles  below  the  city  the  river 
was  obstructed  by  piles  and  sunken  vessels  protected 
by  a  heavy  shore  battery,  and  the  banks  were  lined 
with  sharp  shooters  ready  to  pick  off  every  man  in 
sight.  Had  there  been  an  army  on  shore  to  take  care 
of  the  battery  and  sharpshooters  while  the  vessels 
broke  through  or  removed  the  obstructions  the  result 
could  not  have  been  doubtful,  and  Richmond  would 
have  fallen  as  easily  as  New  Orleans.  But  where  was 
the  army?  On  May  11,  McClellan,  who  had  advanced 
nineteen  miles  beyond  Williamsburg  in  the  direction 
of  White  House  on  the  Pamunkey,  heard  of  the  de 
struction  of  the  Merriinac.  He  had  the  day  before  tel 
egraphed  to  Secretary  Stanton  that  should  Norfolk  be 
taken  and  the  Merrimac  destroyed  he  could  change 
his  line  to  James  River  and  dispense  with  the  railroad, 
which  would  simply  involve  a  deflection  of  a  few  miles 
to  the  left.  When  the  news  of  the  Merrimac's  destruc 
tion  reached  him  he  at  once  sent  the  following  tele 
gram: 

I  congratulate  you  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart  upon  the 
destruction  of  the  Merrimac.  I  would  now  most  earnestly  urge 
that  our  gunboats  and  the  ironclad  boats  be  sent  as  fas  as  pos 
sible  up  the  James  River  without  delay.  This  will  enable  me  to 
make  our  movements  much  more  decisive. 

The  gunboats  were  sent  at  once,  but  not  being 
supported  by  any  land  force  at  Drewry's  were  repuls 
ed,  and  the  expedition  came  to  nothing.  McClellan 
seems  to  have  forgotten  all  about  the  gunboats,  and 
kept  pegging  along  towards  White  House,  away  from 
the  James  instead  of  towards  it,  in  the  meantime  beg 
ging  as  usual  for  more  men,  holding  up  the  spectacle 
of  being  compelled  to  fight  160,000  rebels  with  80,000 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          137 

troops  when  as  a  matter  of  fact  the  figures  of  the  con 
fronting  armies  were  almost  exactly  reversed.  In  let 
ters  to  his  wife  at  this  time  he  appears  to  think  the 
enemy  would  abandon  his  fortifications  at  Richmond 
and  run  away,  from  a  force  of  one-half  the  number, 
but  does  not  explain  the  reasons  for  this  optimistic 
view.  On  May  20  when  McClellan's  army  was  spread 
along  between  White  House  and  the  Chickahominy 
swamps  he  officially  reported  his  force  at  128,864  with 
107,088  fit  for  duty.  On  May  21,  Gen.  Johnston  re 
ported  the  number  of  men  in  his  command  at  53,688. 
McClellan's  demands  for  assistance  were  so  persistent 
that  on  May  18  Stanton,  by  direction  of  the  President, 
sent  him  the  following : 

The  President  is  not  willing  ito  uncover  the  capital  entirely, 
and  it  is  believed  that  even  if  this  were  prudent,  it  would  re 
quire  more  time  to  effect  that  junction  between  your  army  and 
that  of  the  Rappahannock  by  way  of  the  Potomac  and  York 
River  than  by  a  land  route.  In  order,  therefore,  to  increase  the 
force  of  land  attack  upon  Richmond  the  earliest  possible  mo 
ment,  General  McDowell  has  been  ordered  to  march  upon  that 
city  by  the  shortest  route.  He  is  ordered,  keeping  himself  al 
ways  in  position  to  save  the  capital  from  all  possible  attack,  so 
to  operate,  as  to  put  his  left  wing  in  communication  with  your 
right  wing,  and  you  are  instructed  to  cooperate  so  as  to  estab 
lish  this  communication  as  soon  as  possible  by  extending  your 
right  wing  to  the  nonth  of  Richmond.  It  is  believed  that  this 
communication  can  be  safely  established  either  north  or  south 
of  the  Pamunkey  river.  In  any  event  you  will  be  able  to  pre 
vent  the  main  body  of  the  enemy's  forces  from  leaving  Rich 
mond  and  falling  in  overwhelming  force  upon  Gen.  McDowell. 
He  will  move  with  between  35,000  and  40,000  men.  *  *  At 
your  earnest  call  for  reinforceemnts,  he  is  sent  forward  to  co- 
oprate  in  the  reduction  of  Richmond,  and  charged  in  attempting 
this,  not  to  uncover  the  city  of  Washington,  and  you  will  give  no 
order  either  before  or  after  your  junction  which  can  put  him  out 
of  position  to  cover  this  city,  &c. 


138  STAGNATION  IN  THE  EAST 

This  arrangement  was  not  quite  satisfactory  to 
McClellan,  who  wanted  McDowell's  corps  sent  around 
by  water  and  subject  to  his  order,  although  he  already 
had  more  men  than  he  knew  how  to  handle.  Curious 
ly  enough  in  making  up  his  report  a  year  after  he  cites 
this  order  issued  on  the  18th  as  a  reason  why  he  had 
not  taken  the  line  of  the  James  which  was  opened  to 
him  seven  days  earlier,  to  which  he  paid  no  attention, 
allowing  the  gunboats  to  be  repulsed.  Even  Jefferson 
Davis  saw  this  blunder,  and  in  his  work  says  events 
which  preceded  the  llth  "made  it  quite  practicable  for 
him  to  transfer  his  army  to  the  James  River,  the  south 
side  of  which  had  then  but  weak  defenses,  and  thus  by 
a  short  march  to  gain  more  than  all  the  advantages 
which  at  a  later  period  of  the  war  General  Grant  ob 
tained  at  the  sacrifice  of  a  hecatomb  of  soldiers."  At 
the  time  McClellan's  only  comment  on  the  McDowell 
order  was,  "Those  hounds  in  Washington  are  after  me 
again." 

At  this  juncture  the  rebel  forces  in  the  Shenan- 
doah  Valley  became  so  active,  defeating  Banks  and 
driving  him  across  the  Potomac  into  Maryland,  that 
great  alarm  was  felt  for  the  safety  of  the  capital,  and 
20,000  men  were  detached  from  McDowell's  corps  to 
retrieve  the  situation,  and  Governors  of  several  north 
ern  states  were  asked  by  Stanton  to  send  special  vol 
unteers  immediately  to  Washington.  "Our  condition 
is  one  of  considerable  danger,  as  we  are  stripped  to 
supply  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  now  have  the 
enemy  here,"  declared  Stanton.  Jackson  retreated  up 
the  valley  with  Fremont  and  Shields,  the  latter  with 
McDowell's  20.000  troops,  at  his  heels.  Jackson  out 
generaled  the  Federals  and  safety  got  away,  having 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  139 

accomplished  the  main  object  of  preventing  McDow 
ell  from  joining  McClellan. 

Mr.  Elaine  in  his  book  makes  an  elaborate  argu 
ment  to  prove  that  had  McDowell  been  permitted  to 
join  McClellan's  forces  Richmond  would  have  speed 
ily  fallen,  and  quotes  McClellan's  declaration  that  he 
had  "no  doubt  that  the  army  of  the  Potomac  would 
have  taken  Richmond  had  not  the  corps  of  General 
McDowell  been  separated  from  it;  and  that,  had  the 
command  of  General  McDowell  in  the  month  of  May 
joined  the  army  of  thei  Potomac  by  way  of  Hanover 
Court  House  we  would  have  had  Richmond  a  week 
after  the  junction."  Opinions  of  what  might  happen 
under  certain  conditions  which  never  existed  are 
purely  speculative,  but  we  have  already  studied  Mc 
Clellan's  movements  sufficiently  to  judge  whether  the 
addition  of  McDowell's  corps  would  have  made  any 
difference  in  his  movements.  Although  his  army  was 
at  all  times  larger  than  that  opposing  him,  yet  in 
every  engagement  so  far  he  had  been  outnumbered, 
simply  because  he  did  not  seem  to  understand  how  to 
bring  his  men  into  action,  in  short  he  already  had 
more  men  than  he  had  the  ability  to  handle.  Jeffei- 
son  Davis  in  his  Rise  and  Fall  makes  the  following 
sarcastic  comment  on  McClellan's  statement  quoted 
above : 

Let  us  fir<-t  inquire  what  was  the  size  of  this  army  so  crip 
pled  for  want  of  reinforcement,  and  then  what  the  strength  of 
that  to  which  it  was  opposed.  On  the  30th  of  April,  1862  the 
official  report  olf  McClellan's  army  gives  the  aggregate  present 
for  duty  as  112,392;  that  of  the  20th  of  June  ***  the  aggregate 
present  for  duty  as  105,825,  and  the  total,  present  and  absent, 
as  156,838.  Two  statements  of  the  strength  of  our  army  under 
General  J.  E.  Johnston  during  the  month  of  May — in  which  Gen 
eral  McClellan  testified  that  he  was  greatly  in  need  of  Me- 


140  STAGNATION  IN  THE  EAST 

Dowell's  corps — give  the  following  results:  First,  the  official 
returns  21st  May.  1862  total  effective  of  all  arms,  53,688;  subse 
quently,  five  brigades  were  added,  and  the  effective  strength  of 
the  army  under  General  Johnston  on  May  31,  was  62,696. 

The  Confederate  system  of  numbering  tended  to 
make  their  forces  appear  somewhat  smaller  than  the 
reality,  as  they  omitted  musicians,  teamsters  and 
others  who  were  counted  in  the  Union  army,  but  the 
difference  was  not  very  material. 

Let  us  speculate  a  little  farther.  Suppose  Mc 
Dowell  had  been  able  to  advance  southward  from 
Fredericksburg  towards  Hanover  Court  House,  he 
would  undoubtedly  have  met  Johnston's  army,  which 
would  not  have  hesitated  to  attack  him  in  force.  True 
Johnston  would  thereby  have  weakened  his  front,  of 
which  an  active  commander  would  have  taken  imme 
diate  advantage.  But  would  McClellan  have  done  so? 
After  being  held  at  bay  for  weeks  by  a  trifling  force  at 
Yorktown  and  in  the  light  of  subsequent  events  this 
cannot  be  asserted  with  certainty.  True,  if  McDowell 
with  his  30,000  or  40,000  men  had  been  able  to  crush 
Johnston's  army,  McClellan  might  have  walked  into 
Richmond  even  if  it  were  only  defended  by  Quaker 
guns,  but  suppose  the  reverse  had  been  the  result,  and 
McDowell  had  been  cut  to  pieces  or  allowed  to  get  out 
of  his  scrape,  as  Pope  was  afterwards,  only  a  miracle 
could  have  saved  Washington,  in  comparison  with 
which  loss  the  capture  of  Richmond  would  have  been 
but  a  barren  victory.  Perhaps  Jackson's  diversion  in 
the  Shenandoah  was  more  providential  than  it  seemed 
at  the  time. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

i 

COMPLAINTS  AND  DISASTERS. 

Attack  From  the  Rear — Eckert  Saves  the  Situation — Stanton 
Reviews  His  Woi'k — Lincoln's  Patience  Exhausted — Lee  and 
Davis  Fool  McClelian — Barren  Victories — Astounding  Tele 
gram  Suppressed — Proposition  to  Surrender  the  Army — Mc- 
Clellan's  Dictation  to  the  President — Pcpe  Crushed  by  Petty 
Jealousies. 

While  McClelian  was  dividing  his  time  between 
writing  letters  to  his  wife  and  complaining  to  his  su 
periors  there  was  a  well  organized  movement  in  the 
North  to  hamper  the  work  of  the  Government  in  every 
possible  way,  in  order  to  force  "peace  at  any  price," 
which  was  frequently  of  more  aid  to  the  Confederates 
than  were  their  forces  in  the  field.  One  phase  of  this 
movement  was  to  withdraw  generals  from  the  field  by 
the  bait  of  political  preferment,  and  another  was  to 
take  advantage  of  the  dissatisfaction  caused  by  the 
meagre  results  of  the  year's  campaigns  by  throwing 
the  responsibility  on  the  Administration,  especially 
on  the  Secretary  of  War.  McClellan's  jeremiads  to 
his  wife  were  not  published  until  years  after,  but  it  is 
not  improbable  that  they  were  known  to  personal  and 
political  friends,  and  furnished  the  keynote  to  most 
outrageous  attacks  on  Stanton.  Even  at  that  date 
McClelian  was  being  groomed  as  the  anti-war  candi 
date  for  the  Presidency  in  1864,  and  by  the  method 
pursued  he  would  be  exalted,  Stanton  disgraced  and 
the  South  encouraged  to  continue  in  armed  rebellion. 
A  portion  of  the  press  was  enlisted  in  this  crusade. 


142          COMPLAINTS  AND  DISASTERS 

and  as  early  as  the  middle  of  April  certain  inspired 
articles  began  to  appear.  A  leader  in  this  scheme 
was  the  New  York  Commercial  Advertiser,  and  on 
April  15  that  journal  published  an  editorial  intimat 
ing  how  McClellan's  "grand  movement"  had  been 
imperiled  by  interference  from  Washington  until  the 
rebels  at  Yorktown  had  concentrated  forces  superior 
to  those  of  the  Union,  and  hinting  at  combinations  to 
prevent  McClellan  from  achieving  the  results  of  his 
strategy.  It  naively  adds:  "We  do  not  believe  that 
the  President  is  in  sympathy  with  the  conspirators 
against  General  McClellan's  fame  and  success.  We 
fear  it  is  true,  however,  that  General  McClellan  has 
no  very  warm  friend  in  the  Secretary  of  War.  *  * 
A  certain  school  of  politicians  are  angered  with  him, 
and  because  they  foresee  a  possibility  that  he  may  be 
carried  into  the  next  presidency  by  the  acclamations 
of  an  admiring  and  grateful  people,"  and  much  more 
to  the  same  effect.  The  same  paper  two  days  later 
published  a  manufactured  rumor  that  Stan  ton  had  re 
signed,  with  the  following  comments : 

The  Secretary  of  War  has  certainly  committed  grave  er 
rors  since  he  took  charge  of  the  department,  and  we  have  reason 
to  believe  that  the  President  is  far  from  satisfied  with  the  Secre 
tary's  treatment  of  General  McClellan.  It  is  even  said  that  af 
ter  the  general  commanding  went  to  Yorktown,  the  President 
felt  it  his  duty  to  interfere  peremptorily  for  his  protection,  and 
sent  troops  to  him  that  Stanton  had  withheld;  (Franklin's  divis 
ion  which  was  not  even  disembarked  until  later)  and  we  believe 
that  such  is  the  fact.  *  *  Mr.  Stanton  must  change  either  his 
policy  or  his  place. 

The  above  are  only  a  few  samples  of  the  style  of 
warfare  waged  by  a  certain  class  of  politicians  and 
newspapers  against  Stanton,  and  while  this  was  going 
on  a  circumstance  occurred  which  in  any  other  coun- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          143 

try  would  have  gotten  more  than  one  individual  into 
serious  trouble.  It  is  related  by  David  H.  Bates  in  his 
late  work  as  follows : 

In  the  latter  part  of  April,  1862,  Eckert  was  ordered  by 
Stanton  to  go  to  Fort  Monroe  to  look  after  telegraph  matters, 
and  while  there  several  long  messages  were  received 
from  New  York  City,  addressed  to  McClellan,  whose 
headquarters  were  at  White  House  on  the  Pamunkey, 
about  twenty  miles  from  Richmond.  These  messages  were  sign 
ed  by  a  prominent  New  Yorker,  who  was  'then  chairman  of  the 
National  Democratic  Committee,  and  were  of  such  an  extraor 
dinary  character  that  Eckert  on  his  own  responsibility,  conclud 
ed  not  to  forward  them  over  the  headquarters  line,  but  to  hold 
them  until  he  could  deliever  them  in  person.  In  effect  thev  ad 
vised  McClellan  to  disregard  interference  by  the  Administration 
with  army  matters,  and  to  act  on  his  own  judgment.  In  that 
case,  he  would  be  sustained  by  the  people  of  the  North,  who 
were  becoming  weary  of  having  military  affairs  directed  by 
civilians  at  Washington.  Before  Eckert  could  go  to  McClellan's 
headquarters,  the  President  and  Secretary  of  War,  with  Assist 
ant  Secretary  Fox  of  the  Navy,  came  to  Fort  M'onroe,  in  order 
to  be  on  hand  when  the  movement  against  Norfolk  should  be 
made.  Eckert  showed  the  messages  to  Stanton,  who  asked  if 
any  answers  had  been  sent.  Eckert  said  no,  because  the  mess 
ages  had  not  been  delivered  to  McClellan.  Stanton  called  Lin 
coln's  attention  to  the  matter,  and,  after  a  long  discussion,  it 
was  decided  to  have  Eckert  go  to  White  House  Landing, 
and  deliver  the  delayed  messages  to  McClellan.  This  was  done, 
and  when  the  General  read  them,  he  asked  whether  they  had 
been  withheld  by  order  of  Stanton.  Eckert  said  no;  that  Stan- 
ton  had  not  seen  them,  nor  had  he  known  anything  about  them 
until  that  very  morning.  McClellan  said:  "Thank  God,  Major, 
that  Stanton  had  a  man  in  your  position  who  not  only  had  the 
good  sense,  but  the  courage  to  suppress  these  messages!"  Mc 
Clellan  added,  that  if  he  had  received  them  promptly,  he  would 
have  felt  compelled  to  make  some  reply  that  would  probably 
have  placed  him  in  a  ifalse  position.  McClellan  then  sat  down 
and  wrote  a  letter  to  Stanton,  stating  that  he  was  glad  that 
Eckert  had  withheld  the  messages,  and  that  he  had  not  receiv 
ed  any  others  of  a  similar  kind. 


144          COMPLAINTS  AND  DISASTERS 

A  general  of  the  army  receiving  treasonable 
messages  ought  to  be  able  to  indite  a  reply  that  would 
relieve  him  from  a  false  position  rather  than  place 
him  in  one. 

While  all  this  was  going  on  Stanton  pursued  the 
even  tenor  of  his  way,  and  neither  then  nor  at  any 
other  time  paid  any  attention  publicly  to  the  siauaei- 
ous  charges  and  innuendoes  whichi  were  being  so  in 
dustriously  circulated.  But  the  friend  of  his  youth 
and  former  pastor  and  tutor  at  Kenyon  College,  Rev. 
Heman  Dyer,  of  New  York,  became  anxious  and  wrote 
to  Stanton  on  the  subject,  to  which  he  replied  confi 
dentially  on  the  18th  of  May,  1862,  which  letter  was 
never  made  public  until  June  8,  1886,  when  Hon.  W. 
D.  Kelly  read  it  in  the  House  of  Representatives  in 
response  to  some  of  these  old  slanders  reiterated 
against  the  Secretary.  The  letter  is  so  interesting, 
and  covers  the  ground  so  completely,  that  notwith 
standing  its  length  we  here  reproduce  it  in  full : 

Washington,   May   18,    1862. 

My  Dear  Friend, — Yours  of  the  16th  is  welcomed  as  an 
evidence  of  the  continued  regard  of  one  whose  esteem  I  have 
always  been  anxious  to  possess.  I  have  been  very  well  aware 
of  the  calumnies  busily  circulated  against  me  in  New  York, 
and  elsewhere  respecting  my  relations  to  General  McClellan, 
but  am  compelled  from  public  considerations  to  withhold  th« 
proofs  that  would  stamp  the  falsehood  of  the  accusations 
and  the  base  motives  olf  the  accusers  who  belong  to  two  classes. 

1st,  Plunderers  who  have  been  driven  from  the  department 
where  they  were  gorging  millions;  2nd,  Scheming  politicians 
whose  desigtis  are  endangered  by  an  earnest,  resolute,  uncom 
promising  prosecution  of  this  war — as  a  war  against  rebels  and 
traitors. 

A  brief  statement  of  facts,  on  official  record  which  I  can 
make  to  you  confidentially,  will  be  sufficient  ito  satisfy  yourself 
that  your  confidence  in  me  has  not  been  misplaced: — 

1st,  When   I   entered  the   Cabinet,   I   was,   and  for  months 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  145 

had  been,  the  sincere  and  de\oted  friend  of  General  McClellan, 
and  to  support  him,  and,  90  far  as  I  might,  aid  and  assist  him 
in  bringing  the  war  to  a  close,  was  a  chief  inducement  for  me 
to  sacrifice  my  personal  happiness  to  a  sense  of  public  duty. 
I  had  studied  him  earnestly  with  an  anxious  desire  to  discover 
the  military  and  patriotic  virtue  that  might  save  the  country, 
and  if  in  any  degree  disappointed,  I  hoped  on,  and  waited  for 
time  to  develop. 

I  went  into  the  Cabinet  about  the  20th  of  January.  On 
the  27th  the  President  made  his  war  order  No.  1,  requiring 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  to  move.  It  is  not  necessary,  or 
perhaps  proper,  to  state  all  the  causes  that  led  to  that  order, 
but  it  is  enough  to  know  that  the  government  was  on  the  verge 
of  bankruptcy,  and  at  the  rate  of  expenditure,  the  armies  must 
move,  or  the  Government  perish.  The  22d  of  February  was 
the  day  fixed  for  movement,  and  when  it  arrived  there  was  no 
more  sign  of  movement  on  the  Potomac  than  there  had  been 
for  three  months  before.  Many,  very  many,  earnest  conversa 
tions  I  had  held  with  General  McClellan,  to  impress  him  with 
the  absolute  necessity  of  active  operations,  or  that  the  Gov 
ernment  would  fail  because  of  foreign  intervention  and  enor 
mous  debt. 

Between  the  22d  of  February  and  the  8th  of  March  the 
President  had  again  interfered,  and  a  movement  on  Winchester 
and  to  clear  the  blockade  of  the  Potomac  was  promised,  com 
menced  and  abandoned.  The  circumstances  caninot  at  present 
be  revealed. 

On  the  6th  of  March  the  President  again  interfered, 
ordered  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  to  be  organized  into  army 
corps,  and  that  operations  should  commence  immediately. 

Two  lines  of  operations  were  open, — 1st,  one  moving 
directly  on  the  enemy  by  Manassass  and  forcing  him  back  on 
Richmond,  beating  and  destroying  him  by  superior  force,  and 
all  the  time  keeping  the  capital  secure  by  being  between  it 
and  the  enemy.  This  was  the  plan  favored  by  the  President. 
2d,  The  other  plan  was  to  transfer  the  troops  by  water  to 
some  point  on  the  lower  Chesapeake,  and  thence  advance  on 
Richmond.  This  was  General  McClellan's  plan.  The  President 
reluctantly  yielded  his  own  views,  although  they  were  sun- 
ported  by  s>ome  of  the  best  military  men  in  the  country,  and 
consented  that  the  General  should  pursue  his  own  plan.  But 
by  a  written  order  he  imposed  the.  special  condition,  that  the 


146  COMPLAINTS  AND  DISASTERS 

army  should  not  be  removed  without  leaving  a  sufficient  force 
in  and  around  Washington  to  make  the  cajpital  perfectly 
secure  against  all  danger,  and  that  the  iforce  required  should 
be  determined  by  the  judgment  of  all  'the  commanders  of  army 
corps. 

In  order  to  enable  General  McClellan  to  devote  his  whole 
energy  to  the  'movement  of  his  own  army  (which  -was  quite 
enough  to  task  the  ability  of  the  ablest  commander  in  the 
world)  he  was  relieved  from  the  charge  of  the  other  military 
departments,  it  being  supposed  that  the  re.sjpective  conmrnand- 
«rs  were  competent  to  direct  the  operations  in  their  own 
departments. 

To  enable  General  McClellan  to  transport  his  force,  every 
measure  and  power  of  the  Government  was  placed  at  his  dis 
posal  and  unsparingly  used.  When  a  large  part  of  his  force 
had  been  transferred  to  Fontress  M'onroe  and  the  whole  of 
it  about  to  go  in  a  few  days,  information  was  given  to  me 
by  various  persons,  thait  there  was  great  reason  to  fear  that 
no  adequate  force  had  been  left  to  defend  the  Capital  in 
case  of  a  sudden  attack;  that  the  enemy  might  detach  a  large 
force  and  seize  it  at  a  time  when  it  would  be  impossible  for 
General  McClellan  to  render  any  assistance.  Serious  alarm 
was  expressed  by  many  persons,  and  many  warnings  given 
me,  which  I  could  not  neglect.  I  ordered  a  report  of  the  force 
left  to  ddfend  Washington.  It  was  reported  by  the  Commander 
to  be  leso  than  20,000  raw  recruits  with  not  a  single  organized 
brigade!  A  dash  like  that  made  a  short  time  before  at  Win 
chester  would  at  any  time  take  the  capital  of  the  Nation.  The 
report  of  the  force  left  to  defend  Washington,  and  the  order 
of  the  President,  were  referred  to  Major  General  Hitchcock 
and  Adjutant  General  Thomas  to  report — 

Is/t,  whether  the  President's  order  had  been  complied 
with: 

2d,  whether  the  force  left  to  defend  the  city  was  sufficient. 

They  reported  in  the  negative  on  both  points.  These 
reports  were  submitted  to  the  President  who  also  consulted 
General  Totten,  General  Taylor,  General  Meigs  and  General 
Ripley.  They  agreed  in  opinion  that  the  Capital  was  not  safe. 
The  President,  then,  by  written  order,  directed  me  to  retain 
one  of  the  army  corps  for  the  defense  of  Washington,  either 
Sumner's  or  McDowell's.  As  part  o>f  Sumner's  corps  had 
already  embarked,  I  directed  McDowell  to  remain  with  his 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          147 

command,  and  the  reasons  were  approved  by  the   President. 

Down  to  this  period  there  had  never  been  a  shadow  of 
difference  between  General  McClellan  and  myself.  It  is  true 
I  thought  his  plan  of  operations  objectionable,  as  the  most 
expensive,  the  most  hazardous,  and  most  protracted  that  could 
have  been  chosen;  but  I  was  not  a  military  man,  and  while  he 
was  in  command,  I  would  not  interfere  with  his  plan,  and  gave 
him  every  aid  to  execute  it.  But  when  the  case  had  assumed 
'.he  form  it  had  dene  by  his  disregard  of  the  President's  order, 
and  by  leaving  the  capital  exposed  to  seizure  by  the  enemy,  1 
was  bound  to  act,  even  if  I  had  not  been  required  by  the  specific 
written  order  of  the  President.  Will  any  man  question  that  such 
was  my  duty' 

When  this  order  was  communicated  to  General  McClellan, 
k  of  course  provoked  his  wrath,  and  the  wrath  of  his  friends 
was  directed  upon  me,  because  I  was  the  agent  of  its  execution. 
If  the  force  had  gone  forward  as  he  had  designed,  I  believe 
that  Washington  would  this  day  be  in  the  hands  of  the  rebels. 

Down  to  this  point,  moreover,  there  was  never  the  slightest 
difference  between  the  President  and  myself.  But  the  entreaties 
of  General  McClellan  induced  the  President  to  modify  his  order 
to  the  extent  that  Franklin's  Division  (being  part  of  McDowell's 
corps  that  had  been  retained)  was  detached  and  sent  forward  by 
boat  to  McClellan.  This  was  against  my  judgment,  because  I 
thought  the  whole  force  cf  McDowell  should  be  kept  together, 
and  sent  forward  by  land  on  the  shortest  route  to  Richmond, 
thus  aiding  McClellan,  but,  at  the  same  time,  covering  and  pro 
tecting  Washington  by  keeping  between  it  and  the  enemy.  In 
this  ^pinion  Major  General  Hitchcock,  General  Meigs  and  Ad 
jutant  General  Thomas  agreed:  but  the  President  was  so  anx 
ious  that  General  McClellan  should  have  no  cause  of  complaint 
that  he  ordered  the  force  to  be  sent  by  water,  although  that 
route  was  then  threatened  by  the  Merrimac.  I  yielded  my 
opinion  to  the  President's  order;  but  between  him  and  me  there 
has  never  been  the  slightest  shadow  since  I  entered  the  Cabinet. 
And  except  the  retention  of  the  force  under  McDowell  by  the 
President's  order  for  the  reasons  mentioned,  General  McClellan 
has  never  made  a  request,  or  expressed  a  wish,  that  has  not 
been  promptly  complied  with,  if  in  the  power  af  the  Govern 
ment.  To  me  personally  he  has  repeatedly  expressed  his  confi 
dence  and  his  tharks  in  the  dispatches  sent  me! 

Now  one  word  as  to  political  motives.     What  motive  can  I 


148          COMPLAINTS  AND  DISASTERS 

have  to  thwart  General  McClellan?  I  am  not  now,  never  have 
been,  and  never  will  be  a  candidate  for  any  office.  I  hold  my 
present  post  at  the  request  of  a  President  who  knew  me  per 
sonally,  but  to  whom  I  had  not  spoken  ifrom  the  4th  cf  March, 
1861,  umtil  the  day  he  handed  me  my  commission.  I  knew  that 
everything  I  cherish  and  hold  dear  would  be  sacrificed  by  ac 
cepting  office.  But  I  thought  I  might  help  to  save  the  country 
and  for  that  I  was  willing  to  perish.  If  I  wanted  to  be  a  politi 
cian  or  a  candidate  for  any  office,  would  I  stand  between  the 
Treasury  and  the  robbers  that  are  howling  around  me?  Would 
I  provoke  and  stand  against  the  whole  newspaper  gang  in  this 
country,  of  every  party,  who  to  sell  news  would  imperil  a  battle? 
I  was  never  taken  for  a  fool,  but  there  could  be  no  greater  mad 
ness  than  for  a  man  to  encounter  what  I  do  for  anything  else 
than  motives  that  'Overleap  time  and  look  forward  to  eternity. 

I  believe  God  Almighty  founded  this  Government,  and  for 
my  acts  in  the  effort  to  maintain  it,  I  expect  to  stand  before 
Him  in  judgment.  You  will  pardon  this  long  explanation,  which 
has  been  made  to  no  one  else.  It  is  due  to  you,  who  was  my 
friend  when  I  was  a  poor  boy  at  school,  and  had  no  claim  on 
your  confidence  or  kindness.  It  cannot  be  made  public  for  ob 
vious  reasons.  General  McClellan  is  at  the  head  of  our  chief 
army,  he  must  have  every  confidence  and  support,  and  I  am 
willing  that  the  whole  world  should  revile  one  rather  than  to 
diminish  one  grain  of  the  strength  needed  to  conquer  the  rebels. 
In  a  struggle  like  this,  justice  or  credit  to  individuals  is  but  dust 
in  the  balance. 

Desiring  no  office  or  honor,  and  anxious  only  for  the  peace 
and  quiet  of  my  home,  I  suffer  no  inconvenience  beyond  that 
which  arises  from  the  trouble  and  anxiety  suffered  by  worthy 
friends  like  yourself,  who  are  naturally  disturbed  by  the  clamors 
arid  calumny  of  those  whose  interest  or  feelings  are  hostile  to 
me. 

The  official  records  will  at  proper  time  fully  prove, 

1st,  That  I  have  employed  the  whole  power  of  the  Govern 
ment  unsparingly  to  support  General  McClellan's  operations  in 
preference  of  every  other  general. 

2nd,  That  I  have  not  interfered  with  or  thwarted  them  in 
any  particular. 

3d,  That  the  force  retained  from  his  expedition  was  not 
needed  and  could  not  have  been  employed  by  him — that  it  was 
retained  by  express  orders  of  the  President  upon  military  inves- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          149 

tigation  arid  upon  the  best  military  advice  in  the  country — that 
its  retention  was  required  to  save  the  capital  from  the  danger  to 
which  it  was  exposed  by  a  disregard  of  the  President's  positive 
order  of  the  6th  of  March. 

4th,  That  between  the  President  and  myself  there  has  never 
been  any,  the  slightest,  shadow  of  difference  upon  any  point  save 
the  detachment  of  Franklin's  force,  and  that  was  a  point  of  no 
significance,  but  in  which  I  was  sustained  by  General  Hitch 
cock,  Meigs,  Thomas  and  Ripley,  while  the  President  yielded 
only  to  an  anxious  desire  to  avoid  complaint,  declaring  at  the 
same  time  his  belief  that  the  force  was  not  needed  by  General 
McClellan. 

You  will,  of  coxirse,  regard  this  explanation  as  being  in  the 
strictest  confidence,  designed  only  for  your  information  upon 
matters  wherein  you  express  concern  for  me.  The  confidence 
of  yourself,  and  men  like  you,  is  more  than  a  full  equivalent  for 
all  the  railing  that  has  been  or  can  be  expended  against  me;  and 
in  the  magnitude  of  the  cause  all  merely  individual  questions  are 
swallowed  un.  I  shall  always  rejoice  to  hear  fro-m  you,  and  am, 
as  ever,  Truly  yours, 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

Revd.  Reman  Dyer. 

While  the  excitement  was  at  its  height  over 
Jackson's  movements,  and  McClellan  was  quietly 
resting  between  the  Pamunkey  and  Chickahominy 
rivers,  President  Lincoln,  whose  patience  had  been 
stretched  to  the  limit  wrote  to  the  General,  "I  think 
the  time  is  near  when  you  must  either  attack  Rich 
mond  or  give  up  the  job  andt  come  to  the  defense  of 
Washington."  The  only  comment  which  McClellan 
makes  on  this  is  in  a  letter  to  his  wife,  wherein  he 
says:  "A  scare  will  do  them  good,  and  may  bring 
them  to  their  senses."  On  May  31st  Johnston  attack 
ed'  two  corps  which  had  crossed  to  the  south  on  the 
Richmond  side  of  the  Chickahominy.  Storms  had 
made  the  river  bank  full,  and  with  the  bulk  of  the 
Union  army  still  on  the  north  side  the  opportunity 
to  attack  the  divided  force  was  one  not  to  be  missed 


150          COMPLAINTS  AND  DISASTERS 

by  that  able  general.  With  the  aid  of  Sumner's 
corps,  which  came  to  the  rescue,  the  Confederates 
were  finally  repulsed  at  Seven  Pines  or  Fair  Oaks, 
but  no  advantage  was  taken  of  the  victory.,  although 
the  advance  was  within  four  miles  of  Richmond.  On 
June  1,  Robert  E.  Lee  succeeded  Johnston,  who  had 
been  wounded  in  the  battle.  McClellan  was  begging 
for  reinforcements  as  usual,  and  McCall's  division 
of  McDowell's  corps  was  ordered  to  join  him.  Stan- 
ton  telegraphed,  "Please  state  whether  you  will  feel 
sufficiently  strong  for  your  final  movement  when  Mc- 
Call  reaches  you,"  to  which  there  was  an  immediate 
response,  "I  shall  be  in  perfect  readiness  to  move 
forward  and  take  Richmond  the  moment  McCall 
reaches  here  and  the  ground  will  admit  the  passage 
of  artillery." 

McCall's  division  reached  him  on  June  12th 
and  13th,  which,  with  reinforcements  from  other 
sources,  made  an  immediate  increase  of  21,000  men 
or  39,441  since  he  started  up  the  Peninsula.  The 
weather  was  fine  and  the  roads  were  dry,  even 
through  the  malarious  Chickahominj  swamps,  but 
still  the  army  stayed,  dug  and  caught  fevers.  Finally 
the  Confederates  concluded  to  make  a  move,  which 
was  to  withdraw  two  brigades  from  the  trenches  in 
front  of  Richmond,  send  them  to  reinforce  Jackson 
still  in  the  Shenandoah,  have  the  combined  forces 
coma  to  Ashland  about  30  miles  north  of  Richmond 
and  "sweep  down  between  the  Chickahominy  and 
Pamunkey,  cutting  up  the  enemy's  communications." 
The  great  objection  to  this  scheme  was  that  It  would 
weaken  the  forces  in  front  of  McClellan,  a  circum 
stance  of  which  a  commander  with  a  modicum  of 
military  sense  would  be  expected  to  take  advantage. 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          151 

Davis  in  his  book  relates  his  conversation  with  Lee 
on  this  subject  which  seems  most  comical  were  it  not 
on  a  most  serious  subject.  Davis  declared  that  "If 
McClellan  was  the  man  I  took  him  for  when  I  nomi 
nated  him  for  promotion  in  a  new  regiment  of  cavalry 
and  subsequently  selected  him  for  one  of  the  military 
commission  sent  to  Europe  during  the  war  of  the 
Crimea,  as  soon  as  he  found  that  the  bulk  of  our  army 
was  on  the  north  side  of  the  Chickahominy,  he  would 
not  stop  to  try  conclusions  with  it  there,  but  immed 
iately  move  upon  his  objective  point,  the  city  of  Rich 
mond.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  he  should  behave  like 
an  engineer  officer,  and  deem  it  his  first  duty  to  pro 
tect  his  line  of  communication,  I  thought  the  plan 
proposed  was'  not  only  the  best,  but  would  be  a  suc 
cess."  Something  of  his  old  time  esprit  de  corps 
manifested  itself  in  General  Lee's  first  response,  that 
he  did  not  know  engineer  officers  were  more  likely 
than  others  to  make  such  mistakes,  but  added:  "If 
you  will  hold  him  as  long  as  you  can  at  the  intrench- 
ments  and  then  fall  back  on  the  detached  works 
around  the  city,  I  will  be  upon  the  enemy's  heels  be 
fore  he  gets  there.' " 

Lee  knew  his  man,  and  the  troops  were  sent,  In 
telligence  of  the  movement  was  received  at 'Washing 
ton  and  McClellan  notified,  Lincoln  suggesting  that 
this  was  equivalent  to  a  reinforcement  of  10,000  or 
15,000  men.  The  only  response  was  that,  "If  10,000 
or  15,000  men  have  left  Richmond  to  reinforce  Jack 
son  it  illustrates  their  strength  and  confidence."  It 
was  Manassass  and  Yorktown  over  again.  Stuart 
with  his  cavalry  ranged  around  the  entire  army  with 
impunity  while  Lee  was  concentrating  his  forces,  and 
preparing  to  'crush  McClellan  by  piecemeal.  He  had 


152          COMPLAINTS  AND  DISASTERS 

planned  to  "drive  down  the  Peninsula  a  magnificent 
army,  superior  in  numbers  to  his  own,  and  not  in 
ferior  in  any  other  respect — if!  we  except  the  respec 
tive  commanders-in-chief,  who  were  at  least  equally 
distinguished  engineers.  In  this  enterprise  he  de 
served  and  coveted  defeat  by  leaving  the  bulk  of  Mc- 
Clellan's  army  between  himself  and  Richmond."  (N. 
&H.) 

Jackson  having  at  Beaver  Dam  Creek  with  his 
increased  forces  on  the  afternoon  of  the  26th  attacked 
Porter's  Corps  was  badly  repulsed.  McClellan 
arrived  on  the  (field  after  the  battle,  and  Porter  urged 
an  immediate  advance  on  Richmond.  Instead  of  that 
McClellan  ordered  a  retreat  to  Gaines's  Mill.  There  he 
was  left  the  next  day  to  hold  back  55,000  men  with 
31,000.  Of  course  he  was  defeated,  and  at  the  end  of 
the  second  of  what  is  known  as  the  Seven  Days  Battle, 
McClellan  announced  his  intention  to  retire  towards 
the  James  river.  This,  which  at  one  time  would  have 
been  advisable,  was  not  easy  of  accomplishment  with 
a  pursuing  army  at  his  heels.  On  the  29th  the  rebels 
again  attacked  at  Savage  Station  and  were  repulsed, 
also  at  Malvern  Hill  on  July  1,  where  the  Federal 
forces  had  also  reached  the  protection  of  the  gun 
boats.  The  latter  repulse  was  so  tcomplete  that  even 
the  Confederates  expected  McClellan  to  take  the  ag 
gressive  the  next  day,  but  instead  the  army  was  hur 
ried  down  to  Harrison's  landing  on  the  James,  where 
intrenchments  were  speedily  constructed.  In  this 
series  of  battles  the  Union  loss  was  15,849,  and  Lee's 
20,135.  The  Union  loss  in  material  and  supplies  was 
enormous,  but  all  agree  that  its  morale  had  not  been 
seriously  impaired.  It  was  a  curious  instance  of 
winning  victories  and  then  retreating,  and  more  than 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  153 

once  during  these  terrible  seven  days  the  army  was  in 
a  position  under  a  capable  commander  to  overthrow 
Lee's  army  and  march  into  Richmond.  One  reason 
assigned  for  McClellan's  procrastination  under  earlier 
conditions  was  that  he  wished  to  bag  the  Confederate 
army  without  a  great  battle  with  its  resulting  ef 
fusion  of  blood  and  unpleasant  memories.  Lee  was 
unkind  enough  to  defeat  this  amiable  intention,  and 
if  he  did  not  succeed  in  demoralizing  the  army,  he 
certainly  affected  the  brain  of  its  commander.  The 
night  of  the  battle  of  Gaines's  Mill  he  sent  a  long  dis 
patch  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  lamenting  that  his 
soldiers  were  "overwhelmed  by  superior  numbers"  for 
which  the  Secretary  was  responsible,  and  concluding 
as  follows: 

"I  know  that  a  few  thousand  more  men  would 
have  changed  this  battle  from  a  defeat  into  victory. 
As  it  is,  the  Government  must  not  and  cannot  hold 
me  responsible  for  the  result  I  feel  too  earnestly  to 
night  I  have  seen  too  many  dead  and  wounded  com 
rades  to  feel  otherwise  than  that  the  Government  has 
not  sustained  this  army.  If  you  do  not  do  so  now, 
the  game  is  lost.  [If  I  save  this  army  now,  I  tell  you 
plainly  that  I  owe ,  no  thanks  to  you  or  to  any  other 
person  in  Washington.  You  have  done  your  best  to 
sacrifice  this  army.]" 

Had  the  dispatch  as  printed  above  been  received 
at  the  War  Department,  it  would  have  been  hardly 
possible  to  avoid  one  of  two  things,  either  Stanton 
must  have  resigned  or  McClellan  been  cashiered  and 
dismissed  from  the  service,  to  say  nothing  of  much 
severer  punishment  Neither  could  Lincoln  have 
overlooked  what  was  as  much  an  assault  on  him  as  on 
Stanton.  McClellan  was  not  unmindful  of  the  prob- 


154          COMPLAINTS  AND  DISASTERS 

able  consequences  of  his  act,  for  he  wrote  to  his  wife : 
"Of  course  they  will  never  forgive  me  for  that.  I 
knew  it  when  I  wrote  it.  His  (Stan ton's)  reply  may 
be  to  avail  himself  of  the  first  opportunity  to  cut  my 
head  off." 

But  neither,  Lincoln  nor  Stanton  saw  the  offen 
sive  and  treasonable  words  inclosed  in  the  brackets 
above,  and  they  were  first  made  public  by  McClellan 
himself  in  his  official  report  a  year  later,  when  he  was 
out  of  the  service,  and  republished  in  his  book  in  1887, 
where  he  charges  Stanton  with  mutilating  this  tele 
gram.  It  is  somewhat  curious  that  all  the  charges 
worthy  of  any  attention  against  Stanton  were  raked 
up  after  his  death.  They  remind  one  of  a  fable  re 
lated  by  Father  AEsop  many  centuries  ago,  which 
the  reader  will  have  no  difficulty  in  identifying.  How 
did  the  offensive  words  come  to  be  eliminated?  The 
story  is  first  told  by  Major  A.  E.  H.  Johnson,  Stan- 
ton's  confidential  clerk,  in  Mr.  Flower's  book,  as  fol 
lows  : 

Col.  E.  S.  Sanford  was  supervisor  and  censor  of  telegraphic 
message?.  He  said  to  Assistant  Secretary  Eckert  that  the 
charge  against  the  Secretary  contained  in  the  telegram  of  June 
28  was  false — a  charge  of  treason;  that  the  defeat  of  McClellan's 
army  was  due  to  his  own  unfitness  to  command;  that  his  whole 
course  showed  that  he  was  afraid  of  Lee,  and  every  telegram 
sent  was  proof  of  it;  that  while  it  was  doubtful  whether  the 
censor  had  authority  to  suppress  a  telegram  from  Gen.  McClel 
lan  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  yet  this  was  such  an  outrageous, 
such  an  infamous  untruth,  that  he,  as  telegraphic  cewsor,  could 
not  allow  himself  to  be  used  to  hand  it  to  the  Secretary.  The 
telegram  minus  the  offensive  words  was  then  recopied,  and  the 
copy  handed  to  Stanton,  and  then  by  him  to  the  President, 
neither  knew  of  its  mutilation,  and  both  acted  upon 
it  in  iperfecT  ignorance  of  the  terrible  charge  it  had 
oreviously  contained  against  them.  I  never  knew  Col.  Sanford 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          155 

in  person  to  bring  a  telegram  into  the  Secretary's  room  till  that 
morning,  nor  did  he  often  come  to  the  War  Department,  hav 
ing  no  office  in  that  building.  Major  Eckert  had  sent  for  him 
to  know  what  to  do  with  this  telegram,  which  was  evidently  in 
tended  by  McClellan  to  reach  the  public  as  a  means  of  shifting 
the  cause  of  his  defeat  from  his  own  to  other  shoulders.  1'nef 
suppression  of  it  destroyed  the  purpose  of  the  sender,  as  he 
himself  dared  not  publish  it,  and  it  was  not  heard  of  until 
brought  forth  as  a  campaign  document  in  the  Presidential  cam 
paign  of  1864,  when  the  author  was  snowed  under. 

The  above  account  is  substantially  confirmed  by 
Bates,  page  108  et  seq. 

Col.  Sanford  and  Major  Eckert  undoubtedly  as 
sumed  great  responsibility,  but  the  general  verdict 
will  be  that  their  action  was  for  the  public  good.  Had 
the  telegram  been  received  as  written  it  could  not 
have  been  ignored,  and  to  have  published  that  the 
leading  general  of  the  armies  had  charged  the  Presi 
dent  and  Secretary  of  War  with  treason,  however 
baseless,  would  have  presented  to  the  world  a  sorry 
spectacle  of  internal  dissensions  of  which  the  enemy 
would  not  have  been  slow  to  take  advantage.  The 
balance  of  the  telegram  was  bad  enough,  but  the  Presi 
dent  and  Secretary  were  accustomed  to  McClellan's 
complaints  by  this  time,  and  fresh  men  and  supplies 
were  rushed  to  Harrison's  landing  to  make  good  the 
losses  of  the  Seven  Days  battle.  It  may  be  well  to  re 
member,  that  though  the  army?  had  retreated,  it  had 
not  been  routed,  that  its  corps  commanders  had  act 
ually  won  more  victories  than  suffered  defeats,  al 
though  the  commanding  general  was  never  on  the  field 
during  action,  and  that  the  Confederate  losses  botfi. 
absolutely  and  relatively  were  considerably  heavier 
than  the  Federals.  The  only  difference  wras  the  former 
had  something  to  show  for  their  work,  while  the  latter 


156          COMPLAINTS  AND  DISASTERS 

had  nothing.  But  the  army  was  intact  with  an  open 
river  filled  with  gunboats  as  its  base,  and  reinforce 
ments  coming.  While  the  situation  was  serious,  it 
was  far  from  desperate.  An  additional  levy  of  300,000 
men  was  ordered,  the  President  and  Congress  mani 
fested  a  disposition  to  prosecute  the  war  more  vigor 
ously  than  ever,  and  the  resolve  was  received  by  the 
people  with  enthusiasm.  Mr.  Rhodes  in  his  history 
says  nothing  could  have  been  warmer  than  Stan  ton's 
expression  of  confidence  and  assurance  of  support, 
and  then  he  adds : 

But  something  occurred  about  this  time  (what  it  was  I  have 
not  been  able  to  ascertain)  which  shook  the  unreserved  trust  of 
Lincoln  and  Stanton  in  McClellan.  The  private  and  very  confi 
dential  letter  of  Seward  to  Weed,  of  July  7,  reflects  some  change 
of  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  Administration,  and  is  all  the  more 
remarkable,  inasmuch  as  Seward  was  the  constant  friend  of  Mc 
Clellan.  "Notwithstanding,"  he  wrote,  "the  light  thrown  upon 
the  position  of  our  army  on  the  James  River,  most  painful 
doubts  come  up  from  there  now,  upon  the  question  whether  it 
can.  in  any  case  be  reinforced  so  as  to  make  a  successful  or 
hopeful  attack  upon  Richmond.  If  that  is  impossible,  reinforce 
ments  sent  there  will  only  aggravate  the  impotence  of  its  posi 
tion.  Meantime  the  suggestion  comes  up,  of  course,  that  the 
insurgenits  holding  McClellan  in  his  present  position  with  a 
small  force,  will  immediately  organize  a  new  and  vigorous  cam 
paign  against  Washington. 

What  the  "something"  was  which  Rhodes  could 
not  ascertain  we  can  glean  from  Flower's  work.  It  was 
nothing  less  than  an  intimation  from  McClellan  that 
unless  certain  impossible  conditions  were  fulfilled  he 
would  have  to  surrender  his  whole  army  to  Lee.  He 
did  not  trust  this  startling  ultimatum  to  either  mails 
or  telegraph,  but  sent  his  father-in-law  and  Chief  of 
Staff,  General  Marcy,  to  Washington  with  his 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON          157 

message.  Marcy  called  on  Stanton,  whose  child, 
James  EL,  was  dying  at  the  time,  with  his  message. 
Major  Johnson,  who  was  present  at  the  interview, 
thus  describes  its  effect : 

"Mr.  Stanton  was  profoundly  stirred,  perhaps 
I  might  say  frightened.  He  was  already  staggering 
under  the  demands  of  the  country  for  military  activity 
on  the  Peninsula,  Secretary  Chase's  appeal  for  de 
cisive  army  movements  as  a  basis  for  National  credit, 
McClellan's  inexplicable  droning,  and  the  critical  con 
dition  of  his  child,  yet  he  instantly  measured  the 
awful  disaster  that  would  follow  the  delivery  of  Mc- 
Clellan's  army  to  Lee,  the  loss  of  the  Capital,  and  per 
haps  the  Nation.  He  talked  very  earnestly  to  General 
Marcy,  but  before  the  interview  was  concluded,  he  was 
called  away  by  a  message  saying  that  his  baby  was 
dying." 

We  have  already  seen  how  deeply  Stanton  was 
affected  by  any  misfortune  in  his  own  family,  but 
here  was  something  greater  than  a  domestic  affliction, 
and  he  at  once  sent  a  telegram  to  McClellan  announc 
ing  certain  promotions  demanded  and  adds :  "General 
Marcy  is  here,  and  will  take  you  cheering  news.  Be 
sure  that  you  will  have  the  support  of  this  department 
and  the  Government  as  cordially  and  faithfully  as  was 
ever  rendered  by  man  to  man ;  and  if  we  shall  live  to 
see  each  other  face  to  face,  you  will  be  satisfied  that 
you  have  never}  had  from  me  anything  but  the  most 
confiding  integrity." 

This  was  followed  by  a  note  in  which  he  says : 

I  have  talked  to  General  Marcy  and  meant  to  have  written 
to  you  by  him.  but  am  called  to  the  country,  where  Mrs.  Stan- 
ton  is  with  her  children,  to  see  one  of  them  die.  (The  child  died 
a  few  days  later.)  I  can  therefore  only  say,  my  dear  General, 


158          COMPLAINTS  AND  DISASTERS 

in  this  brief  moment,  that  there  is  no  cause  in  my  heart  or  con 
duct  for  the  cloud  which  wicked  men  have  raised  between  us  for 
their  own  base  and  selfish  purposes.  No  man  ever  had  a  truer 
friend  than  I  have  been  to  you  and  shall  continue  to  be.  You 
are  seldom  absent  from  my  thoughts,  and  I  am  ready  to  make 
any  sacrifice  to  aid  you.  Time  allows  me  to  say  no  more  than 
that  I  pray  Almighty  God  to  deliver  you  and  your  army  from 
all  peril  and  lead  you  on  to  victory. 

McClellan  replied  on  the  8th,  declaring  among 
other  things  that  "it  is  with  feelings  of  great  relief 
that  I  now  say  to  you  that  I  shall  at  once  resume  on 
my  part  the  same  cordial  confidence  which  once  char 
acterized  our  intercourse." 

In  another  letter  he  says :  "I  have  been  perfect 
ly  frank  with  you.  Let  no  cloud  hereafter  arise  be 
tween  us."  Just  what  was  the  extent  of  that  frank 
ness  is  disclosed  by  a  letter  to  his  wife  on  the  13th,  as 
follows : 

So  you  want  to  know  what  I  think  about  Stanton,  and  what 
I  think  of  him  now?  I  will  tell  you  with  the  mfcist  perfect  frank 
ness.  I  think  *  *  *  I  may  do  the  man  injustice.  God  grant 
that  I  may  be  wrong.  For  I  hate  to  think  that  humanity  can 
sink  ?o  low.  But  my  opinion  is  just  what  I  have  told  you. 
Enough  of  the  creature. 

What  that  opinion  was  is  represented  by  the 
three  stars  in  McClellan's  book.  Whether  it  was 
suppressed  by  the  publisher  as  being  unfit  to  print, 
or  excised  by  McClellan  himself  we  have  no  means 
of  knowing. 

In  the  meantime  President  Lincoln  concluded  to 
make  a  visit  to  Harrison's  landing  to  enquire  as  to 
the  situation,  and,  according  to  General  Lew  Wal 
lace,  to  dissuade  McClellan  from  surrendering  the 
army.  He  discovered  upon  his  arrival  that  nobody 
except  McClellan  believed  that  the  enemy  was  ser- 


EDWIN  MeMASTERS  STANTON  159 

iously  threatening  their  position.  The  commander 
improved  the  occasion,  however,  to  hand  the  Presi 
dent  a  long  politico  military  document,  instructing 
him  as  to  his  duties,  which  Lincoln  quietly  ignored. 
A  more  important  question  was  what  was  to  be  done 
with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Should  it  remain  at 
Harrison's  landing,  be  reinforced  and  make  another 
attempt  on  Richmond,  or  should  it  be  brought  nearer 
Washington,  so  that  it  could  be  united  with  the  forces 
there  in  a  forward  movement  such  as  Lincoln  had  pro 
posed  previous  to  the  unfortunate  venture  on  the 
Peninsula?  McClellan  was  for  remaining,  and  there 
was  a  difference  of  opinion  among  the  corps  com 
manders,  so  Lincoln  went  home  the  next  day,  and 
McClellan  wrote  to  his  wife  that  "he  did  not  think  his 
excellency  profited  much  by  his  visit." 

In  the  meantime  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia, 
under  Banks,  McDowell  and  Fremont,  on  June  26, 
had  been  consolidated  under  command  of  General 
Pope,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  had  made  a  good  record 
in  the  West.  He  took  command  without  hesitation, 
but  in  a  conversation  with  Chase  said  he  had  warned 
the  President  that  he  could  not  safely  command  the 
Army  of  Virginia  if  its  success  was  to  depend  on  the 
co-operation  of  McClellan,  for  he  felt  assured  that  his 
co-operationj  would  fail  at  some  time  when  it  would 
be  most  important.  That  this  fear  was  not  without 
foundation  was  amply  demonstrated,  not  especially 
in  the  Fitz  John  Porter  case,  for  the  evidence  does 
not  show  that  McClellan  directly  influenced  his 
action,  but  in  other  instances.  If  any  one  doubts  this 
let  him  read  the  story  of  Colonel  Herman  Haupt  ( N. 
H.  Vol  VI.  15,)  who  was  most  anxious  to  send  need- 


160          COMPLAINTS  AND  DISASTERS 

ed  supplies  to   Pope,  and  was  almost  successfully 
thwarted  by  McClellan. 

Shortly  after  assuming  command  Gen.  Pope  is 
sued  an  order,  saying  among  other  things :  "I  have 
come  to  you  from  the  West,  where  we  have  always 
seen  the  backs  of  our  enemies;  from  an  army  whose 
business  it  has  been  to  seek  the  adversary  and  to  beat 
him  when  he  was  found.  I  presume  that  I  have  been 
called  here  to  pursue  the  same  system  and  to  lead  you 
against  the  enemy.  It  is  my  purpose  to  do  so,  and 
that  speedily.  I  desire  you  to  dismiss  from  your 
minds  certain  phrases  I  am  sorry  to  find  so  much  in 
vogue  amongst  you.  I  hear  constantly  of  'taking 
strong  positions  and  holding  them,'  of  'lines  of  re 
treat,'  and  of  'bases  of  supplies.'  Let  us  discard  such 
ideas.  Let  us  study  the  probable  lines  of  retreat  of 
our  opponents,  and  leave  our  own  to  take  care  of 
themselves,"  etc.  This,  though  sounding  very  much 
like  gasconade,  was  intended  to  infuse  a  new  spirit 
into  the  Eastern  troops.  But  the  expressions  were  ill- 
timed,  the  inferences  unjust,  and  the  result  unfor 
tunate.  Instead  of  inspiring  confidence,  it  created 
distrust  and  resentment,  which  were  to  make  them 
selves  felt  before  long.  Vigorous  orders  were  also  is 
sued  to  punish  communities  which  encouraged  bush 
whacking,  permitting  foraging  off  of  the  country,  and 
compelling  residents  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  or 
go  outside  the  lines.  The  latter  was  never  enforced 
to  any  extent,  and  was  no  doubt  issued  as  a  ready 
means  of  getting;  rid  of  the  local  spies  who  infested 
the  army  and  betrayed  its  movements  to  the  enemy. 
Stanton  is  charged  with  being  the  author  of  all  these 
orders  which,  as  then  carried  out,  were  not  contrary 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  161 

to  the  rules  of  modern  warfare.  Sheridan  afterwards 
did  much  more  ruthless  work  than  Pope  in  the  Shen- 
andoah  Valley  without  criticism.  On  July  4,  Pope 
wrote  to  McClellan,  offering  to  co-operate  with  him, 
saying:  "Your  position  on  the  James  River  places 
the  whole  of  the  enemy's  force  around  Richmond  be 
tween  yourself  and  Washington.  Were  I  to  move  with 
my  command  direct  on  Richmond,  I  must  fight  the 
whole  forces  of  the  enemy  before  I  could  join  you,  and 
at  so  great  a  distance  from  you  as  to  be  beyond  any 
assistance  from  your  army.  If  my  command  be  em 
barked  and  sent  to  you  by  James  River,  the  enemy 
would  be  in  Washington  before  it  had  even  accom 
plished  the  journey.  (Corroborated  by  Grant.)  Un 
der  these  circumstances  my  position  here  is  difficult 
and  embarrassing,  and  whilst  I  am  anxious  to  render 
you  all  the  assistance  in  my  power,  the  imperative 
necessity  of  insuring  the  safety  of  the  capital  must 
control  my  operations." 

McClellan  replied  favorably,  saying  his  army 
would  fight  better  than  it  ever  did  before,  but  replying 
was  the  extent  of  his  efforts.  He  never  moved  in  any 
direction,  and  in  order  to  bring  the  armies  under  one 
head,  Halleck  was  called  from  the  West  to  assume 
general  command  of  all  the  armies.  He  arrived  in 
Washington  on  the  23rd,  and  for  awhile  Stanton  dis 
appears  from  the  war  correspondence,  which  was  car 
ried  on  between  Halleck  and  McClellan. 

On  the  20th  McClellan  wrote  that  Jackson's 
troops  had  been  leaving  Richmond  for  three  days  by 
rail,  but  he  made  no  demonstration  which  might  stop 
them.  Halleck  visited  McClellan  at  Harrison's  land 
ing  on  the  25th,  and  reported  to  Stanton  two  days 


162          COMPLAINTS  AND  DISASTERS 

after  that  McClellan  suggested  crossing  the  James 
and  attacking  Petersburg,  cutting  off  communication 
with  the  South,  but  he  finally  concluded  this  was  im 
practicable.  Halleck  urged  a  concentration  with 
Pope,  but  McClellan  said  with  30,000  reinforcements 
he  could  attack  Richmond  with  good  chances.  Hal 
leck  promised  20,000  and  said  if  he  could  not  move 
on  Richmond  he  must  withdraw  from  the  James  River 
to  a  point  where  he  could  unite  with  Pope.  McClellan 
preferred  to  withdraw,  but  the  next  morning  he  in 
formed  Halleck  that  he  would  attack  Richmond  with 
these  reinforcements.  On  the  30th  he  concluded  that 
the  enemy  was  being  reinforced,  and  then  began  an 
epistolary  bombardment  similar  to  that  before  show 
ered  on  Lincoln  and  Stanton.  He  wrote  a  long  polit 
ical  letter  similar  to  the  one  already  given  Lincoln, 
and  was  clearly  grooming  for  the  Presidential  can 
didacy  of  the  peace  at  any  price  party.  Even  Hal- 
leek's  patience  began  to  be  exhausted,  and  on  the  30th 
he  ordered  McClellan  to  send  away  his  sick,  and  on 
August  3rd  directed  him  to  transfer  his  army  to 
Aquia  Creek,  a  few  miles  below  Washington  on  the 
Potomac,  a  proceeding  which  he  did  not  begin  until 
the  14th,  eleven  days  later.  While  this  was  going  on 
he  did  not  forget  his  usual  letters  to  his  wife,  in  which 
Halleck  became  the  bete  noir  instead  of  Stanton.  His 
comment  on  the  order  to  go  to  Aquia  Creek  was: 
"Halleck  has  begun  to  show  his  cloven  foot  already." 
On  August  8th  he  wrote:  "I  will  issue  tomorrow  an 
order  giving  my  comments  on  Mr.  John  Pope.  I  will 
strike  square  in  the  teeth  of  all  his  infamous  orders, 
and  give  directly  the  reverse  instructions  to  my  army, 
forbid  all  pillaging  and  stealing,  and  take  the  highest 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          163 

Christian  ground  for  the  conduct  of  the  war.    Let  the 
Government  gainsay  it  if  they  dare." 

Those  "infamous  orders"  were  the  ones  referred 
to  above.  Later  he  says:  "Halleck  is  turning  out 
just  like  the  rest  of  the  herd."  With  the  order  to  go 
to  Aquia  Creek  in  his  pocket,  he  writes:  "I  hope  to 
be  ready  tomorrow  afternoon  to  move  forward  in  the 
direction  of  Richmond.  I  will  try  to  catch  or  thrash 
Longstreet,  and  then,  if  the  chance  offers,  follow  into 
Richmond  while  they  are  lamming  away  at  Pope.  * 

I  am  satisfied  the  dolts  at  Washington  are  bent  on 
my  destruction,  if  it  is  possible  for  them  to  accom 
plish  it," 

A  peremptory  order  from  Halleck  disturbed  these 
meditations,  but  did  not  make  him  move.  On  August 

II  he  wrote :    "I  suppose  Pope  has  his  hands  full  to 
day.     He  is  probably  being  hard  pressed  by  Jackson," 
whom  he  had  allowed  to  leave  Richmond.     On  the 
22nd  he  wrote:      "I  think  they  are  all  pretty  well 
scared  at  Washington,  probably  with  good  reason." 
He  arrived  at  Aquia  Creek  on  the  24th,  just  21  days 
after  receiving  orders  to  that  effect.     One  objection 
which  McClellan  made  to  the  transfer  of  his  army  to 
Aquia  Creek  was  that  it  was  thereby  removed  farther 
from  Richmond.     There  migjit  have  been  some  point 
in  this  had  he  manifested  any  disposition  to  move  on 
Richmond,  but  he  had  been  at  Harrison's  landing 
for  nearly  two  months  without  taking  any  steps  either 
to  reduce  Richmond  or  making  any  demonstrations 
towards  preventing  the  forces  leaving  that  city  to  at 
tack  Pope.    The  difference  in  distance  was  inconsider 
able,  it  could  easily  be  marched  in  two  days,  but  the 
main  obstacle  was  the  same  in  both  cases,  namely, 


164  COMPLAINTS  AND  DISASTEKS 

Lee's  army.  On  the  other  hand  the  sanitary  condi 
tions  were  better  at  Aquia,  supplies  could  be  sent 
without  the  long  detour  by  James  river,  and  above  all 
the  army  would  be  in  a  position  to  reinforce  Pope, 
who  was  in  danger,  which  afterwards  proved  very 
real,  of  being  overwhelmed  before  help  could  reach 
him.  It  had  been  over  a  year  since  McClellan  had 
been  placed  in  command  of  the  army,  he  had  never 
been  in  a  battle  himself,  and  there  was  nothing  to 
show  except  a  mournful  record  of  disasters. 

McClellan  reported  for  duty  at  Alexandria  on 
August  27th,  1862.  Pope's  difficulties  were  beginning, 
but  he  was  apparently  holding  his  own  with  the  assis 
tance  of  20,500  men  from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
who  had  been  transferred  before  McClellan's  arri 
val.  It  is  significant  that  none  reached  him  after 
wards.  As  early  as  August  22  McClellan  wrote  to  his 
wife :  "I  see  that  the  Pope  bubble  is  likely  to  be  sud 
denly  collapsed.  Stonewall  Jackson  is  after  him,  and 
the  young  man  who  wanted  to  teach  me  the  art  of  war 
will  in  less  than  a  week  either  be  in  full  retreat,  or 
badly  whipped." 

These  cheerful  anticipations  were  not  immedi 
ately  realized,  and!  on  his  arrival  at  Alexandria  Mc 
Clellan  was  ordered  to  send  out  Franklin's  corps 
by  forced  marches,  and  an  order  was  sent  the  next 
day  directly  to  Franklin,  who  waited  for  instructions 
from  McClellan.  He  was  also  ordered  to  send  Sum- 
ner's  corps,  and  late  that  day  replied  as  follows : 

"Your  dispatch  received.  Neither  Franklin^s 
nor  Sumner's  corps  is  now  in  a  condition  to  move 
and  fight  a  battle.  It  would  be  a  sacrifice  to  send 
them  out  now." 


EDWIN  McMASTEKS  STANTOX          165 

Later  in  testifying  before  the  Committee  on  con 
duct  of  the  war  Gen.  Sumner  declared,  "If  I  had  been 
ordered  to  advance  right  on  from  Alexandria  by  the 
Little  River  turnpike  I  should  have  been  in  that 
second  Bull  Run  battle  with  my  whole  force," 

Halleck,  whose  large/  stock  of  patience  seems  by 
this  time  to  have  been  more  than  exhausted  peremp 
torily  ordered  the  moving  of  Franklin's  corps,  ready 
or  not  ready.  "If  we  delay  too  long  to  get  ready, 
there  will  be  no  necessity  to  go  out  at  all,  for  Pope 
will  either  be  defeated,  or  victorious  without  our  aid." 

The  corps  started,  and  then  began  a  series  of 
telegrams  about  lack  of  transportation  facilities,  and 
further  inquiries  as  to  how  far  they  should  go,  to 
which  Halleck  replied,  "I  want  Franklin's  corps  to  go 
far  enough  to  find  out  something  about  the  enemy. 
*  *  *  I  am  tired  of  guesses."  In  disobedience  to 
this  and  other  orders  the  corps  was  halted  en  route, 
and  at  11  A.  M.  on  the  30th  Halleck  ordered  Franklin 
and  Sumner  "to  join  Pope  as  promtly  as  possible." 
They  reached  their  destination  after  Pope's  army  was 
crushed,  and  McClellan's  expectations,  or  shall  we 
say  hopes,  were  fully  realized. 

It  would  be  foreign  to  the  purpose  of  this  memoir 
to  discuss  the  Fitz  John  Porter  affair  here;  whatever 
may  be  the  merits  or  demerits  of  that  case  it  is  appar 
ent  that  the  underlying  cause  of  Pope's  slaughter 
must  be  ascribed  to  a  higher  source. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  OLD  STORY. 

McClellan  and  Halleck — Delays  and  Disobedience  to  Orders — 
Removal  Demanded — Improving  Defenses  of  Washington — 
Battle  of  Antietam  and  Escape  of  Lee — McClellan  Superseded 
by  Bumside — Battle  of  Fredericksburg — Bloodiest  Charge  in 
History. 

As  previously  stated  Stanton  was  not  a  party  to 
the  protracted  correspondence  which  was  carried  on 
during  July  and  August  between  Halleck  and  his 
recalcitrant  subordinate,  but  subsequent  events  were 
not  needed!  to  show  that  he  was  keeping  a  watch  on 
the  situation.  Doubtless  concluding  by  August  28th 
that  matters  had  gone  far  enough  to  demand  some 
decesive  action,  on  that  day  he  addressed  a  letter  to 
Halleck  propounding  the  following  inquiries : 

1st.  At  what  date  did  you  first  order  the  general  command 
ing  the  Army  o<f  the  Potomac  to  move  from  the  James  River. 

2d.  Whether  that  order  was  or  was  not  obeyed  according 
to  its  purport  with  the  promptness  which,  in  your  judgment, 
the  national  safety  required,  and  at  what  date  the  movement 
commenced. 

3d.  What  order  nas  been  given  recently  for  the  movement 
of  Franklin's  corps,  and  whether  it  was  obeyed  as  promptly  as 
the  national  safety  required. 

General  Halleck  replied: 

First.  That  on  the  30th  of  July  I  directed  General  McClellan 
to  send  away  his  sick  as  quickly  as  possible,  preparatory  to  his 
moving  in  some  direction.  Receiving  no  answer  the  order  was 
repeated  on  August  2.  On  the  3rd  of  August  I  directed  him  to 
withdraw  his  entire  army  from  Harrison's  Landing  and  bring  it 
to  Aquia  Creek. 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          167 

Second.  That  the  order  was  not  obeyed  with  the  prompt 
ness  I  expected  and  the  national  safety  in  my  opinion  required. 
It  will  be  seen  from  my  telegraphic  correspondence  that  Gen 
eral  McClellan  protested  against  the  movement,  and  that  it  was 
not  actually  commenced  until  the  14th  inst. 

In  answer  to  the  third  question  Halleck  present 
ed  the  dispatches  partially  quoted  above.  To  cap  the 
climax  on  that  very  day  McClellan  sent  the  following 
to  President  Lincoln,  apparently  ignoring  Halleck: 

I  am  clear  that  one  of  two  courses  should  be  adopted.  First, 
to  concentrate  all  our  available  forces  to  open  communication 
with  Pope.  Second,  to  leave  Pope  to  get  out  of  his  scrape,  and 
at  once  use  all  our  means  to  make  the  capital  perfectly  safe. 

The  cold  bloodedness  of  the  latter  proposition 
was  certainly  worthy  of  a  Persian  satrap,  but  it  had 
the  opposite  effect  from  that  intended,  in  at  least  one 
quarter.  Stanton  saw  that  the  time  had  come  for 
action,  and  prepared  a  vigorous  arraignment  of  Mc 
Clellan  for  incompetency  and  disobedience  of  ordeis, 
imperiling  the  National  existence,  to  be  presented  to 
the  President,  and  recommending  immediate  re 
moval.  It  was  at  once  signed  by  Stanton  and  Chase, 
the  latter  suggesting  some  modifications,  and  also  by 
Smith,  of  the  Interior  Department,  and  Attorney 
General  Bates.  Welles  declined  to  sign  the  first 
paper  because  he  thought  it  disrespectful  to  the  Pres 
ident,  although  he  approved  the  object.  Chase  in  his 
diary  gives  the  following  account  of  this  transaction : 

The  Secretary  of  War  called  on  me  in  reference  to  Gen. 
eral  McClellan.  He  has  long  believed,  and  so  have  I,  that  Gen 
eral  McClellan  ought  net  to  be  trusted  with  the  command  of  the 
army  of  the  Union,  and  the  events  of  the  last  few  days  have 
greatly  strengthened  our  judgment.  *  *  Judge  Bates  called, 
and  we  conversed  in  regard  to  General  McClellan.  he  concurring 
in  our  judgment.  Afterwards  I  went  to  the  War  Department, 


168  THE  OLD  STORY 

where  Watson  showed  me  a  paper  expressing  it.  I  suggested 
modifications,  and  we  both  signed  the  paper.  I  then  took  it  to 
Ssecretary  Welles,  who  concurred  in  our  judgment,  but  thought 
•the  paper  not  exactly  right,  and  did  not  sign  it.  Returned  the 
paper  to  Stanton.  Promised  report  from  General  Halleck  was 
not  made. 

In  a  subsequent  letter  Mr.  Chase  says : 

No  one  gave  to  General  McClellan  more  unreserved  confi 
dence  than  I.  It  was  withdrawn  only  when  painfully  convinced 
that  it  was  not  warranted.  Then,  for  a  long  time,  I  hoped  it 
might  be  restored,  but  failure  succeeded  failure  and  mistake — to 
use  the  mildest  word — mistake.  T  am  now  thoroughly  satisfied 
that  he  ought  no  longer  to  be  intrusted  with  the  commajid  of 
any  army  of  the  United  States. 

Nicolay  and  Hay  do  not  mention  the  presenta 
tion  of  this  paper  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  Mr.  Gorham 
says  he  did  not  see  it.  Mr.  Flower,  however,  states 
the  contrary,  and  upon  the  authority  of  Major  John 
son  gives  a  circumstantial  account  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
examination  of  all  the  papers  at  the  \Yar  office,  con- 
eluding  to  not  make  them  public  for  political  rea 
sons,  and  instead  of  removing  McClellan,  simply  de 
prived  him  of  the  control  of  the  army  by  transferring 
it  to  other  commands,  his  own  comment  being,  "He 
has  acted  badly  towards  Pope;  he  really  wanted  him 
to  fail." 

Later  news  from  Pope  being  to  the  effect  that  his 
army  was  not  only  defeated,  but  badly  routed,  it  was 
evident  that  measures  must  be  taken  at  once  for1  the 
protection  of  the  Capital.  McClellan,  at  Alexandria, 
evidently  considered  the  situation  very  serious,  for  he 
writes  to  his  wife:  "I  do  not  regard  Washington  as 
safe  against  the  rebels.  If  I  can  quietly  slip  over 
there  I  will  send  your  silver  off."  It  is  satisfactory  to 
know  that  it  was  not  found  necessary  to  take  this 


EDWIX  McMASTEES  STANTOX  169 

radical  action,  and  that  the  silver  was  not  molested. 
On  the  morning  of  September  2,  Mr.  Lincoln, 
without  consulting  any  member  of  his  Cabinet,  de 
cided  to  place  McClellan  in  charge  of  the  army  and  de 
fenses  around  Washington,  virtually  restoring  him  to 
command.  Of  the  Cabinet  meeting  of  that  day  Secre 
tary  Chase  writes : 

Cabinet  met,  but  neither  -the  President  nor  Secretary  of  War 
was  present.  F.  W.  Seward  (the  Secretary  of  State  being  out  oi 
town.)  said  nothing.  All  others  agreed  that  we  needed  a  change 
in  the  commander  of  the  army.  Mr.  Blair  referred  to  the  sup 
port  he  had  constantly  given  to  McClellan,  but  confessed  that 
he  now  thought  he  could  not  wisely  be  trusted  with  the  chief 
command.  Mr.  Bates  was  very  decided  against  his  competency, 
and  Mr.  Smith  equally  so.  Mr.  Welles  was  of  the  same  judg 
ment,  thought  less  positive  in  expression.  After  some  time 
while  the  talk  was  going  on,  the  President  came  in,  saying, 
that  not  seeing-  much  for  a  Cabinet  meeting  to-day,  he  had  been 
talking  at  the  department  and  headquarters  about  the  war.  The 
Secretary  of  War  came  in.  In  answer  to  some  inquiry  the  fact 
was  stated  by  the  President  or  the  Secretary,  that  McClellan 
had  been  placed  in  command  of  the  forces  to  defend  the  capital 
— or  rather,  to  use  the  President's  own  words,  "he  had  set  him 
to  [putting  these  troops  into  the  fortifications  about.  Washing 
ton,"  believing  that  he  could  do  thatt  thing  better  than  any  other 
man.  I  remarked  that  this  could  be  done  equally  well  by  the  en 
gineer  who  constructed  the  forts,  and  that  putting  General  Mc 
Clellan  in  command  for  this  purpose  was  equivalent  to  making 
him  second  in  command  of  the  entire  army.  The  Secretary  of 
War  said  that  no  one  was  now  responsible  for  the  defense  of  the 
capital,  that  the  order  to  McClellan  was  given  by  the  President 
direct  to  McClellan,  and  that  General  Halleck  considered  him 
self  relieved  from  responsibility  although  he  acquiesced  and  ap. 
proved  the  order;  that  McClellan  could  now  shield  himself, 
should  anything  go  wrong,  under  Halleck,  while  Halleck  could 
and  would  disclaim  all  responsibility  for  the  order  given. 
The  President  said  it  distressed  him  exceedingly  to  find  himself 
differing  on  such  a  point  from  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  that  he  would  gladly  resign  his  place ; 
but  he  could  not  see  who  could  do  the  work  wanted  as  well  as 


170  THE  OLD  STORY 

McClellan.     1  namec'  Hooker  or  Snmner  or  Eurnside,  either  of 
whom  could  do  the  work  better. 

Stanton  was  so  opposed  to  the  whole  scheme  that 
the  usual  direction,  "By  order  of  the  Secretary  of 
War,"  was  stricken  from  the  order,  which  read,  "By 
Order  of  Major  General  Halleck,"  although  Halleck 
stated  it  was  not  his  act,  and  he  did  not  know  of  the 
President's  decision  in  the  matter  until  he  himself  an 
nounced  it  to  McClellan.  To  do  the  latter  justice,  he 
set  to  work  at  what  was  evidently  congenial  employ 
ment,  at  organizing  brigades,  collecting  material  and 
putting  things  in  order.  To  be  sure,  as  Secretary 
Chase  said,  any  good  engineer  could  have  done  this 
work,  and  the  President's  idea  was  no  doubt  to  allay 
the  dissatisfaction  in  the  army  whose  officers  at  least 
mostly  stuck  to  McClellan,  and  to  prevent  political 
agitators  in  the  North  from  making  a  martyr  of  him. 

While  this  congenial  employment  was  going  on, 
the  country  was  startled  by  the  intelligence  that  Lee 
had  crossed  the  Potomac  on  September  5  near  where 
the  unfortunate  disaster  at  Ball's  Bluff  had  occurred 
the  year  before,  and  was  invading  Maryland  with  an 
army  of  60,000  trained  veterans.  Harper's  Ferry, 
farther  up  the  river,  was  held  by  a  force  of  12,500 
men,  which  was  now  entirely  cut  off  from  Washing 
ton,  but  which  rendered  effective  service,  as  we  shall 
see  later.  Lee  had  several  objects  in  invading  Mary 
land.  One  no  doubt  was  to  frighten  the  Federal 
forces  from  the  defense  of  Washington,  a  second  was 
to  recruit  his  force  from  uprisings  in  that  state,  and 
a  third  was  to  threaten  the  cities  of  Baltimore,  Phila 
delphia  and  Harrisburg,  and  with  his  victorious  army 
dictate  terms  of  peace  on  Northern  soil.  About  the 
same  time  Bragg  invaded  Kentucky,  threatening  the 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  171 

cities  of  Cincinnati  and  Louisville,  as  part  of  the  same 
general  design.  The  first  of  these  designs  was  at 
tained.  Lincoln's  peremptory  order  to  McClellan, 
"You  must  find  and  hurt  this  enemy  now,"  admitted 
of  no  quibbling.  But  the  second  was  a  distinct  disap 
pointment.  The  "oppressed"  people  of  Maryland 
manifested  no  disposition  to  rise,  would  not  take  Con 
federate  money  in  pay  for  provisions,  and  instead  of 
welcoming  the  invaders  gave  them  a  very  cold 
shoulder  indeed.  While  the  iconoclasts  have  relegated 
Whittier's  Barbara  Frietchie  story  to  the  realm  of 
fable  along  with  William  Tell  and  other  legends,  yet 
it  no  doubt  faithfully  represented  the  sentiment  of  the 
people  of  Frederick  and  vicinity.  It  was  not  difficult 
to  start  McClellan,  but  to  keep  him  moving  with  any 
degree  of  speed  was  another  matter,  and  he  did  not 
arrive  at  Frederick  until  the  12th.  Fortunately,  Lee 
had  been  delayed  by  the  stubborn  resistance  at  Har 
per's  Ferry,  and  on  the  next  day  an  order  of  Gen. 
Lee's  fell  into  McClellan's  hands,  disclosing  the  fact 
that  the  rebel  force  had  been  divided,  about  half  still 
engaged  at  Harper's  Ferry  and  the  other  half  in  the 
front.  Here  was  a  great  chance  to  crush  the  enemy  in 
detail.  What  did  McClellan  do?  Practically  noth 
ing.  The  Union  forces  gained  a  victory  at  South 
Mountain  on  the  14th,  Harper's  Ferry  surrendered  on 
the  15th,  and  on  the  17th  the  Confederate  forces  were 
reunited.  General  Longstreet  says  of  these  proceed 
ings: 

He  (McClelland  lost  a  great  opportunity  here  on  the 
Sharpsburg  field.  No  general  could  ask  for  a  better.  Command 
ing  a  greatly  superior  army,  opposing  an  enemy  divided  by  the 
Potomac,  the  Shenandoah,  and  the  Blue  Ridge,  into  four  weak 
isolated  parts,  whcse  locations  he  absolutely  knew  from  General 
Lee's  dispatches,  which  had  actually  fallen  into  his  hands,  Me- 


172  THE  OLD  STORY 

Clellan's  failure,  not  only  to  relieve  Harper's  Ferry,  but  to  de 
stroy  at  least  one  of  the  segments  of  General  Lee's  army  must 
be  considered  about  the  most  disastrous  failure  of  the  war  on 
either  side. 

The  battle  of  Antietam  on  the  17th  was  one  of  the 
most  desperate  of  the  war,  the  losses  being  about  the 
same  on  either  side,  and  resulted  in  a  Union  victory, 
although  Porter's  corps  of  35,000  was  never  brought 
into  action.  McClellan  was  urged  by  his  generals  to 
renew  the  battle  on  the  18th,  when  there  was  a  pros 
pect  of  capturing  Lee's  army,  or  at  least  the  major 
portion,  but  he  evidently  thought  he  had  done  enough 
in  checking  the  advance,  and  the  Confederates,  to 
their  own  great  surprise,  were  allowed  to  retreat 
quietly  across  the  Potomac,  notwithstanding  the  War 
Department  used  every  effort  successfully  to  send 
McClellan  additional  troops,  supplies  and  ammuni 
tion.  On  the  20th  Halleck  telegraphed  McClellan  for 
information  as  to  his  movements,  to  which  he  re 
sponded  with  a  complaint  of  fault  finding.  He  then 
asked  for  twenty  additional  regiments,  and  wanted  to 
build  a  double  track  bridge  across  the  Potomac  be 
fore  he  would  advance.  Halleck  insisted  on  knowing 
his  plans  before  embarking  in  such  an  enterprise,  and 
received  the  information  that  he  would  stay  where  he 
was  and  wait  for  Lee  to  come  at  him  again !  Finally, 
on  October  1,  President  Lincoln  visited  him  to  urge 
him  to  move,  but  writh  no  better  result,  and  finally  a 
peremptory  order  was  issued  on  October  6th  by  Hal 
leck,  with  the  concurrence  of  the  President  and  Sec 
retary,  to  cross  the  Potomac  and  drive  the  enemy 
South.  He  did  not  move  until  the  26th,  and  in  the 
meantime  there  was  a  rebel  cavalry  raid  into  Pennsyl 
vania  as  far  as  Chainbersburg,  which  was  burn- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          173 

ed  to  the  ground.  McClellan  promised  to  cut 
off  their  retreat,  and  when  he  failed  to  do  so, 
complained  that  it  was  for  lack  of  horses.  This  was 
re-echoed  in  certain  newspapers,  whereupon  Stanton 
addressed  the  following  to  'Quartermaster  General 
Meigs: 

General  complaint  is  made  by  General  McClellan  of  the  in 
adequate  supply  of  cavalry  horses  for  his  command.  Your  au 
thority  has  been  for  a  long  time  unrestricted  in  that  regard,  and 
you  are  expected  to  spare  no  effort  to  secure  an  adequate  sup 
ply.  You  will  please  report  what  efforts  have  been  made  and 
are  now  making  by  your  department  for  that  purpose,  and 
whether  any  and  what  authority,  aid  or  instructions  can  be  given 
by  the  Secretary  of  War  to  accomplish  the  object. 

General  Meigs,  whose  reliability  has  never  been 
questioned,  reported  that  between  September  1  and 
October  11,  he  had  supplied  McClellan  with  8,754 
horses,  an  average  of  1,459  a  week,  instead  of  150  as 
McClellan  had  reported  to  Halleck.  But  now  a  new 
trouble  arose,  as  indicated  by  the  following  note  from 
Stan  ton  to  Meigs : 

lit  has  been  publiclv  alleged  that  the  army  has  been  unable 
to  move  for  want  of  shoes,  which  it  is  the  duty  of  the  quarter 
master's  department  to  furnish.  You  will  jplease  report  whether 
there  has  been  any  failure  or  neglect  to  furnish  shoes  or  other 
supplies  to  that  army,  or  meet  promptly  any  requisition  for  its 
supply  upon  your  department. 

General  Meigs  replied : 

Ten  days  ago  I  was  assured  that  every  such  requisition  had 
been  filled  and  forwarded.  Within  the  last  two  days,  however, 
new  and  large  requisitions  have  been  received,  which  are  being 
shipped  as  rapidly  as  possible. 

Then  Halleck  took  a  hand,  and  after  a  thorough 
investigation  reported  to  the  Secretary  of  War  on  Oc- 


174  THE  OLD  STORY 

tober  28th  that:  "In  my  opinion  there  has  been  no 
such  want  of  supplies  in  the  army  under  General  Mc- 
Clellan  as  to  prevent  his  compliance  with  the  orders 
to  advance  against  the  enemy." 

In  the  meantime  McOlellan  seems  to  have  found 
a  new  objection,  which  provoked  the  following  from 
the  ever  patient  Lincoln :  "I  have  just  read  your  dis 
patch  about  sore  tongue  and  fatigued  horses.  Will 
you  pardon  me  for  asking  what  the  horses  of  your 
army  have  done  since  the  battle  of  Antietam  that 
fatigues  anything?" 

McClellan's  reply  was,  "making  reconnoisances, 
scouting  and  picketing,"  which  did  not  prevent  rebel 
cavalry  from  traveling  all  around  him,  and  Lee  from 
leisurely  retiring  to  Culpepper  Court  House.  Finally, 
his  stock  of  stationery  apparently  becoming  ex 
hausted,  McClellan  began  to  move,  and  by  November 
1  was  safely  across  the  river,  just  44  days  behind 
Lee's  army.  The  Union  forces  reached  Warrenton 
about  40  miles  southwest  of  Washington  and  10  miles 
north  of  Culpepper  Court  House  on  November  7,  51 
days  after  the  battle,  of  Antietam  and  30  days  after 
the  peremptory  order  to  move.  According  to  Nicolay 
and  Hay,  Mr.  Lincoln  had  made  up  his  mind  without 
communicating  his  purpose  to  any  one  that  if  Mc 
Clellan  should  permit  Lee  to  cross  the  Blue  Ridge 
and  place  himself  between  Richmond  and  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac,  he  would  remove  him  from  command. 
When  this  occurred,  clearly  through  inexcusable  de 
lays  and  disobedience  of  orders,  he  was  relieved  from 
his  command  on  November  7,  and  directed  to  report 
to  Trenton,  N.  J.  General  Burnside  was  ordered  to 
supersede  him,  at  whose  request  he  remained  with  the 
army  until  the  10th,  when  he  terminated  his  military 


EDW  NIMcMASTERS  STANTON  175 

career.     In  his  book  he  makes  this  comment,  which 
speaks  for  itself : 

The  order  depriving  me  of  the  command  created  an  im 
mense  deal  of  feeling  in  the  army.  So  much  so  that  many  were 
in  favor  of  my  refusing  to  obey  the  order,  and  of  marching  on 
Washington  and  taking  possession  of  the  Government. 

In  a  second  letter  to  his  old  pastor,  Rev.  Herman 
Dyer,  Stan  ton  gives  the  following  succinct  review  of 
events  of  the  preceding  weeks : 

Dear  Sir:  Your  note  of  the  llth  inst.  has  remained  unan. 
swerecl  because  of  the  pressure  of  business  which  has  left  me 
neither  time  nor  strength  to  respond.  When  General  McClellan 
failed  to  obey  the  order  of  the  President  to  move  against  the 
enemy,  given  on  the  6th  of  October,  I  thought  he  ought  to  be  re 
moved  on  the  spot.  Nearly  a  month's  time — enough  to  have  had 
a  victorious  campaign — was  lost  by  his  disobedience  of  orders. 
When  his  creatures  and  those  who  are  enemies  of  the  country 
undertook  to  apologize  for  his  delay  by  the  false  pretense  that 
he  had  needed  supplies  that  were  withheld  from  him  by  the  War 
Department,  my  duty  to  the  country  required  the  exposure  of 
the  falsehood,  and  I  demanded  a  report  on  the  subject  from  the 
general-in-chief.  It  is  not  my  fault  that  he  was  not  removed  be 
fore  the  New  York  election,  after  his  disobedience  of  orders. 
The  loss  of  three  weeks'  time  rests  not  on  my  shoulders.  In  re 
spect  to  any  combination  by  Mr.  Chase,  Mr.  Seward  and  myself 
against  General  McClellan,  it  is  utterly  false,  for  reasons  need 
less  to  mention;  fire  and  water  would  as  soon  combine.  Each 
does  his  duty  as  he  deems  right.  In  respect  to  the  imputation 
oi  selfish  or  ambitious  motives,  denial  is  useless.  Those  who 
make  this  imputation  do  it  ignorant  oi  my  principles  of  action, 
or  with  prejudiced  feelings,  and,  like  all  other  public  men,  I 
must  expect  and  patiently  bear  misconception  and  false  report. 

In  respect  to  the  present  position  of  affairs  all  I  can  say  is 
that  the  whole  power  of  the  Government  is  being  put  forth 
with  more  vigor  and  I  think  more  earnestness  on  the  part  of 
military  commanders  than  at  any  former  period.  Treason  is  en 
couraged  in  the  Northern  States  by  the  just  discontent  of  the 
people.  But  believing  our  National  destiny  is  as  immediately 


176  THE  OLD  STORY 

in  the   hands   of  the   Most   Hig-h   as   ever  was   the   children   of 
Israel,  I  am  not  only  undismayed  but  full  of  hope. 

For  myself,  turning  neither  to  the  right  hand  nor  the  left, 
serving  no  man  and  at  enmity  with  none,  I  shall  strive  to  per 
form  my  whole  duty  in  the  great  work  before  us.  Mistakes  and 
faults  I  no  doubt  may  commit,  but  the  purpose  of  my  action 
shall  be  single  to  the  public  good. 

Burnside  was  a  personal  friend  of  McClellan,  and 
no  doubt  this  had  something  to  do  with  his  appoint 
ment.  But  beyond  that  fact  he  had  made  a  good  rec 
ord,  and  his  loyalty  and  integrity  were  unquestioned ; 
moveover,  he  was  known  to  be  a  soldier  of  push  and 
vigor.  He  was  diffident  about  assuming  command, 
mistrusted  his  ability  to  handle  a  large  army,  but 
when  ordered  to  take  the  position  promptly  obeyed. 
He  moved  his  army  down  the  north  bank  of  the  Rap- 
pahannock,  opposite  Fredericksburg,  where  Lee  was 
strongly  intrenched  with  78,000  men.  Lincoln  now 
considered  it  wise  to  caution'  his  too  impetuous  gen 
eral,  in  place  of  familiar  proddings  of  the  past  years. 
But  a  front  attack  was  determined  upon,  and  on  De 
cember  11  pontoon  bridges  were  thrown  across  the 
river,  on  which  the  corps  of  Sumner  and  Franklin 
passed,  Hooker  remaining  in  reserve  on  the  north  side. 
There  was  a  possible  chance  of  turning  Lee's  right, 
but  it  was  not  embraced,  and  on  the  13th  the  army 
was  ordered  to  seize  Mary's  Heights,  at  the  bottom  of 
which  was  a  stone  wall  and  trench  lined  with  infantry 
and  the  crest  crowned  with  batteries.  Longstreet's 
superintendent  of  artillery  said,  "we  cover  the 
ground  so  well  that  we  will  comb  it  as  with  a  fine- 
tooth  comb.  A  chicken  could  not  live  on  that  field 
when  we  open  on  it."  The  Old  Guard  at  Waterloo, 
the  600  at  Balaclava,  the  Pickett  charge  at  Gettysburg 
have  all  been  celebrated  in  story,  but  not  one  of  them 


EDWIN  McMASTEKS  STANTON  177 

can  be  compared  with  the  work  done  that  day  at 
Fredericksburg.  There  was  no  dash,  no  hurrah,  but 
a  steady,  unbroken  march  into  a  sheet  of  deadly  flame, 
before  which  the  ranks  melted  like  snow  in  summer. 
"Six  times  did  the  enemy,"  says  Lee,  "notwithstand 
ing  the  havoc  caused  by  our  batteries,  press  on  with 
great  determination  to  the  foot  of  the  hill,  but  here, 
encountering  the  deadly  fire  of  our  infantry,  his  col 
umns  were  broken."  Even  "Fighting"  Joe  Hooker 
begged  Burnside  to  desist,  but  he  ordered  one  more  as 
sault,  and  Humphreys  led  a  bayonet  charge  with 
4,500  troops  who  had  never  been  in  battle,  and  in  a 
few  minutes  one-fourth  were  killed  or  wounded.  Men 
could  do  no  more,  and  they  retired  slowly  and  in  good 
order,  many  of  the  soldiers  "singing  and  hurrawing." 
It  was  the  greatest  display  of  valor  the  world  had 
ever  seen,  but  at  frightful  and  useless  cost.  The» 
Union  loss  was  12,653  and  the  Confederate  5,377. 
Burnside  did  not  attempt  to  throw  the  blame  on  any 
one  else,  which  he  might  have  done  with  some  show 
of  justice,  but  assumed  it  himself.  He  did,  however, 
prefer  charges  against  Hooker  and  other  commanders 
for  undue  criticisms  made  to  the  authorities  at  Wash 
ington. 

It  was  certainly  a  time  of  deep  depression.  Bragg 
had  been  driven  out  of  Kentucky,  where  his  reception 
was  as  chilly  as  Lee's  in  Maryland,  and  Louisville  and 
Cincinnati  were  no  longer  menaced.  But  the  country 
seemed  to  be  getting  weary.  The  first  flush  of  en 
thusiasm  had  subsided,  and  the  fall  elections  had  gone 
against  the  administration.  The  peace-at-any-price 
party  was  apparently  making  headway,  and  there  was 
open  talk  of  mediation  by  foreign  powers. 


CHAPTER  X. 

SLAVERY  AND  EMANCIPATION. 

Stanton  Grasps  the  Situation — Preliminary  Work — Urges  Lin 
coln's  Proclamation  and  Constitutional  Amendment — A  Lead 
ing  Factor  for  Freedom. 

Mr.  Flower  at  page  182  says:  "Lincoln  was 
elected  on  a  strong  pro-slavery  platform,  which  he 
endorsed  in  his  letter  of  acceptance."  To  put  it 
mildly,  this  sentence  is  very  misleading.  Opposition 
to  increasing  demands  of  the  slave  power,  which  crys- 
talized  into  the  Republican  party  platform,  did  not 
propose  to  abrogate  the  implied  contract  entered  into 
at  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  that  states  in 
which  slavery  •  existed  should  be  allowed  to  manage 
their  "peculiar  institution"  in  their  own  way  with 
out  outside  pressure  or  interference.  When  the  Gov 
ernment  was  founded  slavery  was  barred  in  the  only 
Territory  under  National  control,  and,  as  already 
stated,  it  was  the  belief  of  leading  statesmen  both 
North  and  South  that  in  time  the  evil  would  die  out 
of  its  own  weight,  for  that  it  was  an  incubus  rather 
than  advantage  was  generally  conceded.  The  inven 
tion  of  the  cotton  gin  and  other  circumstances  pre 
vented  the  realization  of  those  expectations,  and  as 
additional  territory  was  acquired  by  the  United 
States  the  question  of  freedom  or  slavery  in  that  ter 
ritory  became  a  burning  one.  It  would  take  too  long 
to  tell  of  the  Missouri  compromise  and  its  repeal,  the 
Mexican  war  and  subsequent  addition  of  territory,  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  troubles,  and  a  host  of  others,  to- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          179 

gether  with  very  objectionable  clauses  in  the  fugitive 
slave  law,  which  placed  every  free  black  in  the  coun 
try  at  the  mercy  of  a  prejudiced  magistrate  or  per 
jured  testimony.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  the  Republican 
platform  of  1860,  upon  which  Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected, 
contained  these  resolutions: 

That  the  new  dogma,  that  the  Constitution,  of  its  own  force, 
carries  slavery  into  any  or  all  of  the  Territories  of  the  United 
States,  is  a  dangerous  political  heresy,  at  variance  with  the  ex. 
plicit  provisions  rf  that  instrument  itself,  with  contemporaneous 
exposition,  and  with  legislative  and  judicial  precedent;  is  revolu 
tionary  in  its  tendency  and  subversive  of  the  peace  and  harmony 
of  the  country. 

That  the  normal  condition  of  all  the  territory  of  the  United 
States  is  that  of  freedom;  that  as  our  republican  fathers,  when 
they  had  abolished  slavery  in  all  our  National  territory  ordained 
that  no  person  should  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty  or  property 
without  due  process  of  law  it  becomes  our  duty,  by  legislation, 
whenever  such  legislation  is  necessary,  to  maintain  this  provis 
ion  of  the  Constitution  against  all  attempts  to  violate  it;  and  we 
deny  the  authority  of  Congress,  of  a  Territorial  Legislature,  or 
of  any  individuals,  to  give  legal  existence  to  slavery  in  any  ter 
ritory  of  the  United  States. 

This  does  not  read  like  a  very  strong  pro-slavery 
platform,  and  Jefferson  Davis  can  hardly  be  charged 
with  going  to  war  to  enforce  it.  There  was)  another 
resolution  under  the  head  of  "Union"  which  read  as 
follows : 

That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the  States, 
and  especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and  control  its 
own  domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own  judgment  exclu 
sively,  is  essential  to  that  balance  of  power  on  which  the  perfec. 
tion  and  endurance  of  our  political  fabric  depends;  and  we  de 
nounce  the  lav/less  invasion  by  armed  force  of  the  soil  of  any 
state  or  territory,  no  matter  under  what  pretext,  as  among  the 
gravest  of  crimes. 

This  was  of  course  notice  that  the  Republicans  in- 


180         SLAVERY  ANR   EMANCIPATION 

tended  to  observe  the  compact  of  1789  in  good  faith, 
and  would  countenance  no  lawless  raids  to  break  it.  So 
when  Lincoln  declared  in  his  inaugural  that  he  had 
no  purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with 
slavery  in  the  states  where  it,  then,  existed,  and  be 
lieved  he  had  no  right  to  do  so,  it  was  only  a  reaffirma- 
tion  of  his  oath  of  office  and  party  pledges.  Is  it  sup- 
posable  that  Mr.  Stanton  would  have  said  or  acted 
differently?  Certainly  not.  In  fact,  we  have  very 
good  evidence  that  he  would  not  have  supported  the 
anti-slavery  resolutions  regarding  the  territories. 

When  Stanton  became  Secretary  of  War  in  Jan 
uary,  1862,  nearly  a  year  later,  the  situation  had  en 
tirely  changed.  The  South,  rejecting  the  assurance, 
asserted  over  and  over  again,  that  there  should  be  no 
outside  interference  with  slavery  where  it  existed, 
was  in  open  rebellion.  Furthermore,  this  very  slave 
property  was  being  used  against  the  Government. 
Slaves  not  only  cultivated  the  plantation  while  their 
owners  went  to  the  field,  but  were  used  in  construct 
ing  fortifications  and  preparing  munitions  of  war,  in 
short,  counted  as  so  many  white  persons  in  whateve~ 
position  they  were  placed.  Stanton  was  quick  to  re 
alize  this,  and  urged  that  the  Government  take  ad 
vantage  of  the  situation,  and  use  the  negroes  who  were 
flocking  to  the  Union  lines,  in  whatever  way  would  be 
most  advantageous.  He  suggested  to  Lincoln  that 
"those  pledges  had  been  wiped  out  by  the  very  war 
they  had;  been  expected  to  avert."  There  was  much 
force  in  this,  for  there  is  no  principle  better  settled 
than  that  an  appeal  to  arms  wipes  out  all  benefits  or 
privileges  arising  out  of  any  pre-existing  compact.  But 
Lincoln  was  not  yet  prepared  to  go  that  far.  He  hart 
not  lost  all  hope  of  bringing  the  Southern  people  to 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          181 

reason,  the  North  was  not  ready  for  an  "abolition" 
war,  and  the  so-called  "Border  States"  were  so  sensi 
tive  on  the  subject  that  a  radical  policy  might  throw 
them  into  the  arms  of  the  rebellion.  But  while  Lin 
coln  hesitated  to  make  any  open  demonstration 
against  slavery,  Stanton,  no  doubt  with  his  knowl 
edge,  failed  not  to  take  the  active  advantage  of  the 
situation.  Slaves  belonging  to  Confederates  flocked 
to  the  Union  lines.  Were  our  soldiers  justified  in  re 
turning  them  to  their  owners,  who  were  in  arms 
against  the  Government,  and  would  use  these  very 
slaves  against  it?  General  Butler  at  Fortress  Monroe 
made  a  shrewd  solution  of  the  problem.  He  declared 
slaves  who  came  into  his  lines  "contraband  of  war," 
the  same  as  provisions,  powder  and  guns,  thus  giving 
the  dictionary  makers  a  chance  to  enlarge  the  defini 
tion  of  that  term.  He  wras  allowed  to  go  ahead  and 
utilize  the  fugitives.  General  Fremont  issued  a  proc 
lamation  declaring  all  slaves  in  Missouri  free,  but  the 
President  revoked  it,  and  also  a  subsequent  proclama 
tion  by  General  Hunter  regarding  Georgia,  Florida 
and  South  Carolina.  He  clearly  announced  his  pur 
pose  to  deal  with  the  larger  question  of  negro  emanci 
pation  in  his  own  time  and  way,  and  as  a  preliminary 
on  March  6,  1862,  asked  Congress  to  co-operate  finan 
cially  with  any  state  wishing  to  abolish  slavery. 
Stanton  predicted  that  this  would  come  to  nothing, 
and  he  was  right.  The  border  states  of  Missouri, 
Kentucky  and  Maryland,  which  would  have  been 
chiefly  benefited,  ignored  it  to  their  subsequent  loss, 
and  the  people  of  the  Northern  States  were  reaching 
a  point  where  they  were  not  disposed  to  pay  for  eman 
cipated  slaves. 

But  Stanton  had  the  original  confiscation  act,  the 


182         SLAVERY  AND   EMANCIPATION 

general  rules  of  war  and  the  principle  that  it  is  ad 
visable  to  use  any  and  every  available  non  barbarous 
means  to  cripple  or  destroy  an  enemy  in  arms.  Ac 
cordingly,  on  May  5,  he  wrote  to  General  Mitchell  ful 
ly  justifying  the  latter  in  accepting  the  assistance  of 
slaves,  especially  as  the  rebels  had  freely  done  so. 
Congress  asked  Stanton  if  he  had  permitted  certain 
generals  to  utilize  "slaves"  and  whether  he  had  issued 
arms  and  clothing  to  them.  He  replied  that  he  had 
no  official  information  as  to  the  organization  of  any 
regiment  of  "black  men,  fugitive  slaves,"  and  no  au 
thority  had  been  given  for  such  action,  but  that  Hun 
ter  had  been  furnished  with  clothing  and  arms  "with 
out  instructions  as  to  where  they  should  be  used."  It 
seems  that  Stanton  proposed  issuing  a  "confiscation" 
order  on  his  own  acount,  which  would  enable  the  mili 
tary  authorities  to  utilize  the  labor  of  fugitive  slaves 
in  any  manner  they  saw  fit,  regarding  all  blacks  com 
ing  into  their  lines  as  free,  and  was  advised  that  such 
action  was  within  the  scope  of  his  authority,  but  out 
of  consideration  for  Mr.  Lincoln  he  dropped  the  mat 
ter,  for  the  time  being.  However,  he  induced  Con 
gress  a  couple  of  months  later  to  pass  an  act  embody 
ing  practically  the  same  principle.  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
inclined  to  veto  the  act  on  the  ground  that  only  life 
estates  of  rebels  could  be  forfeited  to  the  Government, 
and  an  explanatory  resolution  was  passed  in  accord 
ance  with  this  view.  This  resolution  was  shortly  after 
repealed.  Gorham  thus  sums  up  the  anti-slavery 
legislation  of  Congress  to  this  time : 

In  August,  1861,  it  passed  a  law  giving  freedom  to  all 
slaves  who  had  been  employed  by  their  masters  in  aid  olf  militarj- 
purposes.  In  March,  1862,  it  enacted  an  article  of  war  dismiss 
ing  from  the  service  military  officers  who  should  surrender  fugi- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  183 

tive  slaves  escaping  into  Federal  camps  within  the  enemy's 
lines.  In  April,  1862,  it  abolished  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.  In  June,  1862,  it  prohibited  slavery  in  all  the  terri 
tories,  and  in  July,  1862,  it  authorized  the  organization  of  negro 
troops.  The  confiscation  act  of  July,  (17)  1862  freed  all  slaves 
of  rebels  who  might  come  into  the  Federal  lines  or  be  captured 
from  their  masters. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  Mr.  Stanton  not  only  kept 
abreast  of  this  legislation  but  a  step  or  two  ahead  of 
it.  He  sustained  General  Butler  in  his  efforts  to 
utilize  the  blacks  at  New  Orleans,  and  filled  his  requi 
sitions  for  supplies  and  arms,  quietly  omitting  the 
requirement  heretofore  made  that  the  same  were  to 
be  used  for  white  soldiers  only.  General  Butler  gives 
this  interesting  account  of  his  experience : 

My  black  regiment  were  mustered  regularly  and  entered  ac 
tive  service  the  last  of  August,  1862.  Perhaps  T  should  add  that 
before  leaving  for  New  Orleans,  I  talked  with  the  President 
about  the  blacks.  He  said  he  was  not  prepared  to  discuss  a  negro 
ipolicy.  I  then  went  to  Mr.  S'tanton.  His  answer  was  prompt. 
He  told  me  to  hold,  equip,  employ,  or  arm  all  the  negroes  who 
came  to  me,  if  it  should  be  all  in  my  department. 

By  the  latter  part  of  July,  1862,  President  Lin 
coln  came  to  the  conclusion,  which  Stanton  had  been 
urging  for  weeks,  that  the  time  had  come  when  the 
matter  of  taking  a  decisive  stand  on  the  slavery  ques 
tion  should  be  openly  considered.  A  Cabinet  meeting 
was  called  for  July  21,  the  matter  of  employing 
negroes  as  laborers  was  discussed  and  approved, 
colonization  was  mentioned  but  not  considered  to  any 
extent,  and  arming  negroes  was  urged  by  Stanton, 
Chase,  and  Seward,  to  which  the  President  expressed 
himself  adversely.  The  next  day  the  President  sub 
mitted  the  rough  draft  of  a  preliminary  proclamation 
giving  notice  that  unless  the  rebels  in  certain  States 


184         SLAVERY  AND   EMANCIPATION 

should  lay  down  their  arms  and  cease  resistance  by 
January  1st,  following,  all  slaves  within  their  lines 
should  be  declared  free.  Stan  ton  and  Bates  warmly 
favored  its  immediate  promulgation.  Seward  and 
Chase  opposed,  and  Welles  is  marked  blank  in  a  mem 
orandum  made  by  Stanton.  Lincoln  concluded  to 
withhold  the  proclamation  for  the  present.  The  coun 
try  was  staggering  under  the  disasters  of  the  Penin 
sular  campaign  which  it  was  hoped  Pope  would 
retrieve,  and  the  President  concluded  that  the  best 
time  to  issue  the  proclamation  was  not  on  the  heels 
of  defeat  but  after  a  victory.  Pope's  defeat  post 
poned  further  action  in  that  direction,  but  Stanton 
went  vigorously  to  work  in  employing  colored  labor 
ers  and  authorizing  Gen.  Saxton,  who  succeeded  Hun 
ter,  "to  enlist,  enroll,  arm,  equip  and  drill  for  military 
service  for  the  purpose  of  guarding  plantations  and 
settlements  occupied  by  the  United  States  from 
invasion  and  to  protect  the  inhabitants  thereof  from 
captivity  and  murder  by  the  enemy,  5,000  negroes 
volunteers  to  be  entitled  to  receive  the  same  pay  and 
rations  as  are  allowed  by  law  to  volunteers  in  the 
service."  General  Saxton  was  authorized  by  every 
means  in  his  power  to  withdraw  from  the  enemy  their 
labor  force  and  population,  and  to  spare  no  efforts, 
consistent  with  civilized  warfare  to  weaken  them  and 
to  establish  the  authority  of  the  United  States.  At 
tention  was  also  called  to  the  recent  act  of  Congress, 
conceived  by  Stanton,  by  which  all  men  and  boys 
received  into  the  service  of  the  United  States,  who 
may  have  been  slaves  of  rebel  masters,  were,  with  their 
wives,  mothers  and  children,  declared  to  be  forever 
free,  and  should  be  so  treated. 

It  will  be  seen  by  these  orders  that  Stanton  was 


EDWIN  McMASTEKS  STANTON          185 

anticipating  the  proclamation,  and  converting  negro 
slaves  with  their  families  into  free  men,  giving  them 
the  army  uniform,  and  putting  them  into  step  with 
the  music  of  the  Union.  And  this  work  would  have 
gone  on  had  the  proclamation  never  been  issued.  In 
fact  as  Major  Johnson  says,  Stanton  was  the  real 
emancipator,  and  gave  the  negro  his  place  as  a 
soldier  in  the  Republic.  But,  as  we  shall  see,  his 
work  did  not  end  here. 

Lincoln  still  had  his  proclamation  in  his  pocket, 
and  as  late  as  September  13,  said  to  a  visiting  delega 
tion:  "What  good  would  a  proclamation  from  me 
do?  I  do  not  want  to  issue  a  document  that  the 
whole  world  will  see  must  be  inoperative,  like  the 
Pope's  bull  against  the  comet"  But  on  the  17th  the 
battle  of  Antietam  was  fought,  and  if  there  was  dis 
appointment  at  its  final  outcome,  yet  the  rebel  forces 
had  at  least  retired  to  their  original  lines  of  defense, 
and  the  opportunity  to  strike  an  effective  blow  was 
at  least  as  favorable  as  iij  was  likely  to  be  for  some 
time  to  come.  So,  on  the  22d  of  September  at  a  meet 
ing  of  the  Cabinet  Mr.  Lincoln  presented  the  draft  of 
his  preliminary  announcement  of  emancipation, 
which  he  had  written  at  Major  Eckert's  desk  in  the 
cipher  room  of  the  War  Department.  Chase  and 
Welles  in  their  diaries  have  left  quite  a  full  report  of 
that  meeting.  Mr.  Stanton  made  a  very  emphatic 
speech  sustaining  the  measure,  and  in  closing  said 
the  act  was  so  important  and  involved  consequences 
so  vast,  that  he  hoped  each  member  would  give  dis 
tinctly  and  unequivocally  his  own  individual  opinion, 
whatever  that  opinion  might  be.  Mr.  Chase,  while 
this  was  a  step  farther  than  he  had  ever  proposed, 
was  prepared  to  support  it.  Mr.  Blair  was  an  eman- 


186         SLAVERY  AND  EMANCIPATION 

cipationist,  but  feared  the  effect  in  the  border  states 
and  even  in  the  North.  Seward  suggested  some  verbal 
changes  and  Welles  was  ready  to  stand  by  it.  Bates 
had  favored  it  all  along.  It  will  be  seen  however 
that  the  emphatic  unqualified  supporter  of  the  meas 
ure  was  Stanton,  who  had  not  only  been  urgent  in 
its  promulgation  but,  as  we  have  seen,  anticipated 
as  far  as  possible  its  active  operation.  As  is  well 
known  the  September  proclamation  was  not  one  of 
immediate  or  direct  emancipation.  It  gave  over  three 
months  grace,  and  declared  that  on  the  first  day  of 
January  following  the  Executive  would  issue  another 
proclamation  declaring  the  freedom  of  all  slaves  in 
states  and  parts  of  states  to  be  then  designated  as  in 
rebellion  against  the  authority  of  the  United  States. 
So  far  as  the  proclamation  had  any  effect  in  inducing 
any  return  to  National  allegiance  on  the  part  of 
those  in  active  rebellion  it  was  not  apparent,  neither 
was  there  any  noticeable  change  in  the  border  states. 
In  the  Northern  states  the  Democrats  made  signal 
gains,  part  of  which  at  least  were  ascribed  to  the 
proclamation.  Under  instructions  from  the  War 
Department  the  proclamation  was  published  to  the 
army  for  its  guidance  and  instruction.  McClellan 
issued  an  order  in  regard  to  it,  deprecating  hostile 
criticism  but  concluding,  "The  remedy  for  political 
errors,  if  any  are  committed,  is  to  be  found  only  in 
the  action  of  the  people  at  the  polls."  This  was 
generally  regarded  as  an  invitation  for  his  friends 
to  vote  against  the  proclamation  and  its  author  at 
the  coming  election,  and  there  is  plenty  of  evidence 
that  he  did  not  consider  his  order  deprecating  hostile 
discussion  by  officers  and  soldiers  as  applicable  to 
himself. 


EDWIN  MeMASTERS  STANTON          187 

President  Lincoln  in  his  message  to  Congress  in 
December  took  no  backward  steps,  but  recommended 
a  constitutional  amendment  providing  compensation 
for  every  state  which  would  abolish  slavery  before 
the  year  1900,  securing  permanent  freedom  to  all 
slaves  who  had  been  freed  by  the  chances  of  war  with 
compensation  to  loyal  owners,  and  authorizing  a  plan 
of  colonization.  None  of  these  suggestions  was  car 
ried  out,  and  the  border  states  at  least  missed  a  great 
opportunity.  On  January  1,  1863,  President  Lincoln, 
according  to  promise,  issued  his  proclamation,  which 
Stanton  had  urged  ever  since  coming  into  the  Cabi 
net.  In  this  connection  it  may  be  worth  while  to 
quote  the  following  distinguished  opinions : 

Lincoln  resisted  military  interference  with  slaves  for 
months,  and  I  do  not  believe  there  would  have  been  any  decisive 
action  on  emancipation  except  for  Mr.  Stanton.  He  created  the 
Administration  policy  in  reference  to  slaves  and  slavery. — [Gen. 
T.  M.  Vincent. 

Mr.  Stanton's  impatience  with  the  slowness  of  President 
Lincoln  to  proclaim  emancipation  was  great,  and  was  express 
ed  more  freely  to  the  President  than  to  anybody  else.  When 
the  proclamation  finally  came,  his  delight  and  his  gratitude  to 
God  were  unbounded.  Now,  at  last,  he  felt  that  no  blunder 
and  no  disaster  could  avert  the  ultimate  triumph  of  our  arms. — 
[Chas.  A.  Dana. 

From  the  moment  Mr.  Stanton  became  Secretary  of  War  he 
never  relaxed  his  efforts  to  destroy  slavery  in  the  rebellious  ter 
ritory  as  the  surest  and  cheapest  if  not  the  only  salvation  of  the 
Union  and  to  win  Mr.  Lincoln  over  to  that  way  of  thinking.— 
[Gen.  E.  D.  Townsend. 

The  proclamation  designated  the  following 
states,  the  people  whereof  were  in  rebellion  against 
the  United  States:  Arkansas,  Texas,  Louisiana 
(partly)  Mississippi,  Florida,  Alabama,  Georgia, 
South  Carolina,  North  Carolina  and  Virginia  (part- 


188         SLAVERY  AND  EMANCIPATION 

ly)  and  declaring  that  all  persons  held  as  slaves 
within  said  designated  states  and  parts  of  states,  are, 
and  henceforward  forever  shall  be  free. 

It  is  idle  at  this  day  to  discuss  the  legal  effect 
of  this  proclamation.  As  Commander  in  Chief  of  the 
Army  and  Navy  the  President  had  an  undoubted  right 
to  destroy  or  turn  loose  any  property  belonging  to 
an  armed  enemy  in  time  of  war,  and  under  the  act  of 
Congress  to  confiscate  the  same.  Freeing  the  slaves 
of  those  in  arms  of  course  did  not  abolish  slavery  in 
a  technical  sense,  only  those  who  took  advantage  of 
the  proclamation  and  reached  the  Union  lines  were 
actually  freed,  and  there  might  have  been  some  inter 
esting  legal  questions  to  be  solved  at  the  close  of  the 
war.  Stanton  realized  this  as  well  as  the  President, 
and  urged  upon  Congress  the  13th  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  forever  abolishing  slavery  within  the 
limits  of  the  United  States.  Although  the  Senate 
acted  on  this  amendment  on  April  8,  1864,  yet  the 
House,  owing  to  the  set  back  in  the  fall  of  1862,  did 
not  take  a  final  vote  until  January  31,  1865,  when  it 
became  evident  to  everybody  that  slavery  and  the 
Confederacy  were  about  to  die  together.  When  Stan- 
ton  received  word  of  the  passage  of  the  amendment 
he  ordered  an  artillery  fire  of  one  hundred  guns  while 
he  read  aloud  the  names  of  those  who  voted  aye, 
declaring  that  history  will  embalm  them  in  great 
honor. 

Before  the  close  of  the  war  nearly  200,000  colored 
troops  had  been  enlisted,  and  the  Secretary  spared 
no  pains  to  have  them  placed  on  the  same  basis  in 
regard  to  pay  and  protection  as  white  soldiers.  As 
soon  as  the  proclamation  was  issued  he  appointed  a 
Freedman's  Inquiry  Commission,  and  early  in  April, 


EDWIN  McMABTERS  STANTON          189 

1863,  he  dispatched  Adjutant  General  Lorenzo 
Thomas  to  the  West  to  examine  and  report  on  the 
feasibility  of  recruiting  and  using  negro  soldiers  gen 
erally.  The  mission  was  eminently  successful.  The 
recruiting  of  colored  regiments,  both  infantry  and 
artillery,  went  vigorously  forward.  From  that  time 
the  work  went  steadily  onward  until  thousands  were 
under  arms,  and  one  of  the  first  regiments  to  enter 
Richmond  after  its  fall  was  composed  of  colored  men 
wearing  the  Union  blue.  In  May,  1863,  Mr.  Stanton 
established  a  bureau  of  colored  volunteers  as  part  of 
the  War  Department,  which  afterwards  grew  into  the 
Freedman's  Bureau. 

The  great  work  which  Stanton  performed  on 
behalf  of  the  negro  race  has  been  obscured  by  other 
events,  but  he  stands  second  to  none  in  his  advocacy 
of  freedom,  or  in  active  operations  to  make  that 
freedom  effective. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

MAKING  A  NEW  STATE. 

Formation  of  West  Virginia — Questions  of  Constitutionality  and 
Expediency — Loyalty  Recognized. 

The  State  of  West  Virginia,  bordering  as  it  does 
on  the  Ohio  river,  being  a  close  neighbor  to  Jefferson 
county  and  the  State  of  Ohio,  has  always  been  an 
object  of  interest  to  the  people  northwest  of  the  Ohio. 
This  is  especially  the  case  as  to  the  region  around 
Steubenville,  whose  pioneers  came  largely  from  the 
Old  Dominion  and  Maryland,  whose  territory  was 
originally  part  of  that  same  Mother  of  Presidents,  a 
place  which  the  daughter  state  seems  to  have  taken. 
It  is  more  than  a  mere  coincidence  that  Ohio  should 
have  taken  in  later  years  the  pre-eminence  in 
National  affairs  formerly  exercised  by  Virginia, 
because  her  people  are  largely  of  the  same  stock. 
When  the  God  fearing  pioneers  landed  at  Jamestown, 
and  through  storm  and  stress  developed  the  first  free 
legislative  assembly  known  to  mankind,  the  first  pub 
lic  schools  with  their  subsequent  higher  education, 
and  all  the  elements  of  government  of  the  people,  by 
the  people,  for  the  people,  they  builded  wiser  than 
they  knew.  It  was  the  bravery  of  Virginia  freemen 
which  secured  this  Northwest  Territory  to  the  Amer 
ican  Union,  it  was  the  help  ofi  Virginia  votes  which 
dedicated  it  to  freedom,  and  it  was  the  unselfishness 
of  Virginia  statesmen  and  people  which  relinquished 
this  vast  domain  to  the  National  Government,  thus 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  191 

promoting  a  practical  settlement  of  the  conflicting 
territorial  claims  of  the  various  states.  Had  her 
later  statesmen  of  the  eastern,  especially  of  the  tide 
water  region,  remained  true  to  their  first  instincts  a 
different  history  might  have  been  written.  But  it 
was  not  to  be  so.  The  Appalachian  mountain  range 
seemed  to  mark  a  division  between  the  eastern  and 
western  sections  of  the  state,  and  long  before  the  civil 
war  the  two  sections  became  divergent  in  ideas  in 
interest  and  in  policy.  This  was  due  to  several  causes 
but  the  more  potent  than  all  the  others  combined  was 
slavery.  The  low,  lying  lands  of  the  eastern  division, 
with  their  tobacco  culture  and  large  plantations,  were 
more  dependent  on  slave  labor  than  the  mountain 
ranges  and  slopes  of  the  western  part,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  new  industry  which  had  sprung  up,  namely,  the 
breeding  of  slaves  for  the  Southern  market.  At  the 
outbreak  of  the  war  this  latter  industry  was  in  full 
vigor,  while  along  the  Ohio  river  counties  slavery  had 
almost  disappeared.  As  we  have  said,  this  antagon 
ism  existed  before  the  Civil  War,  and  had  it  not  been 
for  the  Constitutional  provision  prohibiting  the  for 
mation  of  a  state  out  of  another  state  without  the  con 
sent  of  the  Legislature  thereof,  a  movement  towards 
division  would  have  no  doubt  been  inaugurated  long 
before  the  great  conflict  began.  But  the  eastern  sec 
tion,  having  a  preponderance  of  votes  in  the  Legisla 
ture,  made  any  effort  of  the  kind  hopeless.  The  war, 
however,  soon  changed  the  situation.  Disregarding 
the  academic  question  as  to  whether  the  states  them 
selves  were  ever  technically  out  of  the  Union,  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  Mr.  Stanton  early  took  the  reasonable 
and  common  sense  view  that  whatever  might  be  the 


192  MAKING  A  NEW  STATE 

status  of  the  state  itself,  its  alleged  government  by 
making  war  against  the  Union  had  forfeited  all 
claims  to  recognition,  its  supporters  had  disfranchised 
themselves,  and  hence  any  negotiations  with  it  as  a 
lawful  government  were  an  absurdity.  The  old  state 
governments  having  been  thus  destroyed,  two  courses 
were  open.  First,  to  govern  by  military  rule  the  ter 
ritory  occupied  by  our  army  in  the1  revolted  section; 
second,  to  re-establish  civil  government  whenever  a 
sufficient  number  of  loyal  citizens  could  be  found  to 
support  and  carry  on  the  same.  This  was  done  in 
Louisiana  and  Tennessee,  with  some  experimental 
efforts  elsewhere.  In  some  instances  the  proportion 
of  loyal  citizens  who  could  be  entrusted  with  the 
work  was  very  small,  but  in  Virginia  it  was  very- 
large,  and  had  the  so-called  secession  ordinance  been 
submitted  to  a  fair  vote  of  the  people  it  would  un 
doubtedly  have  been  defeated.  But  the  machinations 
of  the  leaders  forced  the  matter  through  the  conven 
tion,  and  they  proceeded  to  carry  it  into  effect.  The 
Unionists  of  the  eastern  section  were  not  sufficiently 
strong  in  force  or  inclination  to  make  successful  re 
sistance,  but  in  the  west  it  was  otherwise.  The  old 
government  of  the  state  having  been  swept  away,  the 
western  counties  proceeded  to  reorganize  the  com 
monwealth  by  a  convention  which  was  held  at 
Wheeling  on  June  19,  1861.  Francis  H.  Pier- 
pont  was  chosen  Governor,  who  called  on  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  for  protection,  and  loyal  mem 
bers  of  the  Legislature  assembled,  filling  the 
vacancies  of  those  who  refused  to  take  the  oath, 
by  new  elections.  U.  S.  Senators  were  chosen  who 
were  admitted  to  Congress.  This  government  be  it 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  193 

remembered  acted  for  the  whole  state,  although  the 
part  within  the  rebel  lines  was  mostly  unrepresented, 
and  was  recognized  by  every  department  of  the  Na 
tional  Government.  The  convention  reassembled  at 
Wheeling  on  August  20  and  adopted  an  ordinance 
providing  for  a  new  state  of  thirty-nine  counties  to  be 
called  Kanawha.  This  ordinance  was  submitted  to  a 
vote  of  the  people  on  the  fourth  Thursday  of  October, 
and  received  18,408  votes  to  781  against  it.  The  dele 
gates  chosen  at  this  election  met  at  Wheeling  on  No 
vember  26  and  adjourned  on  February  18,  1862,  after 
framing  a  Constitution  including  forty  counties  and 
changing  the  name  of  the  new  state  from  Kanawha 
to  West  Virginia.  On  April  3,  1862,  the  Constitution 
was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  18,862  in  favor  to  514 
against  it.  Of  course  the  consent  of  the  Legislature 
had  to  be  obtained,  and  on  May  13  this  was  formally 
granted.  Although  there  was  some  divergence  in 
Congress  as  to  the  legality  of  these  proceedings,  the 
bill  admitting  West  Virginia  as  a  state  passed  the 
Senate  on  July  14,  1862  by  a  vote  of  23  to  17,  and  the 
House  on  December  10  following  by  a  vote  of  96  to 
55.  When  the  bill  came  to  President  Lincoln  for  his 
signature  he  asked  the  members  of  his  Cabinet  for 
their  views  on  two  points.  First,  was  it  constitu 
tional?  Second,  was  it  expedient?  Seward,  Chase 
and  Stanton  answered  in  the  affirmative,  and  Welles, 
Blair  and  Bates  in  the  negative,  an  equality  of  num 
bers,  but  certainly  not  of  force  or  intellect.  Mr. 
Chase  argued  the  constitutional  question  at  length, 
the  whole  matter  turning  on  the  legality  of  the  Legis 
lature  which  gave  its  consent.  On  this  point  he  says : 

The  Legislature   O'f  Virginia,   it  may   be   admitted,   did   not 
contain    -many    members    from    the    eastern    counties;    it    con- 


194  MAKING  A  NEW  STATE 

tained,  hov/evei,  representatives  from  all  counties  whose  inhabi. 
tanlts  were  not  either  rebels  themselves,  or  dominated  by  greater 
numbers  of  rebels.  It  was  the  only  legislature  of  the  state 
known  to  the  Union.  If  its  consent  was  not  valid  no  consent 
could  be.  If  its  corse  nit  was  not  valid,  the  Constitution,  as  to 
the  people  of  West  Virginia,  has  been  so  suspended  by  the  re 
bellion  that  a  most  important  right  under  it  is  utterly  lost. 

,        Mr.  Stanton's  opinion  was  brief  and  to  the  point : 

Thle  Constitution  expressly  authorizes  a  new  state  to  be 
dtormed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction  of  another  state.  The 
act  of  Congress  is  in  pursuance  of  that  authority.  The  measure 
is  sanctioned  by  the  legislature  of  the  state  within  whose  juris 
diction  the  new  state  is  formed.  When  the  new  state  is  formed 
its  consent  cam  be  given,  and  then  all  the  requirements  of  the 
Constitution  are  complied  with.  I  have  been  unable  to  perceive 
any  point  on  which  the  act  of  Congress  conflicts  with  the  Con 
stitution  By  the  erection  o>f  the  new  state  the  geographical 
boundary  heretofore  existing  between  the  free  and  slave  states 
will  be  broken,  and  the  advantage  of  this  upon  every  point  of 
•consideration  surpasses  all  objections  which  have  occurred  to 
me  on  the  question  of  expediency.  Many  prophetic  dangers  and 
ervils  might  be  specified,  but  it  is  safe  to  suppose  that  those  who 
•come  after  us  will  be  as  wise  as  ourselves,  and  if  what  we  deem 
evils  be  really  such,  they  will  be  avoided.  The  present  good  is 
real  and  substantial,  the  future  may  safely  be  left  in  the  care  of 
those  whose  duty  and  interest  may  be  involved  in  any  possible 
future  measure  of  legislation. 

The  weak  point  of  the  objectors  was  they  were 
willing  to  recognize  the  new  Virginia  government 
for  every  purpose  except  to  give  consent  to  the 
division.  President  Lincoln  cut  the  Gordian  knot  by 
signing  the  bill  on  December  31,  1862.  Other  condi 
tions  were  necessary  to  admission,  and  the  new  state 
government  did  not  come  into  power  until  June  20, 
1863,  two  years  from  the  first  action  by  the  conven 
tion,  so  that  the  charge  of  undue  haste  could  not  be 
made.  The  new  state  contained  23,000  square  miles 


195 


divided  into  48  counties,  a  white  population  of  333,- 
000  according  to  the  census  of  I860,  and  12,000  col 
ored.  It  has  since  rapidly  advanced  in  wealth  and 
population,  and  no  court  has  ever  disturbed  the  set 
tlement  of  the  question.  The  Pierpont  government 
removed  to  Alexandria,  which  remained  the  recog 
nized  capital  of  the1  state  of  Virginia  until  the  close 
of  the  war. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

AN  EVENTFUL  YEAR. 

Hooker  Supersedes  P.urnside — Battle  of  Chancellorsville — Inva 
sion  of  Pennsylvania — Meade  Placed  in  Command — Gettys. 
burg— Fruits  of  Victory  Lost— Draft  Riots— Fall  Elections- 
Lincoln's  Cheer  for  Stanton's  Ward — Stanton's  Rescue  of 
Rosecrans — Meeting  With  Grant — Gives  Him  Full  Command 
in  the  West — Becomes  Head  of  the  Army — Thomas  Saved 
from  Disgrace. 

We  left  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  resting  on  the 
north  bank  of  the  Rappanhannock  after  the  terrible 
battle  of  Fredericksburg.  Although  practically  in 
tact,  its  morale  was  seriously  impaired,  and  many 
began  to  think  that  Lee  was  a  second  Napoleon  and 
practically  invincible.  He  was  far  from  either,  but 
that  had  to  be  demonstrated  later.  Hooker  had  been 
one  of  Burnside's  severest  critics,  and  it  no  doubt 
came  as  a  surprise  to  the  latter,  when  in  January, 
1863,  he  was  superseded  by  his  former  corps  com 
mander,  who  by  this  time  had  recovered  from  the 
wounds  received  a<t  Antietaiq.  President  Lincoln 
seems  to  have  made  this  appointment  on  his  own 
motion  against  the  advice  of  Stanton.  However,  it 
was  well  received.  Hooker  had  made  a  reputation  as 
a  fighter,  and  was  a  favorite  with  the)  army  and  the 
country.  He  soon  had  the  army  in  good  condition, 
and  in  April  determined  to  take  the  offensive,  as  the 
terms  of  23,000  of  his  troops  would  soon  expire.  He 
ordered  three  corps  across  the  river  thirty  miles 
above  Fredericksburg  on  April  27,  and  another  to 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          197 

make  a  feint  a  short  distance  below  the  town.  On 
the  night  of  April  30  four  corps  had  assembled  at 
Chancellorsville,  a  short  distance  south  of  the  river, 
confident  of  victory  the  next  day.  They  attacked 
Lee  the  following  morning,  encountering  such  vigor 
ous  resistance  that  Hooker  seems  to  have  lost  his 
nerve,  and  ordered  the  troops  to  fall  back.  Gen.  O. 
Howard  is  also  charged  with  negligently  permitting 
a  flank  attack.  It  is  not  necessary  to  give 
here  the  details  of  the  battle  of  that  and 
the  following  two  days.  Suffice  it  to  say  that 
Hooker  was  greatly  outgeneraled  and  badly  defeated, 
the  Confederates  suffering  an  irreparable  loss  in  the 
fatal  wounding  of  Stonewall  Jackson  by  one  of  his 
own  men.  It  may  not  be  amiss  to  note  here  that 
Jackson  advocated  raising  the  black  flag  at  the  out 
break  of  the  war  and  giving  no  quarter  to  the  Fed 
eral  "invaders."  Details  of  the  battle  were  slow 
in  reaching  the  public,  and  the  War  Department  was 
charged  with  holding  back  the  news.  To  correct  thia 
impression  and  to  set  at  rest  groundless  rumors  Sec 
retary  Stanton  on  May  8,  gave  out  the  following : 

The  President  and  General-in-Chief  have  just  returned  from 
the  Army  of  he  Potomac.  The  principal  operations  of  General 
Hooker  failed,  but  there  has  been  no  serious  disaster  to  the  or- 
gani/aticn  and  efficiency  of  the  troops.  It  is  now  occupying  its 
former  position  on  the  Rappahannock,  having  recrossed  the 
river  without  ay  loss  in  the  movement.  Not  more  than  one- 
third  of  General  Hooker's  force  was  engaged.  General  Stone- 
man's  operations  have  been  a  brilliant  success.  Part  of  his  force 
advanced  to  within  two  miles  of  Richmond,  and  the  enemy's 
communications  have  been  cut  in  every  direction.  The  Army 
of  the  Potomac  v/ill  speedily  resume  offensive  operations. 

The  depletion  of  the  army  by  expiration  of  terms 
of  enlisted  men  prevented  any  for  ward,  movement  for 


198  AN   EVENTFUL   YEAR 

the  time  being,  and  early  in  June  it  was  discovered 
that  Lee  had  moved  over  into  the  Shenandoah  Valley 
and  was  working  northward.  A  cavalry  force  of 
2,000  crossed  the  Potomac  on  the  15th  and  advanced 
to  Chambersburg,  Pa.,  and  on  the  24th  Lee  followed 
with  his  main  army,  occupying  Gettysburg,  York, 
Carlisle,  Kingston  and  other  points.  A  glance  at  the 
map  discloses  how  close  he  was  to  Harrisburg,  in 
fact  Ewell's  corps  reached  within  three  miles  of  that 
city,  and  engaged  the  outlying}  pickets  called  for  its 
defense.  The  occupation  of  Harrisburg  would  cut 
the  Pennsylvania  Central  railrbad,  the  main  line 
between  New  York  and  the  West,  and  enable  Lee  to 
threaten  both  Philadelphia  and  Pittsburgh.  There 
was  naturally  great  excitement  in  both  cities,  the 
population  volunteered  en  masse  to  throw  up  the 
earthworks  still  visible  at  the  Smoky  City,  and  the 
community  was  converted  into  an  armed  camp.  The 
President  through  Stanton  called  on  Pennsylvania 
and  adjoining  states  for  100,000  volunteers  to  repel 
the  invasion,  which  was  promptly  responded  to,  but 
everybody  realized  that  the  main  hope  of  turning 
back  Lee  and  his  veterans  must  lie  in  the  battle  scar 
red  soldiers  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  There  was 
actually  a  sentiment  in  some  quarters  in  favor  of 
recalling  McClellan  to  command,  but  fortunately  the 
Administration  did  not  listen  to  any  such  proposi 
tion.  Hooker  crossed  the  Potomac  on  the  heels  of 
the  Confederates  at  Edwards's  Ferry,  near  Ball's 
Bluff,  on  the  26th.  He  wished  to  evacuate  Harper's 
Ferry  and  take  the  garrison  with  him  on  his  north 
ward  march,  but  Halleck  would  not  consent,  and  on 
the  27th  Hooker  tendered  his  resignation  which  was 
accepted.  Mr.  Gorharn  relates  a  little  inside  history 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STAXTON  199 

of  this  prompt  acceptance  and  the  appointment  of  his 
successor,  obtained  from  John  Harper,  of  Pittsburgh, 
and  indirectly  from  Mr.  Stanton  himself: 

It  was  night  in  Washington.  The  President  wore  a  gloomy 
face  as  he  entered  the  War  Department  by  the  urgent  request 
of  Secretary  Stanton.  Neither  spoke  for  awhile.  Mr.  Lincoln 
at  last  s:aid:  "Stanton,  you  want  to  speak  to  me;  you  have 
something  to  communicate;  let  us  calmly  counsel  with  each 
other;  I  am  rtady  to  listen."  The  Secretary  replied:  "Yes,  I 
do  want  to  say  something  to  you.  I  want  to  tell  you  the  trouble 
that  oppresses  me  at  this  time;  I'll  not  mince  words,  for  J  feel 
you  want  to  know  the  worst."  "T  do/'  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "speak 
out  then.  I'll  be  a  listener."  Mr.  Stanton  in  brief  language  told 
him  that  he  dreaded  the  issue  of  the  coming  battle,  with  Lee's 
conscious  ability  and  the  animating  spirit  of  his  army,  on  the 
one  side,  and  Hooker,  a  beaten  general,  commanding  men  who 
still  remembered  their  defeat  in  Virginia,  on  the  other.  "In 
short,"  said  Mr.  Stanton,  "I  have  not  confidence  in  General 
Hooker,  though  his  personal  courage  I  do  Jiot  question." 

Lincoln  asked  if  Stanton  had  any  other  General 
to  suggest,  and  Meade  was  named.  The  President 
agreed  and  left  the  whole  matter  in  Stanton's  hands, 
who  arranged  every  detail,  notifying  Meade  of  his 
appointment,  rushing  forward  troops  and  supplies  as 
he  had  done  with  McClellan  at  Antietam.  We  all 
know  the  result  of  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  which 
has  been  denominated  the  high  water  mark  of  the 
rebellion,  and  the  battles  of  July  1,  2  and  3,  with  their 
wavering!  successes  and  failures  ended  finally  in  the 
complete  defeat  of  Lee's  army.  It  began  its  retreat 
towards  the  south  with  depleted  ranks  and  nearly 
out  of  ammunition ;  the  wires  were  hot  with  dispatch 
es  from  Washington  urging  vigorous  pursuit  and  the 
capture  of  the  rebel  host  which  was  now  within  the 
grasp  of  the  victorious  army.  Vicksburg  had  fallen, 
and  the  capture  or  breaking  up  of  Lee's  army  at  this 


200  AN   EVENTFUL  YEAR 

time  would  have  virtually  ended  the  war.  But  it  was 
Antietam  over  again.  Lee's  shattered  regiments  were 
allowed  to  march  back  into  Virginia,  there  to  reorgan 
ize,  and  fight  Grant  the  next  year.  Mr.  Stanton  in  a 
letter  thus  summarized  the  affair :  "As  long  as  Gen 
eral  Meade  remains  in  command  he  will  receive  the 
cordial  support  of  the  Department,  but  since  the 
world  began  no  man  ever  lost  so  great  an  opportunity 
of  serving  his  country  as  was  lost  by  his  neglecting 
to  strike  his  adversary  at  Williamsport." 

On  November  19th  of  that  year  the  Gettysburg 
cemetery  was  dedicated,  and  Lincoln  made  his  im 
mortal  address. 

While  Gettysburg  and  Vicksburg  shed  bright 
rays  of  light  on  the  situation  in  1863,  yet  there  were 
others  that  were  not  so  encouraging.  It  became  evi 
dent  early  in  the  year  that  volunteering  or  state 
drafts  could  not  be  depended  on  to  keep  the  army  to 
its  maximum  strength,  and  on  March  3  a  National 
enrollment  and  conscription  act  was  passed,  under 
which,  in  May,  the  President  authorized  a  draft  of 
300,000  men.  The  Confederacy  had  adopted  a  much 
more  drastic  measure  about  a  year  before,  which 
practically  put  the  whole  arm  bearing  population!  at 
the  control  of  the  military,  and  under  which  the  arm 
ies  of  Virginia  and  the  Mississippi  Valley  had  been 
recruited  to  the  full  strength  to  which  supplies  could 
be  furnished.  Had  every  man  in  the  North  been 
intensely  loyal  there  could  hardly  fail  to  be  disputes 
in  enforcing  an  act  of  this  character.  But  not  every 
man  was  loyal,  there  were  many  intensely  disloyal, 
and  thousands  of  persons  acting  individually  or 
through  Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle  and  similar 
organizations  were  ready  to  put  any  and  every  obsta- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  201 


cle  possible  in  the  way  of  the  Government.  In 
Indiana  the  situation  was  so  serious  that  in  January, 
1863,  Governor  Morton  telegraphed  to  President  Lin 
coln  that  when  the  legislature  met  it  would  pass  a 
resolution  recognizing  the  Southern  Confederacy. 
The  legislature  did  not  commit  any  such  act,  but 
hampered  the  Governor  in  every  possible  way,  and 
proposed  to  take  the  military  power  of  the  state  out 
of  his  hands.  To  prevent  the  passage  of  this  measure 
the  Union  members  absented  themselves,  thus  break 
ing  the  quorum,  in  consequence  of  which  no  appro 
priation  bills  were  passed  and  the  state  government 
was  left  without  funds.  Voluntary  offerings  by  indi 
viduals  helped  to  tide  over  the  emergency,  but  need 
ing  f250,000  additional  Secretary  Stan  ton  made  the 
Governor  a  disbursing  agent  for  this  amount  taken 
from  the  National  Treasury  under  an  act  of  July  31, 
1861,  for  the  purchase  of  munitions  of  war  to  be  used 
in  states  where  rebellion  "is  or  may  be  threatened.'' 
Morton  remarked  that  if  the  cause  failed  they  would 
be  called  to  account  for  this,  to  which  Stan  ton  replied, 
"If  the  cause  fails  I  do  not  wish  to  live." 

The  principal  differences  of  opinions  arose  over 
the  quotas  assigned  and  credits  to  be  given  for  pre 
vious  enlistments.  A  clause  allowing  exemption  on 
payment  of  $300  gave  great  dissatisfaction,  as  it  was 
claimed  to  be  a  discrimination  in  favor  of  the  rich, 
who  could  thereby  purchase  immunity,  while  the  poor 
man  had  to  serve.  When;  the  act  was  passed  recruits 
were  obtainable  for  less  than  $300  bounty,  and  the 
theory  was  that  this  amount  would  simply  be  a  tax 
which  would  in  effect  secure  volunteers  in  place  of 
those  who  either  for  good  or  poor  reasons  preferred 
to  remain  at  home.  But  the  depreciation  of  the  cur- 


202  AN   EVENTFUL  YEAR 

rency  and  the  high  price  of  substitutes  defeated  this 
object  to  a  certain  extent.  Stanton  opposed  this 
clause  while  the  bill  was  pending,  but  Congress  insist 
ed  on  its  inclusion  and  he  had  to  make  the  best  of  it. 
Most  of  the  loyal  communities  went  vigorously  to 
work  to  raise  their  quotas,  notably  Steubenville  and 
Jefferson  county,  and  very  little  drafting  was  done 
here.  Others  submitted  with  good  grace,  but  in 
localities  where  there  was  a  strong  Southern  sympa 
thy  signs  of  resistance  began  to  show  themselves.  In 
upwards  of  two  hundred  towns  there  were  riots  more 
or  less  serious,  and  calls  came  from  all  of  them  to 
the  Secretary  of  War  for  assistance  in  enforcing  the 
law.  For  a  while  it  looked  as  though  a  considerable 
proportion  of  the  army  would  have  to  be  withdrawn 
from  the  field  to  take  care  of  the  fire  in  the  rear.  For 
tunately  the  local  authorities  were  generally  able  to 
cope  with  the  situation  save  in  New  York  City,  where 
a  riot  broke  out  on  July  11,  that  soon  became  beyond 
control.  The  discontent  was  fostered  by  the  hike- 
warmness  or  open  hostility  of  the  state  and  city 
officers,  Governor  Seymour  declaring  that  the  draft 
was  unexpected,  fraudulent  and  should  be  deferred 
until  its  constitutionality  should  be  established,  which 
meant  indefinite  delay.  For  three  days  the  city  was 
at  the  mercy  of  a  mob  which,  like  outbreaks  of  this 
kind  generally,  attracted  all  the  criminal  elements 
at  hand,  and  murder,  outrage,  looting  and  burning 
were  rampant.  Troops  were  ordered  to  New  York 
by  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  the  riot  suppressed 
after  a  loss  of  1,000  killed  and  wounded,  and  $2,500,- 
000  worth  of  property. 

So  far  from  the  draft  being  unexpected  by  Gover 
nor  Seymour  he  had  been  informed  about  it  more 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON          203 

than  two  months  previously  by  Stanton,  who  desired 
to  consult  him  on  the  matter,  and  was  later  furnished 
with  complete  data  of  the  number  of  men  required 
by  the  Provost  Marshal  General.  James  T.  Brady, 
a  member  of  the  New  York  bar  wrote  to  Stanton  sug 
gesting  that  the  Government  propose  to  Seymour  a 
submission  of  the  constitutionality  of  the  law  to  the 
New  York  Court  of  Appeals.  Stanton  replied  that 
the  Executive  is  bound  in  its  ministerial  measures  to 
consider  a  law  constitutional  until  decided  otherwise 
by  a  proper  tribunal  which  in  this  case  was  a  Federal 
Court,  and  calling  attention  to  the  fact  that  if  the 
National  Executive  must  negotiate  with  state  execu 
tives  in  relation  to  the  execution  of  an  act  of  Con 
gress,  then  the  problem  which  the  rebellion  desired 
to  solve  was  already  determined  in  its  favor.  In 
other  words  Governor  Seymour  stood  on  the  same 
platform  as  Davis  and  his  associates,  and  the  Na 
tional  Government  was  in  effect  abolished  by  the 
acceptance  of  any  such  proposition.  Stanton's  rea 
soning  was  incontrovertible,  and  in  the  meantime 
Generals  Dix  and  Canby  having  brought  order  out 
of  chaos  preparations  were  made  for  resuming  the 
draft  in  New  York  where,  in  the  words  of  Stanton, 
the  rebellion  was  likely  to  have  the  same  bad  luck  as 
at  Vicksburg  and  other  places.  Detailed  instruc 
tions  were  given  General  Dix,  and  no  further  disturb 
ances  followed. 

In  Pennsylvania  Supreme  Court  Judge  G.  W. 
Woodward  declared  the  conscription  act  unconstitu 
tional,  but  a  Federal  Court,  although  the  judges  were 
Democrats,  reversed  that  decision.  Woodward  was 
nominated  for  Governor  against  Andrew  G.  Curtin. 


204  AN   EVENTFUL  YEAR 

Gen.  McClellan  wrote  a  series  of  letters  supporting 
Woodward,  and  he  was  badly  beaten. 

It  is  impossible  to  give  here  in  detail  the  immense 
work  Stanton  did  at  this  time  in  replenishing  the 
armies,  etc.  The  reader  is  referred  to  Flower's  book, 
pages  240-248. 

Another  grievance  of  that  year  wras  the  suspen 
sion  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  made  necessary  by 
the  constant  army  of  spies  and  traitors  in  the  North, 
outbreaks  like  the  New  York  riots,  and  thinly  dis 
guised  hostility  of  certain  local  tribunals,  which 
freed  deserters  and  aided  in  resisting  the  draft.  The 
Constitution  specifically  provides  for  such  action, 
and  in  order  that  there  might  be  no  doubt  as  to  where 
the  authority  was  lodged  Congress  passed  an  act 
authorizing  the  President  to  suspend  the  writ  when 
ever  in  his  judgment  the  public  safety  required  it. 
Accordingly  on  September  13,  1863,  Secretary  Stan- 
ton  addressed  a.  communication  to  the  President  recit 
ing  the  condition  of  affairs,  and  desiring  instructions 
for  himself  and  the  military  authorities.  So  the 
President  on  the  15th  issued  a  proclamation  suspend 
ing  the  writ  as  against  prisoners  held  by  the  military, 
naval  or  civil  officers  of  the  United  States.  The  good 
effects  of  this  action  were  soon  apparent,  although 
considerable  capital  was  naturally  made  of  it  by  the 
opposition  in  view  of  the  approaching  fall  election. 

Those  elections  were  viewed  with  apprehension 
by  all  friends  of  the  Union.  The  previous  year  Ne>? 
York  had  given  a  majority  of  11,000  against  the  Ad 
ministration ;  Pennsylvania  3,500;  Ohio  5,760,  and 
Illinois  16,000.  Since  then  there  had  been  repeated 
drafts  on  the  patriotism  of  the  people,  the  former 
General  of  the  Army  was  in  opposition  to  the  Govern- 


EDWIN  McMASTEKS  STANTON          205 

ment;  in  Ohio,  Vallandigham  had  been  arrested  and 
exiled  for  giving  aid  and  comfort  to  the  rebellion  by 
his  incendiary  speeches,  and  had  been  nominated  by 
acclamation  for  Governor.  From  his  safe  refuge  over 
the  Canadian  border  he  was  issuing  his  prouuncia- 
mentos  denouncing  the  Government,  and  in  some  sec 
tions  at  least  there  were  enthusiastic  meetings  in  his 
favor,  although  at  Steubenville,  Stanton's  home,  the 
meetings  were  the  other  way. 

There  had  probably  never  up  to  that  time  been 
an  election  in  this  country  where  so  much  hinged  on 
the  result,  which  meant  whether  the  war  should  be 
continued  or  abandoned.  There  was  no  doubting, 
however,  when  the  returns  came  in.  New  York  went 
29,000  in  favor  of  the  Government,  a  change  of  40,000, 
Pennsylvania  gave  15,000,  Illinois  over  29,000,  while 
Ohio,  with  the  soldier  vote,  rolled  up  for  sturdy  John 
Brough  the  unprecedented  majority  of  101,098.  The 
moral  effect  was  greater  than  a  battle  won,  for  it 
meant  no  backing  down. 

In  the  War  office  that  night  were  Lincoln  and 
Stanton,  receiving  the  news,  when  a  telegram  was  re 
ceived  that  the  Fourth  ward,  Steubenville,  then 
bounded  by  Market  and  Fourth  streets  and  the  Ohio 
river,  had  gone  Union,  and  Lincoln  proposed  a  cheer 
for  "Stanton's  ward."  It  had  hitherto  been  strongly 
Democratic  and  was  popularly  known  as  the  "Bloody 
Fourth."  The  Secretary  afterwards  sent  the  follow 
ing  telegram : 

Washington,  Oct.  14,  Dr.  John  McCook:  Accept  my  thanks 
for  your  telegrams.  I  am  proud  of  my  native  town,  and  rejoice 
that  the  enemies  of  their  country  have  been  so  signally  rebuked. 
Give  my  cordial  congratulations  and  thanks  to  my  patriotic 
neighbors  and  friends.  EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 


206  AN   EVENTFUL   YEAR 

While  the  political  campaign  was  going  on  in 
the  North,  and  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  resting  in 
the  East,  Rosecrans,  urged  forward  by  Stanton  and 
Halleck,  had  succeeded  in  working  Bragg  out  of  Mid 
dle  Tennessee,  and  on  September  9  occupied  Chatta 
nooga,  one  of  the  key  cities  of  the  Confederacy.  Burn- 
side  had  occupied  Knoxville,  where  he  found  a  loyal 
population  among  the  mountaineers  of  East  Tennes 
see.  But  Bragg  outgeneraled  Rosecrans,  who 
seemed  to  have  lost  his  nerve.  The  rebels  were  rein 
forced  from  Lee's  and  Buckner's  armies  until  they  out 
numbered  their  opponents,  and  an  indecisive  battle 
was  fought  on  September  19,  followed  by  the  terrible 
battle  of  Chickamauga  the  next  day,  where  the  losses 
were  proportionately  heavier  than  at  Gettysburg. 
Rosecrans  completely  lost  his  head  and  followed  the 
crowd  of  fugitives  into  Chattanooga.  Charles  A. 
Dana,  whom  Stanton  had  sent  West  to  keep  him  ad 
vised  on  the  situation,  telegraphed  that  "Chicka 
mauga  is  as  fatal  a  name  in  our  history  as  Bull  Run." 
He  would  have  been  correct  had  it  not  been  for  Gen 
eral  George  H.  Thomas,  who  held  the  left  with  25,000 
men  against  double  his  force,  until  night  came,  when, 
under  orders  from  Rosecrans,  he  withdrew  to  Chat 
tanooga,  which  was  closely  besieged  by  Bragg.  Late 
in  the  evening  of  September  23  Stanton  received  a 
telegram  saying  that  unless  reinforcements  were  sent 
immediately,  Chattanooga  and  East  Tennessee,  with 
the  army  of  Rosecrans,  would  be  lost.  The  Secre 
tary  revolved  the  situation  in  his  mind,  and  reached 
the  conclusion  that  the  onlyf  relief  that  would  be  ef 
fectual  would  be  to  temporarily  borrow  20,000 
soldiers  from  Meade's  army,  which  was  then  lying 
idle  near  Manassas,  until  reinforcements  could  reach 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  207 

Rosecrans  from  Burnside  at  Knoxville  and  from 
Grant's  Vicksburg  army.  On  consulting  Halleck 
as  to  the  time  required  to  make  the  transfer,  the  re 
sponse  was  forty  days.  This  was  a  dampener,  but 
Stanton  did  not  despair.  He  called  a  meeting  of  the 
Cabinet  at  midnight,  and  sent  for  President  Lincoln, 
who  was  stopping  at  the  Soldiers'  Home  outside  the 


There  are  several  reports  extant  of  what  hap 
pened  at  that  meeting,  no  doubt  all  substantially  cor 
rect,  but  each  giving  some  details  not  mentioned  by 
the  others.  There  has  recently  been  published  in 
Scribner's  Monthly  an  extract  from  Chase's  diary,  in 
which  he  says  : 

It  was  about  midnight,  and  I  had  just  retired  when  the  door 
bell  rang  and  the  message  was  brought  to  me,  "The  Secretary 
of  War  desires  that  you  will  come  to  the  Department  imme 
diately  and  has  sent  a  carriage  for  you." 

"What  can  be  the  matter?"  I  said  to  myself  as  I  hastily  rose 
and  dressed.  "Has  the  enemy  attacked  Rosecrans?  Has  he  cap 
tured  him  and  his  army?  Has  he  driven  our  men  across  the 
Tennessee?" 

When  I  reached  the  War  Department  I  found  Mr.  Stanton 
there,  silent  and  stern. 

"Is  there  any  bad  news?"  I  asked. 

"None,"  was  the  brief  reply.  General  Halleck  was  present, 
and  the  President  either  was  there  already  or  soon  came  in; 
Mr.  Seward  also  came.  lAt  length  when  we  five  were  assembled 
Mr.  Stanton  began: 

"I  have  invited  this  meeting  because  I  am  thoroughly  con 
vinced  that  something  must  be  done,  and  done  immediately,  to 
insure  the  safety  of  the  army  under  Rosecrans,  and  wish  to 
have  it  considered  and  decided  whether  anything,  and  if  any 
thing,  what  shall  be  done? 

Then  turning  to  Gen.  Halleck  he  asked: 

"What  forces  can  Burnside  send  to  Rosecrans  at  Chatta 
nooga?" 

Gen.  Halleck  replied,  "20,000  men." 


208  AN   EVENTFUL  YEAR 

Stanton — ''How  soon?" 

Halleck — "In  ten  days  if  not  interruped." 

President — "Before  ten  days  Burnside  can  put  in  enough 
to  hold  the  place." 

Halleck — "He  can  bring  up  12,000  perhaps  in  eight  days." 

President — "When  Burnside's  men  begin  to  arrive  the  place 
will  be  safe,  but  the  pinch  is  now." 

Stanton — "li  the  enemy  presses  or  attacks  Burnside,  what 
then?" 

Halleck — "Burnside  must  take  his  measures  accordingly — 
fight  or  act  defensively." 

Stanton — "It  the  enemy  has  enough  to  detach  a  force 
against  Burnside,  and  also  attack  Rosecrans?" 

Halleck — "Rosecrans  must  be  relieved  otherwise." 

Stanton^ — "When  can  Sherman  relieve  him?" 

Halleck — "In  about  ten  days,  if  already  marched  from 
Vicksburg.  If  not  marched  should  come  up  the  river  and  over 
land  from  Memphis.  He  has  20,000  or  25,000  men.  Every 
available  man  is  ordered  forward  and  boats  have  gone  down  the 
river  from  Cairo  to  t>ring  them  up." 

Stanton — "Then  your  estimate  of  what  can  be  done  by 
Sherman  is  only  conjectural?" 

Halkck — "Of  course  it  is  impossible  to  speak  definitely  in 
such  a  matter." 

Stanton — "Can  men  be  had  from  any  other  quarter?" 

Halleck — Perhaps  a  few  from  Kentucky — don't  know  how 
many.  All  are  already  ordered  to  Rosecrans." 

Stanton — "Mr.  President,  I  think  it  perfectly  clear  from 
what  has  been  said  that  certain  or  even  probable  relief  will 
reach  Rosecraus  from  any  quarter  that  has  been  named.  I  do 
not  believe  a  man  will  get  to  him  from  Burnside  or  Sherman 
in  time  to  be  otf  any  use  in  the  emergency  which  is  upon  us. 
The  army  of  the  Potomac  is  doing  nothing  important,  nor  is  it 
likely  to  be  more  actively  employed.  I  propose  therefore,  to 
send  20,000  men  .'from  the  army  of  the  Potomac  to  Chattanooga 
under  (the  command  of  General  Hooker." 

This  proposition  was  objected  to  quite  strongly  by  General 
Halleck  and  the  President.  iBoth  expressed  the  belief  that  the 
troops  could  not  be  got  through  to  Chattanooga,  or  near  enough 
to  be  of  essential  service  to  the  army  of  Rosecrans  as  soon  as 
troops  could  be  furnished  from  Burnside's  or  Sherman's  com- 


EDWIN  McMASTBBS  STANTON          209 

mand,  and  both  were  unwilling  to  withdraw  troops  from  Meade. 
Mr.  Stanton  said  that  he  had  fully  considered  the  question  of 
practicability  and  should  not  have  submitted  his  proposition  had 
he  not  fully  satisfied  himself  on  that  head  by  conference  with 
the  ablest  railroad  men  of  the  country.  General  Halleck  had 
given  no  definite  assurance  as  to  the  time  in  which  relief  could 
be  given  by  Sherman  or  Burnside.  His  nearest  approach  to 
definiteness  was  eight  days  by  Burnside  if  uninterrupted  by  the 
enemy.  Was  not  the  enemy  sure  to  interrupt?  And  was  it  not 
well  known  that  activity  by  Burnside  would  involve  the  aban. 
donment  of  Hast  Tennessee,  to  which  Burnside  was  strongly 
opposed  and  therefore  exremely  unwilling  to  move?  Whereas 
if  it  should  be  determined  to  send  men  from  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  the  order  for  the  two  corps  could  be  given  in  the  morn 
ing — by  night  the  column  would  be  entering  Washington,  the 
troops  could  be  put  in  cars  at  once  and  in  five  days  the  advance 
might  be  entering  Nashville. 

"Why,"  said  the  President,  "You  can't  get  one  corps  into 
Washington  in  the  time  you  fix  for  reaching  Nashville." 

Stanton — *  *  *  added  that  as  he  saw  himself  overruled 
he  would  give  up  the  point;  and  invited  us  all  into  the  adjoining 
room  where  he  had  caused  a  light  collation  to  be  prepared. 

Possibly  the  mellowing  influence  of  the  collation 
had  some  effect,  for  on  the  return  Seward  supported 
the  proposition,  Chase  having  already  done  so,  and — 

Finally  the  President  said  he  would  telegraph  Meade  in  the 
morning,  and  if  he  did  not  propose  an  immediate  movement  the 
order  for  the  two  corps  to  move  should  be  given  at  once  to 
General  Halleck.  *  *  *  The  result  is  well  known.  The  ad 
vance  of  Honker's  command  reached  Nashville  in  a  week,  frus 
trated  the  attempt  to  break  up  Rosecrans's  communications  and 
his  army  was  saved.  *  *  The  country  does  not  know  how 
much  it  owes  Edwin  M.  Stanton  for  that  night's  work. 

There  are  other  accounts,  some  of  them  more 
graphic,  of  this  famous  meeting,  but  the  above  no 
doubt  fairly  represents  the  substance  of  what  oc 
curred.  Chase  says  they  went  home  about  2  o'clock, 
but  that  did  not  include  Stanton,  who  with  Lincoln, 


210  AN   EVENTFUL   YEAR 

remained  at  the  War  Department  until  after  day 
break.  During  the  night  telegrams  had  been  sent  to 
John  W.  Garrett,  President  of  the  B.  &  O.  railroad, 
and  Thomas  A.  Scott  and  Samuel  M.  Felton,  of  the 
Pennsylvania,  calling  them  to  Washington  for  infor 
mation  and  management,  At  3 :30  A.  M.  word  was 
sent  to  Dana  that  the  troops  would  be  started,  during 
the  early  morning  the  railroad  men  were  in  Washing 
ton,  orders  were  issued  for  a  change  of  gauge  on  a 
Southern  railroad,  and  the  enterprise  put  in  charge 
of  Gen.  D.  C.  McCallum,  military  director  of  rail 
roads,  with  absolute  "right  of  way"  over  everything. 

At  2 :30  a  telegram  had  been  sent  to  Meade  to 
prepare  the  llth  and  12th  corps  to  send  to  Washing 
ton,  where  cars  would  be  ready  for  them  the  fol 
lowing  day.  He  reported  these  corps  were  at  the 
front  and  could  not  well  be  withdrawn  and  got  ready 
in  the  time  mentioned.  However,  at  11 :30  he  replied 
that  every  effort  would  be  made,  and  at  9 :10  P.  M.  on 
the  25th  the  llth  corps  was  in  the  cars  and  under 
way.  Trains  followed  each  other  at  intervals  of  half 
an  hour,  and  the  tremendous  procession  six  miles  in 
length  was  soon  in  full  movement. 

Then,  for  the  first  time  in  three  days,  the  un 
daunted  Secretary,  who  had  been  the  mainspring  of 
this  wonderful  project,  laid  down  on  his  office  sofa  to 
take  a  little  rest.  The!  trains  not  only  carried  their 
own  provisions,  but  cooks  and  a  full  commissary  out 
fit,  so  there  was  no  delay  at  eating  points.  The  rebels 
burned  a  bridge  on  the  B.  &  O.  railroad,  but  the  next 
morning  General  McCallum  telegraphed  to  the  War 
Department  that  its  rebuilding  "will  be  completed  in 
a  few  minutes."  Evidently  those  men  were  hustlers. 
On  the  afternoon  of  the  26th  Col.  Scott  telegraphed 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          211 

from  Louisville  that  ferriage  arrangements  across  the 
Ohio  were  completed,  and  as  each  train  arrived  at 
Jeffersonville,  the  soldiers  boarded  a  steamer,  where 
they  found  a  hot  meal,  then  they  double  quicked  to 
the  railway  station,  and  the  train  pulled  out  for  Nash 
ville.  The  earlier  trains  were  delayed  slightly  while 
Col.  Scott  was  building  a  connecting  railway  link, 
made  necessary  by  difference  of  gauge.  The  last  train 
arrived  at  Chattanooga  on  October  6,  the  entire 
transfer  having  been  made  in  eleven  and  a  half  days, 
and  Rosecrans's  army  was  saved.  On  October  11 
General  Hooker  telegraphed  to  Stanton : 

If  you  projected  the  movement  of  the  nth  and  I2th  corps, 
you  may  justly  claim  the  m'erit  of  having  saved  Chattanooga 
to  us. 

General  Grant  in  his  memoirs  says  of  the  situa 
tion  :  "A  retreat  at  this  time  would  have  been  a  ter 
rible  disaster.  It  would  not  only  have  been  the  loss 
of  a  most  important  strategic  position  to  us,  but  it 
would  have  been  attended  with  the  loss  of  all  the  ar 
tillery  still  left  with  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland, 
and  the  annihilation  of  that  army  itself,  either  by 
capture  or  demoralization." 

Gen.  Sherman,  who  certainly  was  not  over  friend 
ly  to  Stanton,  declares  this  transaction  to  be  one  of 
the  two  best  examples  known  to  himself  of  the  trans 
fer  of  large  armies  by  rail  from  one  theatre  of  action 
to  another.  The  distance  traversed  was  1,233  miles, 
and  the  number  of  troops  transported  was  23,000. 

It  soon  became  evident  that  while  Chattanooga 
was  saved  for  the  time,  a  change  of  commanders 
would  be  necessary  to  reap  the  full  benefits  of  the 
brilliant  movement  which  had  recently  been  com- 


212  AN   EVENTFUL   YEAR 

pleted.  We  have  already  seen  how  the  most  unstinted 
resources  in  both  men  and  supplies  could  be  frittered 
away  in  the  hands  of  an  incompetent  commander, 
and  there  was  danger  that  the  same  thing  would  be 
repeated.  On  October  16,  Dana  wrote  to  the  Secre 
tary: 

With  plenty  of  zealous  and  energetic  officers  ready  to  do 
whatever  can  be  done,  all  this  precious  time  is  lost  because  our 
dazed  and  mazy  commander  cannot  perceive  the  catastrophe 
that  is  close  upon  us  and  fix  his  mind  upon  .the  means  of  pre 
venting  it.  I  never  saw  anything  which  seemed  so  lamentable 
and  hopeless. 

Notwithstanding  his  reinforcements,  Rosecrans 
had  allowed  Bragg  to  coop  him  up  in  Chattanooga 
with  the  good  prospect  of  starving  him  into  surrender. 
Rosecrans's  own  dispatches  were  of  the  most  gloomy 
order,  and,  as  Dana  said,  he  was  evidently  "dazed." 
Immediate  action  was  imperative,  and  Secretary  Stan- 
ton  started  on  a  special  train  for  Louisville.  Gen 
eral  Grant  was  at  Cairo,  not  having  recovered  from  a 
fall  from  his  horse  at  New  Orleans  two  months  be 
fore.  He  received  an  order  to  go  to  Louisville  to  meet 
an  officer  of  the  War  Department.  The  "officer"  wras 
Stanton,  who  met  Grant  at  Indianapolis,  and  dis 
missing  his  special  train  he  and  Grant  went  on  to 
gether  to  Louisville.  This  was  their  first  meeting. 
The  situation  was  discussed  en  route,  and  Grant  was 
given  an  order  creating  him  commander  of  all  the  ter 
ritory  between  the  Alleghenies  and  the  Mississippi 
north  of  Banks's  command  in  the  Southwest.  He  was 
given  the  alternative  of  leaving  the  department  com 
manders  as  they  were  or  replacing  Rosecrans  by 
Thomas,  and  he  accepted  the  latter.  Grant  says: 
"We  reached  Louisville  after  night,  and,  if  I  remem- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          213 

her  rightly,  in  a  cold  and  drizzling  rain.  The  Secre 
tary  of  War  told  me  afterwards  that  he  caught  a  cold 
on  that  occasion  from  which  he  never  expected  to  re 
cover.  He  never  did." 

The  two  remained  in  Louisville  the  next  day  dis 
cussing  military  matters,  and  in  the  evening  General, 
with  Mrs.  Grant,  went  out  to  call  on  some  relatives. 
During  his  absence  Stanton  received  a  telegram  from 
Dana  at  Chattanooga  informing  him  that  Rosecrans 
proposed  retreating,  which  would  mean  the  practical 
destruction  of  the  army  as  an  organized  body.  Stan- 
ton  immediately  sent  for  Grant,  who  returned  about 
11  P.  M.  Grant  says : 

I  hastened  to  the  room  of  the  Secretary,  and  found  him  pac 
ing  the  floor  rapidly  in  his  dressing  gown.  Saying  that  the  re. 
treat  must  be  prevented,  he  showed  me  the  dispatch.  I  imme 
diately  wrote  an  order,  assuming  command  of  the  military  divis 
ion  of  the  Mississppi;  and  telegraphed  it  to  General  Rosecrans. 
I  then  telegraphed  to  him  the  order  from  Washington,  assigning 
Thomas  to  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  ;and  to 
Thomas  that  he  must  hold  Chattanooga  at  all  hazards,  inform 
ing  him  at  the  same  time  that  I  would  be  at  the  front  as  soon  as 
possible.  A  prompt  reply  was  received  from  Thomas  saying, 
"We  will  hold  the  town  till  we  starve."  I  appreciated  the  force 
oif  this  dispatch  later  when  I  witnessed  the  condition  of  affairs 
which  prompted  it.  It  looked,  indeed,  as  if  but  two  courses  were 
open,  one  to  starve,  the  other  to  surrender,  or  be  captured. 

Grant  reached  Chattanooga  on  the  22nd.  Sher 
man  was  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee,  and  in  five  days  the  siege  was  raised. 
Lookout  Mountain,  Missionary  Ridge  and  Chatta 
nooga  itself  made  a  brilliant  close  to  a  year  that 
threatened  to  end  in  disaster,  and  while  the  glory 
honestly  belongs  to  the  soldiers  in  the  field,  yet  they 
would  not  have  been  in  position  to  do  that  work  had 


214  AX   EVENTFUL   YEAR 

it  not  been  for  the  forethought  and  almost  superhu 
man  energy  of  the  Secretary  of  War.  Burnside  was 
relieved  at  Knoxville,  East  Tennessee  was  freed  from 
the  enemy,  and  on  December  20th  Grant  moved  his 
headquarters  to  Nashville,  leaving  Thomas  at  Chat 
tanooga. 

We  may  add  here  that  on  February  26,  1864, 
Congress  restored  the  office  of  Lieutenant  General  of 
the  Army,  to  which  Grant  was  nominated  on  March 
1,  and  two  days  after  he  was  ordered  to  Washington 
and  his  commission  delivered  to  him  in  person  by  the 
President  on  March  9.  General  Sherman  took  chief 
command  in  the  West.  General  Grant  during  the 
first  part  of  the  year  made  weekly  visits  to  Washing 
ton  to  confer  with  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  his 
opinion  of  that  officer  is  thus  expressed  in  a  subse 
quent  letter  to  Mr.  Lincoln : 

From  my  first  entrance  into  the  volunteer  service  of  the 
country  to  the  present  day  I  have  never  had  cause  of  complaint, 
have  never  expressed  or  implied  a  complaint  against  the  Ad. 
ministration  or  the  Secretary  of  War  for  throwing  any  em 
barrassment  in  the  way  of  my  vigorously  prosecuting  what  ap 
peared  to  be  my  duty.  Indeed  since  the  promotion  which  placed 
me  in  command  of  all  the  armies,  and  in  view  of  the  great  re. 
sponsibility  and  importance  of  success,  I  have  been  astonished 
at  the  readiness  with  which  everything  asked  for  has  been 
yielded,  without  even  an  explanation  being  asked.  Should  my 
success  be  less  than  I  desire  and  expect,  the  least  I  can  say  is, 
the  fault  is  not  with  you. 

The  keynote  had  been  given  Grant  in  the  Vicks- 
burg  campaign.  Some  controversies  having  arisen 
concerning  subordinate  commanders,  Stanton  sum 
marily  settled  the  whole  matter  by  the  following  tele 
gram: 

General   Grant   has  'full  and   absolute  authority  to   enforce 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  215 

his  own  commnnds,  and  to  remove  any  person  who,  by  ignor 
ance,  inaction,  or  any  cause,  interferes  with  or  delays  his  opera- 
tio.  He  has  the  full  confidence  of  the  Government;  is  expected 
to  enforce  his  authority,  and  will  be  firmly  and  heartily  sup 
ported;  butt  he  will  be  responsible  for  any  failure  to  .exert  his 
powers. 

In  fact  it  was  only  Generals  that  had  not  been 
doing  their  duty  who  had  any  complaint  to  make  of 
"interference"  by  the  Secretary. 

It  wrould  be  foreign  to  our  purpose  to>  follow  in 
detail  the  campaign  of  1864.  With  Grant  in  the  East 
and  Sherman  in  the  West,  backed  by  all  the  resources 
at  the  command  of  the  Government,  there  was  now 
unity  of  purpose.  General  Sherman  says  "it  was  not 
till  after  both  Gettysburg  and  Vicksburg  that  the 
war  professionally  began."  Grant  crossed  the  Rapi- 
dan  on  the  night  of  May  3  and  on  the  5th  and  6th 
came  the  battles  of  the  Wilderness.  Both  sides  claim 
ed  the  victory  but  Grant  moved  forward  instead  of 
backward,  fighting  all  the  way. 

It  is  worth  while  to  call  attention  to  the  differ 
ence  in  the  tone  of  dispatches  from  those  formerly 
received  from  this  army.  Grant  says,  "I  may  be  mis 
taken  but  I  feel  that  our  success  over  Lee's  army  is 
already  assured.  The  promptness  and  rapidity  with 
which  you  have  forwarded  reinforcements  has  con 
tributed  largely  to  the  feeling  of  confidence  inspired 
in  our  men,  and  to  break  down  that  of  the  enemy." 
Success  was  not  quite  so  imminent  as  hoped,  but  this 
is  but  a  sample  of  Grant's  telegrams  to  the  Secretary 
of  WTar  from  that  time  until,  the  end. 

On  June  2d  occurred  the  battle  of  Cold  Harbor, 
near  where  Fitz  John  Porter  had  fought  the  second 
of  the  Seven  Days  battle  under  McClellan  in  1862. 


216  AN   EVENTFUL   YEAR 

It  resulted  in  a  bloody  repulse,  and  Grant  crossed  to 
the  south  side  of  the  James,  below  Richmond,  in  the 
direction  of  Petersburg,  which  was  assaulted  on  June 
16,  17  and  18,  without  success.  The  losses  had  been 
enormous,  and  the  army  was  worn  out.  A  period  for 
rest  and  recruiting  was  needed. 

During  this  period  Early's  corps  had  been  de 
tached  from  Lee's  army,  and  coming  down  the  Shen- 
andoah  crossed  the  Potomac  at  Shepherdstown  and 
levied  contributions  on  Maryland  towns.  On  July 
2,  Gen.  Lew  Wallace  met  the  enemy  at  Monocacy 
Bridge,  near  Washington.  He  was  defeated  but  the 
stiff  fight  he  put  up  possibly  saved  Washington  from 
capture  as  the  delay  enabled  troops  to  be  gathered 
for  its  defense,  everything  having  been  depleted  to 
help  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  President  Lincoln 
had  gone  out  to  the  Soldiers'  Home,  but  was  sent  for 
by  the  Secretary  of  War,  who  insisted  on  his  imme 
diate  return  to  avoid  danger  of  capture.  Stanton 
had  issued  calls  on  the  nearest  Governors  for  prompt 
aid,  and  troops  had  been  sent  back  by  Grant,  so  that 
although  Early  came  within  sight  of  Washington  the 
main  object  of  his  expedition  failed.  Stanton  advis 
ed  that  Hunter,  who  was  in  command  in  the  Shen- 
andoah,  be  relieved  but  Grant  did  not  act  on  the  sug 
gestion,  and  Early  continued  hovering  around,  inci 
dentally  making  a  raid  into  Pennsylvania  and  burn 
ing  Chambersburg.  On  August  1,  Sheridan  was 
ordered  to  the  Shenandoah,  and  when  he  got  through 
there  was  nothing  left  of  Early,  and  not  much  of  the 
valley.  In  this  connection  however,  there  is  a  fact 
worth  noting.  Stanton  has  been  held  up  as  an  exam 
ple  of  unrelenting  sternness  and  even  cruelty  towards 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          217 

his  foes,  while  our  military  commanders  have  been 
painted  in  opposite  colors.  On  August  14,  when 
Sheridan  had  fairly  begun  operations  Lincoln  tele 
graphed  to  Grant:  "The  Secretary  of  War  and  I 
concur  that  you  had  better  confer  with  General  Lee, 
and  stipulate  for  a  mutual  discontinuance  of  house 
burning  and  other  destruction  of  private  property." 
There  is  no  record  of  any  action  on  this  suggestion, 
and  the  only  response  was  the  following  order  to 
Sheridan  on  August  26:  "Give  the  enemy  no  rest. 
Do  all  the  damage  to  railroads  and  crops  you  can. 
Carry  off  stock  of  all  descriptions,  and  negroes,  so  as 
to  prevent  further  planting.  If  the  war  is  to  last 
another  year,  we  want  the  Shenandoah  Valley  to 
remain  a  barren  waste." 

Sheridan  reported  the  instructions  carried  out 
to  the  letter,  and  Sherman  followed  the  same  plan 
in  his  march  to  the  sea.  Both  campaigns  were  the 
result  of  military  necessity  and  their  apparent  harsh 
ness  is  not  to  be  condemned,  but  it  should  not  be 
forgotten  that  during  the  fiercest  days  of  the  war 
Stanton,  with  Lincoln,  was  thinking  of  the  sufferings 
of  non-combatants,  especially  the  women  and  chil 
dren. 

In  the  West  Sherman  wras  fighting  his  way 
towards  Atlanta;  Johnston,  the  Confederate  Com 
mander  having  been  superseded  by  Hood.  Atlanta 
surrendered  on  September  2,  and  on  November  16, 
Sherman  began  his  march  to 'the  sea,  entering  Savan 
nah  on  December  21. 

When  Sherman  cut  loose  from  Atlanta  he  left 
General  Geo.  H.  Thomas  to  take  care  of  Hood's  army 
which  was  in  his  rear.  At  that  time  it  was  not  cer- 


218  AN  EVENTFUL  YEAR 

tain  whether  Hood  would  attempt  to  follow  Sherman, 
or  take  advantage  of  his  absence  to  recover  Tennessee 
and  perhaps  Kentucky.  Thomas  had  his  headquar 
ters  at  Nashville  but  his  army,  which  had  been  largely 
employed  in  preserving  Sherman's  communications, 
was  scattered  all  over  the  state,  and  the  task  of 
bringing  the  detachments  together  was  difficult  and 
dangerous  in  the  face  of  Hood's  united  army,  which 
was  now  evidently  coming  north.  Grant  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  specially,  friendly  towards  Thomas 
after  the  battle  of  Shiloh  and,  towards  December, 
began  to  be  very  impatient  because  he  did  not  attack 
Hood,  whose  operations  were  each  day  more  menac 
ing.  Finally  on  December  9th  he  sent  a  telegram  to 
Halleck  directing  him  to  prepare  an  order  relieving 
Thomas,  and  turning  over  his  command  to  Schofleld. 
Halleck  prepared  the  order,  but  Lincoln  and  Stanton 
could  not  forget  Thomas's  splendid  work  at  Chicka- 
mauga,  Chattanooga  and  in  fact  all  through  the  war, 
and  hesitated  about  carrying  out  the  directions  until 
word  could  be  received  from  Thomas  in  response  to  a 
telegram  from  Halleck  on  the  10th,  in  reference  to 
the  delay  and  Grant's  dissatisfaction.  On  the  13th 
Grant  wrote  a  second  order  relieving  Thomas,  and 
sent  Gen.  Logan  with  it  to  Nashville  to  be  delivered 
in  person  if  Thomas  toad  not  advanced  'when  he 
arrived.  A  few  hours  later  Grant  concluded  to  go 
to  Nashville  himself  and  got  as  far  as  Washington, 
when  he  found  the  wires  to  Nashville  were  interrupt 
ed.  A  conference  was  held  at  the  War  Department 
that  night  between  Lincoln,  Stanton,  Grant  and  Hal 
leck,  where  Grant  expressed  his  intention  of  going 
on  to  Nashville,  meantime  replacing  Thomas  by 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          219 
Schofield.    What  follows  is  thus  told  by  Mr.  Bates : 

Grant  then  wrote  his  third  order  removing  Thomas,  and  al 
though  Lincoln  and  Stanton  were  strongly  opposed  to  such  ac 
tion  they  were  forced  ito  consent  because  of  Grant's  urgent  im. 
portunity.  The  final  order  for  the  removal  of  Thomas  was  then 
handed  to  Eckert  for  transmission,  Grant  going  to  Willard's 
Hotel  to  prepare  for  his  depatrure.  Eckert  says  he  then  return 
ed  to  the  telegraph  office,  where  in  fact  he  had  been  on  duty 
constantly  day  and  night  for  nearly  a  week.  After  conversing 
with  Pittsburgh  he  learned  that  the  line  to  Nashville  by  one 
route  had  been  repaired  and  that  messages  were  being  ex 
changed.  With  General  Grant's  final  despatch  in  his  hand 
Eckert  was  in  a  quandary.  Should  he  put  it  on  the  wires  or 
not?  Recalling  the  protest  of  the  President  and  the  Secretary 
of  War  only  an  hour  before,  against  the  removal  of  Thomas, 
he  concluded  to  hold  the  telegram  until  he  could  hear  from 
Van  Duzer  (the  Nashville  operator.)  So  he  waited  for  over 
an  hour  until  finally  at  11  P.  M.  (Dec.  15)  the  following  tele, 
gram  came  in  cipher,  the  translation  being  in  my  handwriting: 

Nashville,  Tenn.,  Dec.  14,  1864,  8  P.  M. 

Major  Gen.  H.  W.  Halle ck,  etc. — Your  telegram  of  12:30 
P.  M.  to-day  is  received.  The  ice  having  melted  away  to-day, 
the  enemy  will  be  attacked  to-morrow  morning. 

GEO.  H.  THOMAS. 

Nashville,  Tenn.,  Dec.  15,  1864,  10:3o  P.  M. 
Maj.  T.  T.  Eckert:  Our  line  advanced  and  engaged  the  rebel 
line  at  9  this  A  M.     (Account  of  first  day's  victory.) 

J.  C.  VAN  DUZER. 

Eckert  says  he  ran  down  stairs  with  the  two  telegrams 
in  his  hand  and  started  for  Stanton's  residence  on  K.  street, 
in  the  ambulance,  wh'ch  was  always  in  readiness  at  the  door 
of  the  War  Department.  Stanton  appeared  at  the  second  story 
window  and  called  out  "Is  that  you,  Major?  What  news?" 
"Good  news."  was  the  answer.  Stanton  shouted  "Hurrah," 
and  Eckert  says  he  could  hear  Airs.  Stanton  and  the  children 
also  shouting  "Hurrah."  The  Secretary  appeared  at  the  front 
door  in  a  few  moments  and  rode  with  Eckert  to  the  White 
House.  The  President  was  of  course  highly  delighted  to  re 
ceive  the  news  of  Thomas's  victory.  While  in  the  ambulance 
with  Secretary  Stanton  on  his  way  to  the  White  House  Eckert 


220  AN  EVENTFUL   YEAR 

took  out  of  his  pocket  Grant's  last  order  relieving  Thomas  and 
handed  it  to  Stanton  without  saying  a  word.  The  Secretary 
asked  whether  it  had  been  sent.  Eckert  replied,  no,  that  he  had 
held  it  on  his  own  responsibility,  partly  because  the  wires  were 
not  working  well  at  the  time  he  received  it  from  Grant,  and 
partly  because  he  wanted  to  hear  further  from  Van  Duzer, 
and  he  hoped  to  receive  later  information  that  the  weather 
had  moderated,  thus  allowing  Thomas  to  begin  his  advance. 
The  Major  added:  "Mr.  Secretary,  I  fear  that  I  have  violated  a 
military  rule  and  have  placed  myself  liable  to  be  court  mar- 
tialed."  Secretary  Stanton  put  his  arm  around  Eckert's  shoul 
der  and  said  "Major,  ii  they  court  martial  you,  they  will  have 
to  court  martial  me.  You  are  my  confidential  assistant,  and  in 
my  absence  were  empowered  to  act  in  all  telegraph  matters  as 
if  you  were  the  Secretary  of  War.  The  result  shows  you  did 
right"  While  at  the  White  House  Stanton  showed  Grant's  last 
order  removing  Thomas  to  the  President,  and  told  him  Eckert 
had  suppressed  it.  Lincoln  replied  that  Eckert's  action  met 
with  his  hearty  approval. 

When  Grant  saw  Van  Duzer's  dispatch  he  re 
marked,  "I  guess  we  will  not  go  to  Nashville."  Logan 
heard  of  the  victory  at  Louisville,  and  went  no 
farther. 

Thomas  completely  dispersed  Hood's  army,  and 
it  gave  no  further  trouble,  and  as  a  reward  Stanton 
on  the  19th  proposed  Thomas's  appointment  as  Major 
General  in  the  regular  army.  Grant  desired  to  wait 
for  further  returns,  but  soon  gave  his  approval,  and 
on  December  24th,  Thomas  received  his  commission 
dating  from  December  15.  As  at  the  close  of  1862, 
brilliant  work  in  the  West  afforded  some  compensa 
tion  for  the  apparently  unsatisfactory  condition  of 
affairs  in  the  East,  although  to  shrewd  observers  the 
beginning  of  the  end  was  in  sight.  In  fact  this  was 
the  last  great  battle  of  the  war. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

A   CANADIAN   JUNTA. 

Plots  of  Incendiarism  and  Murder — Outrages  Circumvented — 
Peace  Mirages — »Black's  Duplicity — 'Military  Precautions  in 
New  York — Lincoln's  Reelection. 

Early  in  1864  the  rebel  authorities  concluded  to 
establish  a  "Canadian  Cabinet"  nominally  to  look 
after  the  foreign  interests  of  the  Confederacy,  but 
having  for  its  real  object  purposes  of  a  very  different 
character.  This  object  was  to  foment  disturbances  in 
the  North,  encourage  raids  over1  the  border,  plot  ris 
ings  of  the  Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,  Sons  of 
Liberty  and  other  treasonable  organizations,  release 
Confederate  soldiers  confined  in  Northern  prisons, 
burn  Northern  cities,  and,  in  fact  do  anything 
humane  or  inhumane  to  arrest  the  downward  career 
of  their  falling  cause.  A  special  object  was  to  bolster 
up  the  peace  party  of  the  North  in  every  possible 
way,  and  as  far  as  possible  encourage  that  party  by 
the  aid  of  illegal  voting  at  the  fa\\  elections.  As  if 
this  were  not  enough  a  wild  scheme  of  kidnapping 
President  Lincoln  was  on  the  programme,  and  there 
is  not  the  slightest  doubt  that  the  assassination  of 
the  President  was  the  outcome  of  movements  inaug 
urated  by  this  junta.  Jacob  Thompson,  ex-Secretary 
of  the  Interior  and  defaulter,  was  selected  by  Jeffer 
son  Davis  as  the  head  of  this  combination,  and  with 
him  were  associated  C.  C.  Clay,  Jr.,  James  P.  Hoi- 
combe  and  George  N.  Saunders.  Their  headquarters 


222  A  CANADIAN  JUNTA 

were  at  Niagara  Falls,  and  an  "underground"  postal 
service  was  inaugurated  between  there  and  Washing 
ton,  which,  however  suffered  considerable  interrup 
tion  from  the  vigilant  ciphergraniers  of  the  War 
Department  Their  efforts  in  the  direction  of  upris 
ings,  releasing  prisoners,  or  even  raids  (with  one 
exception)  were  largely  abortive,  but  they  were  more 
successful  in  deluding  a  certain  class  of  Northerners 
into  the  belief  that  through  their  efforts  there  might 
be  tangible  peace  negotiations.  There  is  no  doubt 
the  country  was  getting  weary  of  the  war.  True  the 
bounds  of  the  Confederacy  had  been  pushed  back 
considerably  during  the  previous  two  years,  and  there 
was  not  a  state  in  some  quarter  of  which  the  National 
standard  had  not  been  planted.  But  it  was  also  true 
that  for  the  most  part  the  acquired  territory  and  its 
people  were  only  submissive  while  the  army  was 
present,  there  was  no  authority  beyond  the  range  of 
the  guns,  and  outwardly  at  least  the  rebellion  pre 
sented  as  bold  a  front  as  ever.  Grant  had  been 
checked  in  Virginia  with  terrible  slaughter,  and  while 
Sherman  was  making  progress  in  the  West,  there 
were  not  wanting  prophets  to  predict  that  should  he 
even  capture  Atlanta  it  would  prove  his  Moscow. 
Volunteering,  even  under  the  stimulus  of  large  boun 
ties  had  almost  ceased,  and  the  morale  of  the  new 
recruits  had  perceptibly  lowered.  The  draft,  always 
unpopular,  had  to  be  resorted  to,  to  fill  our  armies 
depleted  by  losses  and  expiration  of  enlistment  terms. 
The  gold  premium  reached  185,  the  highest  during 
the  war,  and  the  financial  situation  was  most  serious. 
Lincoln  had  been  renominated  by  a  Convention  which 
voiced  the  loyal  sentiment  of  the  country  in  no  uncer- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  223 

tain  terras,  but  even  he,  at  times,  was  very  despondent 
of  his  re-election  which  he  only  figured  out  by  the 
margin  of  three  uncertain  Electoral  votes.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  this  despondency  was  shared  by 
Stanton,  but  his  was  such  a  nature  that  a  desperate 
situation  only  incited  him  to  stronger  efforts.  In 
such  a  condition  of  affairs  it  is  not  surprising  that 
well  meaning,  but  not  so  well  balanced  people  nibbled 
at  the  bait  adroitly  held  out  that  some  satisfactory 
terms  of  peace  might  be  reached.  Among  these  was 
Horace  Greeley,  who  entered  into  correspondence 
with  the  "Commissioners"  and  also  with  the  Presi 
dent,  finally  securing  from  the  latter  the  following : 

July   18,   1864. 
To  Whom  it  May  Concern. 

Any  proposition  which  embraces  the  restoration  of  peace, 
the  integrity  of  the  whole  Union,  and  the  abandonment  of  slav 
ery,  and  whch  comes  by  and  with  an  authority  that  can  control 
the  armies  now  at  war  against  the  United  States,  will  be 
received  and  considered  by  the  executive  government  of  the 
United  States,  and  will  be  met  by  liberal  terms  on  other  sub 
stantial  and  collateral  points,  and  the  bearer  or  bearers  thereof 
shall  have  safe  conduct  both  ways. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

There  is  no  doubt  the  President  prepared  the 
above  after  consultation  with  Stanton,  who  was  par 
ticularly  careful  not  to  fall  into  any  trap  which 
would  involve  a  formal  recognition  of  the  Confeder 
ate  government.  Armed  with  this  Greeley  called  on 
the  commissioners,  when  he  soon  found  they  had  no 
authority  such  as  was  required,  they  were  simply 
playing  to  the  galleries,  in  other  words,  to  the  peace 
party.  Greeley  shortly  gave  up  the  job  in  disgust, 
plaintively  writing  to  President  Lincoln:  "Since 


224  A  CANADIAN  JUNTA 

I  learn  by  sad  experience  at  Niagara  that  my  dis 
patches  go  to  the  War  Department  before  reaching 
you,"  and  cheerfully  predicting  an  overwhelming 
defeat  for  the  National  Administration  at  the  coming 
elections. 

Quite  a  sensation  was  caused  early  this  year  by 
the  publication  in  two  New  York  papers  of  a  bogus 
proclamation  purporting  to  be  signed  by  the  President 
and  Secretary  of  State  appointing  a  day  of  fasting 
and  prayer  and  calling  for  400,000  men.  Gen.  Dix  in 
command  at  New  York  suspected  the  proclamation 
was  a  forgery  and  telegraphed  to  Washington  for  in 
formation.  Stanton  replied  that  "the  spurious  pro 
clamation  was  a  base  and  treasonable  forgery,"  and 
editors  ofj  the  World  and  Journal  of  Commerce,  the 
papers  in  which  the  proclamation  was  published,  were 
placed  under  arrest.  Stanton  refused  to  release  them 
until  the  author  of  the  forgery  was  discovered,  and 
he  also  ordered  Gen.  Dix  to  seize  the  office  of  the 
American  Telegraph  Company,  an  independent  con 
cern,  over  whose  wires  it  was  thought  the  proclama 
tion  had  been  sent  from  Washington.  Inside  of  three 
days  the  author  of  the  fraud  was  discovered  to  be  one 
Joseph  Howard,  a  former  Secretary  of  Rev.  Henry 
Ward  Beecher.  It  was  a  stock  jobbing  scheme.  The 
editors  and  telegraph  operators  were  then  released, 
as  was  Howard  afterwards  at  Beecher's  intercession. 

On  August  29th  McClellan  was  nominated  for 
President  by  the  peace  party,  on  a  platform  which 
declared  the  war  a  failure,  and  demanding  "a  cessa 
tion  of  hostilities  with  a  view  to  an  ultimate  conven 
tion  of  the  states,  or  other  possible  means,  to  the 
end  that  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment  peace 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          225 

may  be  restored  on  the  basis  of  the  federal  union  of 
the  states." 

Mr.  Thompson  from  his  vantage  ground  in 
Canada  at  first  came  to  the  conclusion  that  they  could 
not  prevent  the  re-election  of  Lincoln,  but  after  a 
conference  with  the  notorious  C.  L.  Vallandigham  at 
Windsor  he  was  more  encouraged,  the  latter  inform 
ing  him  that  if  Grant  failed  before  Richmond  and 
Sherman  was  not  successful  in  Georgia  a,  peace  can 
didate  might  be  elected,  possibly  a  very  safe  presump 
tion.  Mr.  Vallandigham  also  made  large  promises  as 
to  what  could  be  done  by  the  "Sons  of  Liberty,"  even 
to  the  organization  of  a  Western  Confederacy,  made 
up  of  Ohio,  Illinois  and  Indiana,  Stanton,  through 
his  cipher  operators  and  detectives,  was  not  ignorant 
of  these  machinations,  and  on  September  28,  he  ap 
pointed  Gen.  Hooker  to  the  command  of  the  Northern 
Department  with  headquarters  at  Columbus,  by 
(vhom  the  conspiracies  were  effectually  broken  up. 

Undeterred  by  Greeley's  failure  J.  S.  Black  con 
cluded  tot  take  a  hand  in  the  "reconciling"  business, 
and  during  the  latter  part  of  August  made  a  visit  to 
the  Canadian  cabinet,  Thompson  was  an  old  friend, 
and,  according  to  a  letter  written  by  him  to  Mason 
and  Slidell,  the  Confederate  Commissioners  in 
Europe,  Black  told  him  that  he  had  been  delegated 
by  Stanton  to  visit  him,  that  he  (Stanton)  was  con 
vinced  that  Lincoln  would  be  defeated!  in  November, 
and  wanted  to  know  if  negotiations  of  peace  could 
be  opened  without  the  ultimatum  of  final  separation. 
A  statement  somewhat  similar  to  the  above  was  given 
to  the  newspapers.  When  Black  reached  home  he 
addressed  a  note  to  Stanton  reciting  his  visit,  and 


226  A  CANADIAN  JUNTA 

suggesting  that  Stanton  advise  the  President  to  sus 
pend  hostilities  for  three  or  six  months  and  com 
mence  negotiations,  and  added :  "I  made  up  my 
mind  some  weeks  ago  to  pay  Mr.  Thompson  a  visit, 
impelled  mainly  by  motives  arising  out  of  our  past 
intimacy  and  long  personal  friendship.  When  I  saw 
you  last,  I  mentioned  that  intention  in  the  course  of 
mere  casual  conversation.  You  expressed  your 
approbation  of  it  and  your  wish  that  I  should  carry 
it  out.  This  is  all  that  any  member  of  the  Adminis 
tration  had  with  the  affair." 

Stanton  replied  very  pointedly  to  Black's  epistle, 
summarily  disposing  of  the  suggestion  of  advising  an 
armistice,  and  adding :  "It  seems  a  little  curious  the 
pains  taken  to  connect  your  visit  to  Thompson  with 
my  'wish'  and  my  'approbation.'  As  our  old  frienu 
Jim  Dunlop  used  to  say,  this  appears  a  'little  pre 
vious.'  I  do  not  suppose  anybody  cares  when  or  how 
often  you  visit  Thompson,  nor  what  you  talk  about 
with  him,  but  when  you  called  in  the  morning  to  pay 
me,  as  you  professed,  a  private,  friendly  visit,  I  did 
not  suspect  you  would  afterwards  talk  about  it  as 
a  visit  to  a  'cabinet  officer,'  and  while  we  were  talking 
of  public  persons  and  things,  past  and  present,  and 
you  expressed  a  desire  to  see  Thompson,  and  your 
belief  that  he  would  tell  you  the  truth  about  Southern 
feeling,  I  did  not  imagine  you  were  making  out  cre 
dentials  as  an  agent  of  my  'wishes'  or  a  seeker  of 
my  'approbation.'  But  this  is  a  matter  of  trifling 
importance.  You  have  seen  Thompson  and  no  harm 
is  done  to  anybody,  but  as  in  what  you  report  of  him 
your  desire  may  have  'helped  you  to  the  conclusion' 
so  the  wish  to  see  him  may  have  helped  you  to  the 


EDWIN  McMASTEES  STANTON          227 

belief  that  I  wished  what  was  to  me  a  matter  of  per 
fect  indifference,  and  approved  what  I  did  not  care 
about  one  way  or  the  other.  The  upshot  of  it  all  is 
that  you  go  for  an  armistice,  which  is  nothing  more 
and  nothing  else  than  what  South  Carolina  wanted 
when  the  rebellion  began.  You  and  I  then  opposed 
it  as  fatal  to  our  Government  and  our  National  exis 
tence  ;  I  still  oppose  it  on  the  same  ground." 

Mr.  Stan  ton's  biographer  (Gorham)  kindly 
ascribes  the  statements  made  in  this  ridiculous  trans 
action  to  Black's  "defective  memory,"  which  indeed 
was  liable  to  severe  lapses  on  more  than  one  occasion. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  with  one  prominent 
party  leader  promising  an  uprising  of  the  people 
against  the  Administration,  and  another  professing 
to  come  from  that  Administration  asking  about  terms 
of  peace,  Mr.  Thompson  and  his  associates  should 
have  been  encouraged  in  the  belief  that  the  peace 
party  would  win  in  the  coming  elections.  But  their 
plans  were  thwarted  by  Stanton's  untiring  vigilance, 
energy  and  unselfishness.  He  would  make  any  sac 
rifice  to  insure  Mr.  Lincoln's  re-election.  Governor 
Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  one  of  the  disgruntled 
Republicans  that  year;  he  had  no  use  for  Stanton, 
and  the  feeling  was  fully  returned.  A  delegation 
called  on  Mr.  Lincoln  to  induce  Stanton  to  do  some 
thing  to  placate  Curtin.  Mr.  Lincoln  said :  "I  don't 
believe  Stanton  can  conscientiously  do  much  to  please 
Curtin,  and  I  don't  feel  like  asking  him  to,  but  you 
had  better  see  Stanton."  The  delegation  went  with 
fear  and  trembling,  but  on  explaining  their  mission, 
he  promptly  replied:  "Tell  Governor  Curtin  if  it 
will  help  carry  Pennsylvania  for  Lincoln,  I  will  lie 
down,  and  let  him  walk  over  my  body." 


228  A  CANADIAN  JUNTA 

Sherman's  capture  of  Atlanta  in  September 
turned  the  tide  strongly  in  favor  of  the  Union,  but 
the  final  victory  was  not  yet  won. 

Historian  Rhodes,  commenting  on  the  affairs  of 
that  dark  summer,  says : 

The  Stanton  of  tradition  is  a  stern  man,  standing-  at  a  high 
d'esk,  busy  and  careworn,  grumbling,  fuming  and  swearing, 
approached  by  every  subordinate  with  fear,  by  every  officer 
except  the  highest  with  anxiety,  by  the  delinquent  with  trepi 
dation.  The  Stanton  of  the  Official  Records  is  a  patient,  tactful 
man,  who,  bearing  a  burden  of  administration  disposes  of  (busi 
ness  promptly,  who  takes  into  account  many  conditions  and 
adapts  himself  to  circumstances  keeping  always  in  view  the 
great  result  to  be  achieved.  Tt  is  a  man  who  does  not  obtrude 
himself.  No  onie  accustomed  to  affairs  can  go  through  the 
correspondence  of  ithe  summer  of  1864  without  arriving  at  a 
high  opinion  of  the  executive  ability  of  Stanton.  He  is  patient 
and  considerate  with  those  to  whom  patience  and  consideration 
are  due,  but  when  he  believes  himself  in  the  right  he  is  unyield" 
ing  and  resolute.  He  was  wise  in  his  conduct  of  affairs,  but  it 
is  a  wonder  that  on  the  top  of  the  trials  of  three  years  he  and 
Lincoln  were  not  crushed  by  the  disappointments  and  cares 
which  were  their  lot  from  May  to  September,  1864. 

The  desperateness  of  their  cause  increased  the 
plotsi  and  activities  of  the  "Canadian  Cabinet."  On 
October  19,  St.  Alban's,  Vt.,  was  raided,  the  banks 
robbed,  and  an  attempt  made  to  burn  the  town. 
Boats  were  seized  on  Lake  Erie,  and  arrangements 
made  to  burn  New  York  City,  on  election  night,  No 
vember  8,  but  the  chemicals  could  not  be  gotten  ready 
by  that  time. 

The  recognized  activity  of  the  Canadian  Junta, 
and  the  knowledge  that  there  were  plans  for  an  out 
break  in  New  York  City,  coupled  with  the  inefficiency 
of  Governor  Seymour  to  cope  with  the  situation  as 
demonstrated  in  the  draft  riots  of  the  preceding  year, 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON          229 

determined  Secretary  Stanton  to  send  troops  to  New 
York  in  order  to  insure  peace  and  quiet  on  election 
day.  Of  course  Governor  Seymour  opposed  this,  and 
even  many  Republicans  thought  the  measure  one  of 
doubtful  expediency.  The  troops  were  sent,  however, 
under  command  of  General  Butler,  who  acted  with 
such  discretion  that  not  a  soldier  was  visible  on  the 
streets,  but  everybody  knew  they  were  within  call  if 
needed,  and  the  result  was  not  only  a  peaceful  and 
fair  election,  but,  as  Butler  telegraphed  to  the  Presi 
dent,  "the  quietest  city  ever  seen." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  triumphant  re-election,  according 
to  Stanton's  prediction,  and  the  increased  Union  ma 
jorities  in  Congress  were  notice  that  the  people  had 
made  up  their  minds  to  push  the  war  to  a  satisfactory 
conclusion,  but  this  did  not  stop  the  work  of  these 
conspirators,  who  started  fires  in  ten  hotels  and  Bar- 
num's  museum,  with  the  intention  of  destroying  New 
York.  Fortunately,  Stanton's  detectives  were  on  the 
alert,  and  by  timely  warning  conveyed  to  Gen.  Dix 
and  the  local  authorities,  who  were  at  first  decidedly 
skeptical,  the  incendiaries  were  baffled  and  the  fires 
extinguished.  Edwin  Booth  was  playing  in  "Julius 
Caesar"  at  Winter  Garden  theatre,  next  to  the  La- 
farg  House,  one  of  the  hotels  fired,  where  a  panic  was 
narrowly  averted,  as  was  the  case  in  several  other 
places.  J.  Wilkes  Booth,  the  later  assassin,  was  play 
ing  with  his  brothers,  Edwin  and  James,  the  night 
of  the  fire,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  was  a 
party  to  the  plot,  although  Payne,  another  of  the  later 
assassins,  admitted  that  he  had  been  appointed  one  of 
the  incendiaries,  but  refused  on  account  of  the  de 
struction  of  innocent  lives  which  would  follow. 

Thompson  made  a  detailed  account  of  his  doings 


A  CANADIAN  JUNTA 


to  the  Confederate  government  and  charged  the  fail 
ure  in  New  York  to  the  Greek  fire,  which  did  not  work 
satisfactorily.  Incidentally,  he  remarks :  "I  ha.ve  so 
many  papers  in  my  possession,  which  in  the  hands  of 
the  enemy  would  utterly  ruin  and  destroy  very  many 
of  the  prominent  men  in  the  North,  that  a  due  sense 
of  my  obligations  to  them  will  force  on  me  the  extrem- 
est  caution  in  my  movements." 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

AN  OUTRAGEOUS  SLANDER. 

Prisoners  of  War — Stanton  Interested  in  Our  Suffering  Soldiers 
— Efforts  for  Amelioration  and  Exchange — An  Old  Slander 
Refuted. 

One  of  the  most  persistent  slanders  concocted 
against  Secretary  Stanton  was  the  oft  repeater  asser 
tion  that  he  refused  to  permit  exchanges  of  prisoners 
during  the  war,  on  the  ground  that  Union  soldiers  in 
Southern  prison  pens  had  been  so  reduced  by  starva 
tion  and  cruel  treatment  that  they  were  physical 
wrecks,  and  hence  useless  for  military  service,  while 
rebel  soldiers  returned  from  Northern  prisons  were 
so  healthy  and  robust  that  they  immediately  re- 
entered  the  ranks,  reinforcing  the  enemy  to  that  ex 
tent.  The  whole  statement  is  a  baseless  slander.  If 
there  was  one  matter  above  all  others  which  appealed 
to  the  humane  heart  of  the  great  War  Secretary  ft 
was  the  condition  of  Union  soldiers  in  Southern 
prisons.  The  very  first  official  order  issued  by  him 
on  January  20,  1862,  declared  that,  "This  department 
recognizes  as  the  first  of  its  duties  to  take  measures 
for  the  relief  of  the  brave  men  who,  having  imperiled 
their  lives  in  the  military  service  of  the  Government, 
are  now  prisoners  and  captives.  It  is  therefore  or 
dered  that  two  commissioners  be  appointed  to  visit 
the  city  of  Richmond,  Va.,  and  wherever  else  pris 
oners  belonging  to  the  Army  of  the  United  States  may 
be  held ;  and  there  take  such  measures  as  may  be 
needed  to  provide  for  the  wants  and  contribute  to  the 


232  AN  OUTRAGEOUS  SLANDER 

comforts  of  such  prisoners,  at  the  expense  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  such  extent  as  may  be  permitted 
by  the  authorities  under  whom  such  prisoners  are 
held." 

M.  E.  Bishop  Ames  and  Hon.  Hamilton  Fish 
were  appointed  commissioners  under  this  order,  but 
they  were  not  allowed  to  enter  the  Confederate  lines. 

On  January  30  of  the  same  year  Secretary  Stan- 
ton,  in  company  with  President  Lincoln,  visited  one 
of  the  Washington  hospitals,  where  Ross  Stephens,  a 
Steubenville  soldier,  from  a  Southern  prison,  was 
convalescing.  While  there  he  learned  that  prisoners 
were  not  entitled  to  pay  during  their  confinement. 
He  immediately  ordered  that  all  prisoners  of  war 
should  receive  the  same  pay  as  though  in  active  ser 
vice. 

Exchanges  were  made  writh  more  or  less  regular 
ity  until  the  fall  of  1862,  when  Jefferson  Davis  issued 
a  proclamation  outlawing  Gen.  Butler  for  his  con 
duct  at  New  Orleans,  and  declaring  that  all  commis 
sioned  officers  serving  under  him  if  captured  should 
be  reserved  for  execution.  In  response  to  Lincoln's 
emancipation  proclamation,  Davis  also  decreed  that 
all  negro  slaves  captured  in  arms,  with  their  white 
officers,  should  be  turned  over  to  the  states  to  be 
dealt  with  under  the  statutes  relating  to  negro  insur 
rections,  which  of  course  meant  speedy  death  after 
only  the  semblance  of  a  trial,  a  process  which  applied 
to  enlisted  free  negroes  from  the  North  as  wTell  as 
those  from  the  South.  Later  even  the  ceremony  of 
capture  was  dispensed  with,  and  orders  were  issued 
toi  subordinate  Confederate  officers  to  "take  no  pris 
oners"  so  far  as  colored  troops  were  concerned.  This 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          233 

had  the  advantage  of  celerity,  and  not  leaving  any 
record,  so  that  when  their  superiors  were  interrogated 
on  the  subject  they  could,  and  did,  answer  that  they 
knew  nothing  about  it.  That  these  orders  were  not  a 
dead  letter,  but  carried  out  in  numerous  instances 
with  revolting  barbarity,  has  been  demonstrated  by 
irrefutable  proofs.  Another  complication  arose  early 
in  1863,  when  Col.  A.  D.  Streight  and  command,  while 
making  a  cavalry  raid  through  Alabama  and  Georgia, 
were  captured  and  confined  as  felons,  under  the  pre 
text  that  they  were  trying  to  incite  insurrection 
among  the  slaves.  Shortly  after,  Gen.  Morgan,  the 
rebel  guerilla,  was  captured  just  north  of  the  Jeffer 
son  county  line  while  making  a  similar  raid  through 
Ohio.  In  retaliation  for  Streight's  treatment,  Mor 
gan  and  his  officers  were  confined  in  the  Ohio  peni 
tentiary,  but  were  not  ill  treated.  Morgan  and 
Streight  both  solved  the  question  in  their  case  by 
escaping. 

Whatever  differences  of  opinion  might  exist  at 
any  time  as  to  the  expediency  of  enlisting  colored 
soldiers,  there  can  be  no  question  that,  having  once 
clothed  the  negro  with  the  army  blue  and  placed  him 
at  the  front  to  fight  the  battles  of  the  Union,  the 
Government  was  bound  by  every  principle  of  honor 
and  good  faith  to  guarantee  him  and  his  officers, 
white  and  black,  the  same  protection  afforded  to 
every  other  member  of  the  army.  To  send  him  forth 
to  battle  to  take  not  only  the  chances  of  deadly  con 
flict,  but  to  be  abandoned  to  torture  and  death  if 
captured,  would  be  a  species  of  poltroonery  so  base  as 
to  be  beyond  the  realm  of  discussion.  However, 
Secretary  Stanton's  first  response  to  this  savage  de 
cree  was  a  very  mild  one.  On  December  28,  four  days 


234  AN  OUTRAGEOUS  SLANDER 

after  Davis's  proclamation,  he  ordered  the  discontin 
uance  of  the  exchange  of  commissioned  officers.  On 
January  12,  Davis  included  in  his  decree  every  com 
missioned  officer  of  the  United  States  who  should  be 
taken  captive  in  the  territory  covered  by  the  emanci 
pation  proclamation,  and  when,  in  April,  Robt.  Ould, 
the  Confederate  Exchange  Commissioner,  again 
brought  up  the  general  subject,  Stanton  demanded 
that  Davis's  proclamation  be  withdrawn.  He  prompt 
ly  replied  with  fire-eating  emphasis  that  this  would 
not  be  done,  even  if  the  prisoners  on  either  side  "had 
to  rot,  starve  and  die."  Nevertheless,  the  bark  so  far 
was  wyorse  than  the  bite,  and  exchanges  went  on  with 
more  or  less  regularity  until  May,  when  the  Con 
federate  Congress  enacted  Davis's  decree  into  a  sav 
age  law,  declaring  that  all  commissioned  officers  of 
the  United  States  in  command  of  African  troops 
should  be  put  to  death,  and  their  troops  sold  into 
slavery  or  executed.  This,  it  will  be  noted,  had  no 
special  application  to  former  slaves,  but  included  all 
colored  troops  and  their  officers.  Events  were  soon  to 
prove  that  this  law  was  actively  enforced,  and  under 
it  were  perpetrated  barbarities  unequaled  since  those 
of  Alva  and  his  soldiery1  in  the  Netherlands.  In  re 
sponse  to  this  outbreak  of  savagery,  Gen.  Halleck,  by 
direction  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  on  May  25  issued 
an  order  to  parole  or  exchange  no  more  Confederate 
officers,  to  place  in  close  confinement  those  already 
paroled,  and  Ould  was  informed  that  the  Federal 
Government  would  retaliate  if  any  Union  soldiers 
were  hung  as  proposed.  In  the  meantime  certain 
Confederate  officers  were  held  as  hostages,  awaiting 
the  outcome.  President  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Stanton 
were  both  strongly  averse  to  entering  upon  the  high- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  235 

way  of  bloody  retaliation,  and  did  not  do  so,  although 
the  provocation  was  very  strong. 

At  this  time  another  difficulty  arose.  The  battles 
of  Gettysburg,  Vicksburg  and  other  points  in  1863 
had  resulted  in  a  large  excess  of  prisoners  in  Federal 
hands.  Thousands  of  these  were  paroled,  especially 
at  Vicksburg,  who  were  afterwards  found  to  have  vio 
lated  their  agreements,  and  were  in  the  ranks  as 
usual.  Stanton  ordered  all  paroled  prisoners  to  be 
confined  as  rapidly  as  possible.  The  Confederate 
authorities  also  tried  more  than  once  to  trick  the 
Government  into  a  recognition  of  their  status  as  a 
government  during  the  exchanges,  but  this  was  cir 
cumvented  by  Stanton's  ingenuity.  Ould  even  sent 
raiders  into  the  border  states  to  capture  non-com 
batants,  men  women  and  children,  sick  and  aged,  in 
order  to  force  the  Government  to  give  back  able- 
bodied  rebel  soldiers  for  them. 

By  this  time  complaints  were  loud  against  the 
treatment  of  our  men  in  Southern  prisons,  and  in 
October,  1863,  General  Meredith  recommended  simi 
lar  treatment  of  rebels  in  Northern  prisons,  and 
Stanton  favored  the  plan,  but  Gen.  E.  A.  Hitchcock, 
in  charge  of  the  exchanges,  objected,  and  the  matter 
was  dropped.  On  November  12,  Stanton  ordered 
24,000  rations  to  Libby  prison  with  instructions  to 
Capt.  Forbes,  an  inmate  of  the  prison,  to  issue  them 
if  permitted.  Ould  refused  to  allow  him  to  do  so, 
and  on  December  12,  notified  Stanton  that  no  more 
rations  would  be  received.  During  that  month 
exchanges  of  sick  and  wounded  were  continued,  when 
Ould  on  December  28  peremptorily  refused  to  make 
any  more  unless  there  was  a  general  exchange,  omit 
ting  the  excepted  characters. 


236  AN  OUTRAGEOUS  SLANDER 

Early  in  1862  a  small  party  of  volunteers  select 
ed  from  Eastern  Ohio  regiments  was  sent  by  Gen. 
Buell  to  Atlanta  for  the  purpose  of  capturing  a  rail 
road  train  coming  north,  and  by  burning  the  bridges 
behind  them  prevent  pursuit,  and  thus  cut  the  rail 
road  communications  upon  which  the  enemy  depend 
ed  for  movements  of  troops  and  supplies.  Through 
failure  to  obtain  an  engineer  the  party  returned  with 
out  results  save  obtaining  much  valuable  informa 
tion,  and  in  April  of  that  year  Gen.  Mitchell  organ 
ized  a  larger  party  for  the  same  purpose  under  com 
mand  of  J.  J.  Andrews,  of  Kentucky.  The  details  of 
their  expedition  and  capture  have  been  given  in  var 
ious  publications,  and  it  is  not  necessary  to  repeat 
them  here.  Seven  were  hung,  several  others  were  never 
heard  of  and  six,  including  William  Pittenger,  of 
Jefferson  county,  suffered  all  the  horrors  and  cruelty 
of  Southern  prisons.  The  fate  of  these  captives  was 
unknown  to  their  friends,  as  the  Confederate  author 
ities  kept  their  very  existence  a  secret.  In  January, 
1863,  Pittenger,  who  with  the  others,  had  been  trans 
ferred  to  Castle  Thunder  at  Richmond,  contrived  to 
send  a  note  to  his  father  through  a  prisoner  who  was 
being  exchanged.  It  was  as  it  were,  a  message  from 
the  dead.  As  soon  as  the  Federal  authorities  heard 
that  some  of  the  raiders  were  alive  an  effort  was 
made  to  include  them  in  the  exchanges,  but  the  rebels 
still  claimed  they  were  dead,  and  the  exchange  was 
finally  effected  more  by  accident  than  otherwise.  On 
the  evening  of  March  17th,  1863,  a  hurried  note  came 
from  Ould  to  Winder,  the  keeper  of  Libby,  the  prison 
at  Richmond,  to  have  ready  a  boat  load  of  prisoners 
for  transfer  the  next  morning  at  4  o'clock.  In  the 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          237 

letter  was  the  key  to  the  proceedings  in  these  words : 
"The  arrangement  I  have  made  works  largely  in  our 
favor.  We  get  rid  of  a  set  of  miserable  wretches  and 
receive  some  of  the  best  material  I  ever  saw."  Pitten- 
ger  was  gathered  up  with  the  party,  and  sent  to 
Washington. 

To  any  person  who  has  seen,  as  has  the  writer, 
a  train  load  of  healthy,  robust  Confederate  prisoners 
en  route  to  the  front  to  be  exchanged,  it  is  not  neces 
sary  to  enlarge  on  the  difference  between  their  condi 
tion,  and  the  miserable  wrecks  received  from  the 
South,  many  of  whom  died  before  reaching  a  hospital. 
Some  attempt  has  been  made  by  figures  to  prove  that 
the  relative  mortality  in  Northern  prisons  was  great 
er  than  in  the  South,  but  impartial  investigation  has 
shown  that  the  mortality  in  the  South  was  greater  by 
at  least  50  per  cent,  than  shown  by  the  returns,  which 
effectually  disproved  the  proverb  that  figures  cannot 
lie.  Accounts  by  Confederate  inmates  of  Northern 
prisons  practically  agree,  that  while  there  were  indi 
vidual  cases  of  wrong  treatment,  yet  their  greatest 
hardship  was  the  fact  of  imprisonment  itself  and 
climatic  conditions  beyound  control.  But  Anderson- 
ville,  Belle  Isle  and  certain  other  places  have  had  no 
parallel  since  the  remnant  of  the  Athenian  army  was 
imprisoned  in  the  quarries  of  Syracuse  until  exter 
minated  by  starvation  and  exposure. 

Among  the  frauds  perpetrated  in  these  exchanges 
Pittenger  relates  an  instance  of  a  rebel  whose  brain 
had  been  affected  by  a  bullet,  who  was  actually  palm 
ed  off  on  the  Federalists  as  a  Unionist,  and  a.  sound 
man  was  given  in  his  place.  Pittenger's  following 
account  of  the  interview  with  Stanton  is  of  special 
interest : 


238 


Generals  Sigel  and  Stahl,  with  many  other  distinguished 
persons,  were  in  the  ante  room  waiting,  but  as  we  were  there 
by  appointment,  they  continued  to  wait,  while  we  were  at  once 
admitted.  Stanton  had  long  resided  in  my  county  town  of  Steu- 
benville,  and  I  had  seen  him  and  knew  him  well  by  reputation, 
though  I  could  then  claim  no  personal  acquaintance.  We  were 
seated,  after  he  had  shaken  each  one  of  us  warmly  by  the  hand 
and  uttered  words  of  greeting  and  compliment.  We  talked  for 
a  considerable  time,  not  so  much  on  the  subject  off  our  expedi 
tion — for  I  took  it  for  granted  that,  lawyer  like,  he  had  looked 
over  the  evidence  in  the  case  and  made  up  his  mind  about  it — 
as  upon  general  topics,  such  as  our  impressions  of  the  South 
and  the  Union  men  in  it,  and  of  our  hope  and  feeling  about  the 
war.  I  was  especially  struck  by  his  asking  us  how  we  liked 
Gem  Mitchell  as  a  commander,  and  when  we  spoke  of  him  with 
unstinted  enthusiasm  he  seemied  greatly  pleased,  and  said: 
"That's  the  way  all  his  men  talk  about  him."  He  told  us  that 
he  had  been  aware  of  our  expedition  at  the  time,  but  had  no  ac 
curate  information  of  the  fate  of  the  party. 

His  impression  was  that  all  had  perished  at  first  On  the 
escape  of  the  eight  in  October  he  had  made  official  inquiries  of 
the  Confederate  government  about  us,  but  had  been  answered 
that  they  had  no  information  of  the  hanging  of  any  of  the  party. 
(The  papers  which  were  forwarded  to  Richmond  in  response  to 
inquiries  much  earlier,  show  this  statement  to  have  been  abso 
lutely  incorrect.)  He  had  then  threatened  retaliation  in  case 
any  more  were  put  to  death,  and  had  endeavored  to  effect  our 
exchange,  he  was  very  glad  indeed  that  these  efforts  had  suc 
ceeded,  and  surprised  us  iby  saying:  "You  will  find  yourselves 
great  heroes  when  you  get  home";  then  added  many  kind 
words  about  the  high  appreciation  of  our  services  by  the  Gov 
ernment,  which,  coming  from  the  Secretary  of  War  of  a  great 
nation  to  private  soldiers,  was  most  flattering.  Stanton  seemed 
especially  pleased  with  Parrott.  He  was  the  youngest  of  our 
number  and  of  very  quiet  and  simple  manners.  Stanton  gave 
him  the  offer  of  a  complete  education  if  he  would  accept  it — I 
understood  him  to  mean  at  West  Point.  Parrott  answered  that 
while  the  war  lasted  he  did  not  wish  to  go  to  school;  but  would 
rather  go  back  and  fight  the  rebels  who  had  used  him  so  badly. 
At  this  Stanton  smiled  as  if  he  greatly  approved  his  spirit,  and 
then  said  to  him,  "If  you  want  a  friend  at  any  time  be  sure  to 
apply  to  me."  Then  going  into  another  room  he  brought  out 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  239 

a  medal,  and  handed  it  to  Parrott  saying,  "Congress  has  by  a 
recent  law  ordered  miedals  to  be  prepared  on  this  model,  and 
your  party  shall  have  the  first;  they  will  be  the  first  that  have 
been  given  to  private  soldiers  in  this  war!  Later  all  the  sur 
vivors  of  the  party  received  similar  medals.  Then  he  gave  us  a 
present  of  $100  each  from  the  secret  service  fund,  and  ordered 
all  the  money  and  the  value  of  arms  and  property  taken  from  us 
by  the  rebels  to  be  refunded.  Finally  he  asked  us  about  our 
wishes  and  intentions  for  the  future.  Finding  that  we  were  all 
resolved  to  return  (as  soon  as  health  permitted)  to  active  ser 
vice,  he  offered  us  commissions  as  first  lieutenants  in  the  regu 
lar  army.  We  expressed  a  preference  for  the  volunteer  service, 
saying  that  we  were  soldiers  only  for  the  war,  and  would  wish 
to  resume  our  usual  pursuits  when  peace  returned.  He  prom 
ised  to  request  Gov.  Todd,  of  Ohio,  to  give  us  equivalent  com. 
missions  in  our  own  regiments.  Then  with  a  hearty  goodbye 
we  left  him. 

The  outlawing  of  Butler  and  officers  of  colored 
regiments  was  still  maintained  by  the  rebel  authori 
ties,  and  so  far  as  colored  troops  were  concerned, 
while  there  does  not  seem  to  have  been  much  murder 
ing  by  "authority"  yet  the  writer  has  the  testimony 
of  eye  witnesses  to  the  mutilation  of  colored  soldiers 
on  the  battle  field  too  horrible  to  be  printed,  and 
those  mutilations  were  no  doubt  the  cause  of  death 
in  many  instances.  The  rebel  authorities  no  doubt 
told  the  truth  when  they  said  they  had  no  colored 
prisoners  to  exchange.  Gen.  Butler  asked  authority 
from  Stanton  to  retaliate,  declaring  that  for  every 
wrong  done  to  a  Union  soldier  there  would  be  a  day 
of  mourning  in  the  South,  and  those  who  knew  Butler 
had  no  doubt  that  he  would  make  his  word  good.  A 
system  of  bloody  reprisals  was  repugnant  to  the  Ad 
ministration,  but  on  April  17th,  Stanton  notified  the 
Confederates  that  "unless  every  man — white,  black 
or  red,  who  wore  the  uniform  of  a  soldier  of  the 


240  AN  OUTRAGEOUS  SLANDER 

United  States  when  captured  should  be  accorded  all 
rights  due  to  prisoners  of  war,  no  more  rebels  would 
be  exchanged  or  paroled." 

On  April  20th  a  consignment  of  living  skeletons 
arrived,  of  which  the  photographs  are  preserved  in  the 
war  records  as  indestructible  testimony  of  the  horri 
ble  treatment  they  had  undergone.  About  this  time 
reports  began  to  arrive  of  a  terrible  massacre  of  both 
white  and  colored  soldiers  at  Fort  Pillow  on  the  Miss 
issippi  river  above  Memphis,  which  had  been  captur 
ed  on  April  12th,  by  a  portion  of  Forrest's  command. 
Public  feeling  was  so  intense  that  Congress  instruct 
ed  the  Committee  on  Conduct  of  the  War  to  investi 
gate  the  matter,  and  Messrs.  Wade  and  Gooch  were 
deputed  to  go1  West  and  take  testimony.  Furnished 
with  authority  from  the  Secretary  of  War  they  made 
a  thorough  investigation,  and  their  conclusion  was 
that  no  less  than  300  persons,  a  number  of  them 
women  and  children,  were  massacred,  some  of  them 
under  circumstances  of  unspeakable  barbarity. 
Jefferson  Davis  in  his  book  ignores  this  massacre, 
and  Rhodes  in  his  history  treats  it  rather  lightly,  but 
the  record,  which  is  a  black  one,  has  never  been  con 
tradicted.  President  Lincoln  asked  for  opinions  of 
Cabinet  members  as  to  retaliatory  proceedings  and 
Stanton  outlined  severe  measures  of  reprisal,  which 
were  not  carried  out,  and  the  whole  subject  was  after 
wards  remitted  to  the  military  courts,  with  the  result 
that  at  the  close  of  the  war  Wirz,  the  Andersonville 
prison  keeper,  was  tried  and  executed.  Since  then  his 
admirers  have  erected  to  him  a  monument. 

In  the  meantime  Grant  had  been  made  Lieuten 
ant  General,  and  had  his  headquarters  with  the  army 


EDWIN  McMASTEKS  STANTON  241 

of  the  Potomac.  He  was  opposed  to  exchanges  in 
toto,  and  on  April  17th  he  ordered  that  not  another 
Confederate  should  be  paroled  or  exchanged  until 
there  were  released  a  sufficient  number  of  Union 
officers  and  men  to  equal  the  parole  at  Vicksburg  and 
Port  Hudson,  and  without  distinction  between  white 
and  colored  soldiers.  Later  he  declared :  "If  we 
commence  a  system  of  exchange  which  liberates  all 
prisoners  taken,  we  will  have  to  fight  on  until  the 
whole  South  is  exterminated.  If  we  hold  those  cap 
tured  they  amount  to  no  more  than  dead  men.  At 
this  particular  time  to  release  all  rebel  prisoners 
North  would  insure  Sherman's  defeat  and  would  com 
promise  our  safety  here." 

Lincoln  sustained  Grant  in  this  position  and  for 
several  months  exchanges  practically  stopped  in  the 
East,  although  some  went  on  in  the  West.  Stanton 
was  still  anxious  to  get  our  soldiers  out  of  Southern 
prisons,  but  his  hands  were  tied.  Grant  reiterated 
his  position  before  the  Committee  on  Conduct  of  the 
War,  and  added  that  had  it  not  been  for  the  suffering 
of  Union  prisoners  there  would  have  been  no  ex 
changes,  so  that  all  that  Stanton  did  in  that  direction 
was  contrary  to  Grant's  policy  and  advice.  Later 
Stanton  furnished  a  statement  to  the  Senate  in  Ex 
ecutive  session  showing  that  the  suspension  of  ex 
changes  was  forced  by  the  action  of  the  Confederates 
in  declaring  the  death  penalty  for  Union  officers  com 
manding  colored  troops,  refusing  to  release  non-com 
batants  captured  during  raids  in  Northern  States, 
turning  against  our  troops  40,000  soldiers  paroled  by 
Grant  at  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson,  condemning 
colored  prisoners  to  death,  and  "deliberately  starving 
Union  captives  in  rebel  mews." 


242  AN  OUTRAGEOUS  SLANDER 

It  must  be  clearly  understood,  however  that  the 
interruption  of  exchanges  was  due  to  the  emphatic 
and  peremptory  orders  of  General  Grant,  who  arrived 
at  Fortress  Monroe  on  April  1,  1864.  General  But 
ler  had  been  in  charge  of  the  exchanges,  under  in 
structions  from  Secretary  Stanton,  which,  notwith 
standing  the  friction  in  regard  to  colored  troops,  had 
been  progressing  at  a  fair  rate  of  progress  until  as 
Butler  says :  "Most  emphatic  verbal  directions  were 
received  from  the  Lieutenant  General  not  to  take  any 
steps  by  which  another  able-bodied  man  should  be 
exchanged  until  further  orders  from  him."  Butler 
kept  urging  at  least  a  limited  exchange  of  sick  and 
wounded,  and  on  April  20  he  received  the  following 
peremptory  command  from  Grant:  "Receive  all  the 
sick  and  wounded  the  Confederate  authorities  will 
send  you,  but  send  no  more  in  exchange." 

This  action  cannot  be  denounced  as  inhuman  from 
a  military  standpoint,  although  it  caused  additional 
suffering,  just  as  did  the  raids  of  Sherman  and  Sher 
idan,  but  the  responsibility  must  rest  where  it  be 
longs.  Stanton  could  not  interfere,  and  hence  there 
was  no  "Heart  Breaking  Duty"  as  intimated  by  Mr. 
Flower.  The  whole  history  of  exchanges  beginning 
with  the  fall  of  1863  is  related  in  detail  by  Gen.  Ben 
jamin  F.  Butler,  and  the  reader  is  referred  to  his 
book  for  a  full  account  of  the  same. 

In  October/  1864,  Stanton  entered  into  arrange 
ments  by  which  each  party  could  furnish  supplies  to 
the  prisoners  held  by  the  other  side,  and  he  also  pro 
posed  to  make  further  exchanges,  which  proposition 
was  not  accepted.  Supplies  were  sent  South,  but 
only  a  small  proportion  ever  reached  those  for  whom 


GKN.     TLYSSKS    S.    (KtAXT 


EDWIN  McMABTERS  STANTON          243 

they  were  intended.  Exchanges  were  resumed  early 
in  1865,  but  the  end  of  the  struggle  was  too  near  at 
hand  to  make  them  a  matter  of  much  importance. 
One  thing  is  certain,  that  no  part  of  Stanton's  career 
redounds  more  to  his  credit  than  his  constant  efforts 
to  relieve  those  whom  the  fortunes  of  ward  had  placed 
in  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

STANTON'S  PERSONALITY. 

Respect  and  Love  of  Subordinates — Origin  of  a  Famous  Ex 
pression — Old  Steubenville  Days — Abortive  Peace  Conference 
— Fall  of  Richmond — Lee's  Surrender — Resignation  Declined 
— Warnings  to  the  President — The  Assassination — Stan-ton's 
Narrow  Escape — Punishment  of  the  Conspirators. 

The  severest  test  of  any  man's  character  is  prob 
ably  that  afforded  by  his  close  association  day  after 
day  and  year  after  year  with  others  in  the  same  gen 
eral  work,  especially  if  that  work  is  of  a  kind  to 
develop  his  individuality.  His  weakness  and  his 
strength  cannot  be  continually  concealed  from  those 
in  constant  contact  with  him,  whether  as  superior,  an 
equal  or  a  subordinate.  In  Mr.  Stanton's  case  we 
are  not  lacking  plenty  of  testimony  of  this  kind,  and 
it  is  a  fact  worth  recording  that  of  those  closely 
engaged  with  him  during  the  long  struggle,  when  the 
country's  very  existence  hung  in  the  balance,  there  is 
not  one  who  is  not  ready  to  lay  on  his  bier  the  tribute 
of  loyalty  and  affection.  When  we  read  of  his  con 
sideration  for  those  about  him,  of  his  constant  watch 
fulness  and  care  of  the  private  soldiers,  of  the  num 
berless  little  incidents  which  graced  the  dreary 
annals  of  the  War  Department,  we  sometimes  won 
der  if  this  is  indeed  the  Stanton  who  has  been  pic 
tured  as  the  stern  unyielding  Janus,  whose  very- 
frown  was  a  menace  and  whose  voice  was  a  terror. 
His  frown  was  indeed  a  menace,  but  only  to  defraud- 
ers  of  the  Government,  and  his  voice  was  indeed  a 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          245 

terror,  but  only  to  disloyalty  and  rebellion.  In  one 
respect  Stanton  and  Lincoln  were  alike,  both  were 
utterly  unselfish  in  their  devotion  to  their  country; 
while  neither  was  indifferent  to  the  good  opinion  of 
those  they  respected,  yet  neither  could  be  moved  from 
what  he  regarded  as  the  right  course  by  any  outside 
clamor  or  political  pressura  Many  stories  are  relat 
ed  of  incidents  at  the  daily  morning  receptions  which 
Stanton  held  at  his  office,  but  we  have  not  space  for 
them  here.  It  was  a  very  democratic  assemblage  at 
those  gatherings,  congressmen,  army  officers  and 
privates,  government  contractors,  loyal  and  disloyal 
citizens,  after  every  imaginable  favor.  The  Secretary 
disposed  of  them  rapidly,  transacting  an  enormous 
amount  of  business  in  the  allotted  time,  and  when  he 
sternly  said  "no"  there  was  no  appeal  from  his  ver 
dict.  We  have  already  given  Pittenger's  story  of  the 
reception  of  the  six  Mitchel  raiders  by  Stanton.  Two 
of  them,  Wood  and  Wilson,  had  reached  Washington 
the  November  preceding.  Mr.  Flower  relates  how  one 
of  them  was  found  at  one  of  these  morning  receptions : 

Stanton  espied  a  soldier  boy  ragged,  dirty  and  evidently  in 
ill  health,  leaning  against  the  wall  as  if  too  feeble  to  stand 
alone.  Regardless  of  the  officers  crowded  about  him,  he  called 
the  boy  to  him,  saying,  "Well,  my  lad,  what  can  I  do  for  you?" 
The  soldier  without  a  word,  drew  a  letter  and  handed  it  to  the 
Secretary.  Hastily  reading  it  Stanton  cried:  "I  would  rather 
be  worthy  of  this  letter  than  have  the  highest  commission  in 
the  United  State?,"  and  then  read  aloud  the  communication 
which  was  an  appeal  from  Gen.  George  H.  Thomas  in  behalf  of 
the  bearer  and  survivor  of  the  men  sent  South  by  Gen.  O.  M. 
Mitchell  to  burn  the  bridges  and  destroy  the  railway  communi 
cations  of  the  Confederates  before  the  battle  of  Shiloh.  *  * 
Again  turning  to  the  boy  Stanton  asked  with  considerable  emo 
tion  what  he  wanted.  "Let  me  go  home."  "You  shall  go  home, 


246  STANTON'S  PERSONALITY 

and  when  you  return  to  the  army  it  shall  be  as  an  offier.     This 
is  the  sort  of  devotion  that  is  needed  in  the  service." 

One  or  two  more  illustrations  of  this  character 
must  suffice,  although  we  could  fill  a  volume.  One 
day  Lincoln  entering  the  war  office  found  a  young 
mother  with  her  babe  which  had  been  born  after  the 
father  had  enlisted,  and  the  latter  had  never  seen  his 
offspring.  Grant  was  starting  on  his  Wilderness 
campaign,  and  strict  orders  had  been  issued  that  no 
women  should  go  to  the  front.  Stanton  coming  in 
and  seeing  the  situation  remarked:  "Why  not  give 
her  husband  a  leave  of  absence  to  allow  him  to  see  his 
wife  in  Washington?"  The  suggestion  was  carried 
out,  and  the  young  man  was  allowed  to  remain  a 
week  with  his  wife  and  baby. 

The  following  related  by  Mr.  Flower,  is  of  local 
interest : 

Col.  A.  S.  Worthington,  of  Washington,  who  entered  the 
army  as  a  mere  boy  at  Steubenville,  Ohio,  had  his  right  leg 
shot  off,  and  was  in  a  hospital  at  Nashville  perishing  of  gan 
grene.  His  mother  arrived  and  engaged  a  physician  who  re. 
moved  the  boy  to  a  private  house.  This  enraged  the  hospifal 
surgeon,  who,  regarding  the  removal  as  a  reflection  on  himself 
ordered  the  patient  returned.  "Send  word  to  father,"  said  the 
boy,  and  the  physician  telegraphed  the  facts  as  directed.  In 
stantly  B.  D.  Worthington,  the  father,  telegraphed  to  Stanton, 
and  within  three  hours  the  hospital  surgeon  received  this  from 
Stanton,  "Let  young  Worthington  remain  where  his  mother 
has  placed  him."  By  a  miracle  the  boy  recovered.  Later  he 
went  to  Washington  to  thank  Stanton  for  the  intercession  whicK 
saved  his  life.  Stniton  replied:  "Yes  I  love  to  lay  a  heavy 
hand  on  those  fellows  when  they  need  it." 

Capt  J.  F.  Oliver  tells  of  a  woman  one  morning 
at  the  War  office,  asking  some  favor  for  a  relative, 
perhaps  her  husband.  She  had  a  pitiful  story,  but 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  247 

Stanton  shaken  by  strong  emotion  exclaimed :  "My 
God,  woman,  you  might  as  well  ask  me  for  the  stars." 
She  turned  sadly  away,  and  Stanton  sank  down  into 
his  chair,  choked  by  his  own  sobs. 

Among  the  prisoners  exchanged  during  the  latter 
days  of  the  war  was  a  young  Wheeling  youth  who 
was  in  the  class  that  Ould  was  very  willing  to  get 
rid  of.  During  the  battle  in  which  he  was  captured 
a  piece  of  shell  weighig  4  1-2  ounces  had  imbedded 
itself  in  his  shoulder.  Owing  to  lack  of  proper  sur 
gical  attention  the  injury  so  affected  his  nerves  as 
to  produce  insanity,  and  he  wa^  sent  to  the  Govern 
ment  insane  asylum  near  Washington.  His  friends 
believed  that  could  he  be  brought  home  there  would 
be  a  chance  of  recovery  amid  his  local  surroundings. 
Mrs.  Wm.  R.  Holliclay,  popularly  known  as  "Mother" 
Holliday,  accompanied  by  her  daughter  in  law,  Mrs. 
John  W.  Holliday,  now  Mrs.  M.  C.  Bowman,  of  Steu- 
benville,  were  requested  to  see  if  the  change  could 
not  be  made.  They  went  to  Washington,  where  they 
were  joined  by  Col.  J.  W.  Holliday,  who  had  been  in 
the  first  party  of  Mitchell  raiders,  and  whose  regiment 
was  then  at  Richmond.  They  laid  the  case  before 
Secretary  Stanton,  who  at  once  sent  them  in  a  car 
riage  out  to  the  asylum,  had  the)  young  man  dis 
charged,  brought  to  the  railway  station  in  an 
ambulance,  and  detailed  four  soldiers  to  accompany 
him  to  Wheeling.  Unfortunately  he  never  recovered. 

Martin  B.  Patterson,  who  was  one  of  the  attaches 
of  the  War  office,  and  saw  both  Lincoln  and  Stanton 
every  day,  says  nobody  outside  the  office  had  any  idea 
of  the  terrible  load  the  latter  had  to  carry.  The  graft 
ers,  the  shirkers,  worthless  characters  of  all  kinds 


248  STANTON'S  PERSONALITY 

pushed  forward  by  political  influence,  secret  traitors 
and  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  men.  Neither  did  the 
people  appreciate  the  tenderness  and  sympathy  which 
was  always  called  forth  by  the  appearance  of  any 
person  in  distress,  especially  if  it  was  a  woman  or 
an  aged  person.  For  the  men  who  wore  shoulder 
straps  only  that  they  might  loaf  around  Washington, 
Stanton  had  no  use  or  time,  but  to  the  private  soldier, 
sick  or  wounded,  or  his  mother,  wife  or  children,  his 
heart  and  hands  were  always  open.  Among  the  Steu- 
benville  boys  in  Stanton's  office  were  M.  B.  Patterson, 
Samuel  McDonald,  J.  N.  Ferree,  Archibald  Robinson, 
Augustus  S.  Worthington,  James  Patterson,  Edwin 
Collier  and  perhaps  one  or  two  others  whose  names 
cannot  be  recalled. 

John  C.  Hatter,  whose  close  association  with  Mr. 
Stanton  is  related  later,  writes:  "If  all  had  known 
Secretary  Stanton  as  Gen.  Eckert,  myself  and  a  few 
others  had  known  him,  that  statue  would  have  been 
erected  immediately  after  his  death." 

The  Century  Magazine  for  March,  1887,  contains 
some  interesting  pen  pictures  of  Mr.  Stanton  by 
Charles  F.  Benjamin,  a  clerk  in  the  War  Department. 
One  false  impression  of  the  relations  between  Lincoln 
and  Stanton  is  thus  pointedly  corrected : 

Many  stones  have  been  told  concerning-  Mr.  Stanton's  al 
leged  sullen  and  cotemptuous  reception  of  communications  from 
his  superior  officer,  the  President.  All  such  tales  are  either 
grossly  exaggerated  or  wholly  false.  Mr.  S'tanton  had  a  pro 
found  respect  for  authority,  which  rarely,  if  ever,  failed  of  out 
ward  observance.  Furthermore,  his  legal  or  political  studies 
had  led  him  to  attach  a  great  degree  of  importance  and  a  con 
siderable  share  of  reverence  to  the  office  of  President,  apart  from 
its  itu-.umbent;  and  this  ideal  and  exalted  figure  seemed  ever 
present  to  his  imagination,  and  made  frequent  appearances  in 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          249 

his  writings  and  speeches,  though  it  was  hard  to  identify  it  with 
the  gaunt,  ramshackle  presence  of  Mr.  Lincoln  as  that  presence 
appeared  when  its  owner  was,  as  an  artist  would  say,  in  repose. 
The  President,  too,  was  not  a  man  (to  endure  disrespectful 
treatment  from  anybody  in  legal  subordination  to  him. 

Secretary  Stanton's  health  was  very  precarious 
during  the  latter  part  of  1864,  and  twice  he  became 
unconscious  at  his  desk.  He  would  not  hear  to  taking 
a  furlough,  but  replied  to  the  Surgeon  General: 
"Barnes,  keep  me  alive  till  this  rebellion  is  over,  and 
then  I  will  take  a  rest — a  long  one  perhaps."  To 
Senator  Wilson,  he  said,  "We  are  enlisted  for  the 
war,  and  must  stand  to  our  guns  until  the  last  shot 
is  fired." 

Mr.  Benjamin  relates  how  Lincoln  "spent  hours 
at  a  time  shut  up  with  Mr.  Stanton,  all  business  and 
speech  mainly  being  put  aside,  so  far  as  outsiders 
could  judge,  while  these  lonely  communions  lasted. 
Was  it  not  the  gloomy  autumn  days  of  1864  that  the 
tearful  Secretary  had  in  mind  when  he  spoke  those 
pathetic  words  as  he  took  the  hand  of  the  just  expired 
President :  'Ah  dear  friend !  there  is  none  now  to  do 
me  justice;  none  to  tell  the  world  of  the  anxious  hours 
we  have  spent  together.' ' 

As  to  the  Secretary's  non-partisanship  Mr.  Ben 
jamin  says: 

Doubtless  Mr.  Stanton  knew  fairly  well  the  extent  to  which 
quiet  partisanship  for  McClellan  pervaded  his  entire  depart 
ment,  but  politics  under  him  was  as  free  as  religion,  so  long  as 
fidelity  and  industry  accompanied  it.  The  chief  of  his  military 
staff,  Colonel  Hardie,  came  to  him  fresh  from  cordial  and  con 
fidential  service  on  the  staff  of  the  deposed  General  McClellan, 
and  General  Fry,  the  Provost  Marshal  General,  whose  duties' 
and  powers  were  more  important  and  delicate  than  those  of  any 
other  officer  in  the  department,  had  been  chief  of  staff  to  Gen- 


250  STANTON'S    PERSONALITY 

eral  Euell  up  to  the  time  when  the  latter's  active  career  had  been 
terminated  by  the  Secretary. 

Neither  had  Stanton  any  resentment  against  the 
Southern  leaders  or  people.  Only  while  in  armed 
resistance  to  the  Government  were  his  energies  direct 
ed  against  them.  Many  an  ex-Confederate  was  in 
debted  to  him  for  favors.  He  believed  his  work  of 
caring  for  the  Government  was  a  religious  duty,  but 
he  was  markedly  tolerant  of  other  people's  religious 
views.  Col.  Hardie,  his  chief  of  staff,  was  a  devout 
Roman  Catholic,  and  brought  many  cases  concerning 
damages  to  institutions  of  that  church  before  the 
Secretary  who  always  dealt  with  them,  liberally  and 
patiently. 

In  this  connection  Dr.  Wm.  P.  Johnston,  of 
Washington,  savs:  "I  was  from  the  South,  so  when 
Confederate  prisoners  began  to  arrive  and  need  med 
ical  assistance,  I  secured  permission  to  attend  them. 
From  his  own  purse  he  (Stanton)  contributed  fifty 
dollars  to  a  fund  to  be  expended  by  F.  B.  McGuire, 
Dr.  James  C.  Hall  and  myself  for  those  requiring 
special  foods  and  delicacies.  He  was  very  highmmd- 
ed  and  generous,  and  those  Confederates  who  really 
knew  him  permit  nothing  to  be  said  about  him  that 
is  disrespectful." 

During  the  late  war  with  Spain  we  became  accus 
tomed  to  the  expression,  "The  man  behind  the  gun," 
and  it  is  generally  believed  to  have  originated  during 
that  struggle.  But  one  day  during  the  civil  war 
there  was  an  animated  discussion  in  the  War  Depart 
ment  over  the  respective  merits  of  muzzle  and  breech 
loading  rifles,  when  the  Secretary  broke  in  with  the 
remark :  "Gentlemen,  it's  the  man  behind  the  gun 


EDWIN  McMASTEES  STANTON          251 

that  makes  all  the  difference  worth  talking  about." 
He  it  was  who  first  referred  in  official  dispatches  to 
Thomas  standing  like  a  rock  at  Chickamauga,  and 
had  many  more  of  his  sayings  been  preserved  they  no 
doubt  would  have  proved  quite  as  sententious. 

Mr.  Stanton  made  but  one  visit  to  his  old  home 
at  Steubenville  during  the  war,  when  he  held  a  recep 
tion  at  his  house  on  North  Third  street,  where  every 
citizen  was  invited  to  enter  and  take  him  by  the  hand. 
He  constantly  kept  in  remembrance  the  old  town,  and 
a  citizen,  especially  if  he  were  a  soldier,  from  Steu 
benville,  was  always  sure  of  prompt  recognition  at 
the  war  office. 

Mr.  Stanton  was  also  the  means  of  sending 
orders  to  Steubenville  for  making  of  armv  «:uits  which 
gave  much  needed  employment  to  soldiers'  relatives 
and  others.  In  connection  with  his  Steubenville  rem 
iniscences  Mr.  Bates  relates  the  following: 

One  evening  in  the  summer  of  1864,  T  rode  out  to  the  Sol. 
diers'  Home  with  important  despatches  for  the  President  and 
Secretary  of  War,  who  were  temporarily  domiciled  with  their 
families  in  cottages  on  the  grounds  of  the  home.  I  found  Stan- 
ton  reclining  on  the  grass  playing  with  Lewis,  one  of  his  children, 
now  living  in  New  Orleans.  He  invited  me  to  a  seat  on  the 
greensward  while  he  read  the  telegrams:  and  then,  the  business 
being  finished,  we  began  talking  of  early  times  in  Steubenville, 
Ohio,  his  native  town  and  mine.  One  of  us  mentioned  the  game 
of  "mumble  the  peg,"  and  he  asked  me  if  I  could  play  it.  Of 
course  I  said  yes,  and  he  proposed  that  we  should  have  a  game 
then  and  there.  Stanton  enter2d  into  the  spirit  of  the  boyish 
sport  with  great  zest,  and  for  the  moment  all  the  perplexing 
questions  of  the  terrible  war  were  forgotten.  I  do  not  remem 
ber  who  won. 

As  a  recent  writer  has  remarked,  "A  great  pair 
was  this  A.  Lincoln  and  Edwin  M.  Stanton." 


252  STANTON'S   PERSONALITY 

Undeterred  by  the  fate  of  those  who  had  pre 
viously  attempted  "peace  conferences"  with  those  in 
conflict  with  the  Government  Francis  P.  Blair,  Sr.,  an 
old  Jacksonian  Democrat  concluded  to  try  his  hand. 
He  called  on  President  Lincoln  several  times  with  a 
scheme  which  involved  the  abandonment  of  resistance 
to  the  Union  and  the  uniting  of  both  armies  in  a  chi 
merical  scheme  of  driving  the  French  out  of  Mexico 
and  taking  possession  of  that  country.  Mr.  Lincoln 
took  no  stock  in  the  matter,  and  would  have  nothing 
to  do  with  the  Mexican  project.  Blair  was  so  persis 
tent  that  Lincoln  finally  gave  him  a  pass  to  go 
through  the  lines  on  his  own  authority,  although 
Stanton  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  it.  Blair 
unfolded  his  projects  to  Davis,  who,  sincerely  or  insin 
cerely  seemed  to  favor  it,  including  the  Mexican  cru 
sade.  Finally  he  appointed  A.  H.  Stephens,  R.  M.  T. 
Hunter  and  John  A.  Campbell  to  confer  with  the 
Washington  authorities  on  the  subject  of  "peace  to 
the  two  countries."  Mr.  Stanton  promptly  took  ex 
ception  to  this  wording,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  finally 
agreed  to  meet  the  agents  in  regard  to  restoring  peace 
to  our  "one  common  country."  Grant  thought  the  com 
missioners  were  sincere,  but  Stanton  doubted  them, 
and  sent  Maj.  Eckert  to  City  Point  to  keep  an  eye  on 
things.  Grant  wanted  to  be  a  party  to  the  conference 
but  Eckert  would  not  permit  it,  and  Grant  was  angry 
with  him  for  years  after.  The  reply  of  the  commis 
sioners  to  Eckert's  interrogatories,  namely  that  the 
conditions  precedent  to  all  negotiations  must  be  re 
storation  of  the  National  authority,  no  receding  by  the 
Executive  of  the  United  States  on  the  slavery  ques 
tion,  and  the  disbanding  of  all  forces  hostile  to  the 
Government,  was  "not  satisfactory,"  and  Eckert  so 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          253 

telegraphed  to  Washington.  The  matter  would  have 
ended  there,  but  Gen.  Grant  sent  an  earnest  telegram 
to  the  Secretary  of  War,  regretting  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
could  not  have  an  interview  with  the  commissioners, 
as  a  refusal  might  have  a  bad  influence.  Stanton, 
however,  still  regarded  the  whole  affair  as  a  trap, 
which  could  not  amount  to  anything  as  the  Commis 
sioners  apparently  had  no  authority  to  treat  upon  the 
only  terms  admissable,  namely,  surrender.  He  how 
ever  agreed  that  the  President  might  go  to  the  James, 
while  he  remained  at  home  tightening  the  coils 
around  the  already  gasping  rebellion.  The  President 
did  go,  and  the  conference,  as  Stanton  predicted  prov 
ed  fruitless. 

But  the  end  of  the  war  was  close  at  hand.  Stan- 
ton  had  paid  a  visit  to  General  Sherman's  forces  at 
Savannah,  conducting  religious  services  on  the  vessel 
en  route,  and  while  there  held  some  conferences  with 
the  more  intelligent  of  the  negroes  in  regard  to  the 
situation  of  their  race,  which  he  foresaw  was  one  of  the 
great  problems  of  the  near  future.  Gen.  Sherman  in 
his  memoirs  criticises  Stanton  because  he  asked  some 
questions  as  to  how  they  ( the  negroes )  had  been  treat 
ed  by  Sherman,  but  there  is  nothing  to  show  any 
inimical  or  unfriendly  object  in  this,  and  the  incident 
was  too  trifling  to  merit  any  attention.  Subsequent 
events  gave  it  importance  out  of  all  proportion  to  its 
merits. 

By  the  first  of  March  it  became  evident  to  Lee, 
if  not  to  Davis,  that  resistance  to  the  Government 
could  not  last  much  longer,  and  it  must  soon  come  to 
a  question  of  terms.  Lee  began  sounding  Grant  as  to 
terms  of  peace,  which  suggestions  Grant  telegraphed 


254  STANTON'S  PERSONALITY 

to  Washington.  Lincoln  was  anxious  to  get  rid  of 
Lee's  army  on  almost  any  terms,  but  Stanton's  legal 
mind  at  once  discerned  the  pitfall,  and  on  the  evening 
of  the  3rd  of  March,  at  a  Cabinet  meeting  thus  ex 
pressed  himself  to  the  President : 

To-morrow  is  inauguration  day.  If  you  are  not  to  be  Pres 
ident,  if  any  authority  is  for  one  moment  to  be  recognized  or 
any  terms  made  that  do  not  signify  that  you  are  the  supreme 
head  of  the  nation;  if  generals  in  the  field  arc  to  negotiate  peace, 
or  any  other  chief  magistrate  is  to  be  acknowledged  on  this  con. 
tinent,  you  are  not  needed,  and  had  better  not  take  the  oath 
of  office. 

Mr.  Lincoln  saw  the  force  of  this  and  said:  "I 
think  the  Secretary  is  right."  Thereupon  was  sent 
the  following  dispatch,  written  by  Mr.  Lincoln : 

Washington,  March  3,  1865. 
Lieut.   Gen.  Grant: 

The  President  directs  me  to  say  to  you  that  he  wishes  you 
to  have  no  conference  with  General  Lee,  unless  it  is  for  the 
capitulation  of  General  Lee's  army,  or  on  some  minor  or  purely 
military  matter.  He  further  directs  me  to  say  to  you  that  you 
are  not  to  decide,  discuss  or  confer  upon  any  political  question. 
Such  questions  the  President  holds  in  his  own  hands  and  will 
submit  them  >to  no  military  conference  or  convention.  Mean 
while  you  are  to  press  to  the  utmost  your  military  advantages. 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON, 
Secretary  of  War. 

Stanton  visited  Grant  at  City  Point  on  March 
14th,  where  the  approaching  surrender  of  Lee,  which 
Grant  thought  would  occur  inside  of  twenty  days, 
was  discussed.  On  his  return  to  Washington  he  sug 
gested  that  President  Lincoln  visit  the  army  so  that 
he  might  witness  the  finish,  an  invitation  having  also 
been  received  from  Grant.  The  President  left  on  the 
23rd,  and  on  arriving  at  City  Point,  Stanton  sent  a 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  255 

dispatch,  saying:  "I  hope  to  have  a  telegram  from 
you  dated  at  Richmond  before  you  return."  While 
there  was  not  what  could  be  called  a  great  battle  after 
this  yet  Five  Forks  and  other  points  bore  testimony 
to  the  desperate  attempt  of  Lee  to  break  the  cordon 
that  was  gradually  encircling  him.  Having  tele 
graphed  on  the  3rd  of  April  that  Petersburg  was 
evacuated  and  that  he  proposed  accompanying  Grant 
on  the  pursuit  of  Lee,  Stanton  replied :  "Ought  you 
to  expose  the  Nation  to  the  consequences  of  any  dis 
aster  to  yourself  in  the  pursuit  of  a  treacherous  and 
dangerous  enemy  like  the  rebel  army?"  Lincoln 
accepted  the  suggestion,  and  the  next  day  went  to 
Richmond. 

On  the  morning  of  the  3rd,  Gen.  Weitzel  tele 
graphed  to  Stanton  that  Richmond  had  been  entered 
at  8 :15.  Willie  Kettler,  a  lad  of  fifteen  received  the 
dispatch,  and  ran  with  it  into  the  adjoining  room, 
upsetting  the  table  in  his  excitement.  In  a  few  min 
utes  the  War  office  was  surrounded  by  thousands  of 
people,  and  everybody  was  shouting  himself  hoarse. 
In  the  midst  of  the  pandemonium  Stanton  arrived, 
grabbed  the  boy  in  his  arms,  and  lifting  him  to  the 
window  sill,  shouted :  "My  friends,  here  is  the  young 
man  who  received  the  telegram  which  tells  us  of  the 
fall  of  Richmond."  Stanton  was  called  on  for  a 
speech,  and  he  responded  with  words  of  gratitude  to 
Almighty  God,  and  thanks  to  the  President,  to  the 
army  and  navy,  and  reminding  his  auditors  of  their 
duty  to  the  wounded,  the  maimed  and  the  suffering. 

Lee  surrendered  on  the  9th,  and  Johnston's  army 
in  North  Carolina  was  now  the  only  organized  mili- 


25$  STANTON'S  PERSONALITY 

tary  body  in  the  Confederacy  worthy  of  serious  con 
sideration. 

When  Lincoln  entered  Richmond  on  April  4,  he 
had  a  conference  with  John  A.  Campbell,  an  ex-Jus 
tice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  in  reference  to  the  reas 
sembling  of  the  so-called  Virginia  Legislature  with 
the  view  of  withdrawing  Virginia  troops,  and  ending 
all  resistance  to  the  Government,  and  Gen.  Weitzell 
was  directed  to  permit  the  men  to  assemble  for  that 
purpose.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Lee's  army  was 
still  in  the  field,  and  Lincoln's  main  object  was  to  get 
it  out  of  the  way.  When  word  of  this  action  reached 
Washington  Stanton's  legal  mind  at  once  saw  that 
even  a  quasi  recognition  of  this  rebel  legislature 
would  set  a  precedent  for  all  the  others,  and  interfere 
seriously  with  any  plan  of  reconstruction  which  the 
Government  might  adopt.  He  sent  a  confidential 
message  to  Lincoln  asking  him  to  return  to  Washing 
ton,  where  he  presented  the  objections  to  him  with 
such  force  that  the  order  was  revoked.  The  revoca 
tion  was  dated  April  12,  the  last  time  Lincoln  was  in 
the  War  Department,  and  this  was  the  fast  order  he 
ever  issued.  Neither  the  rebel  legislature  of  Virginia 
nor  that  of  any  other  state  was  permitted  to  re-assem 
ble. 

It  was  now  Stanton's  belief  that  his  work  was 
done.  Barnes  had  fulfilled  the  injunction  to  keep 
him  alive  until  the  rebellion  wras  over,  and  a  short 
time  before  he  had  written  to  Chief  Justice  Chase : 

"I  am  better  now,  and  again  at  work,  but  with 
feeble  and  broken  health,  that  can  only  be  restored  by 
absolute  rest  from  all  labor  and  care.  This,  I  long  for, 
and  hope  soon  to  have.  Our  cause  is  now,  I  hope, 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          257 

beyond  all  danger,  and  when  Grant  goes  into  Rich- 
mond  iny  task  is  ended.  To  you  and  others  it  will 
remain  to  secure  the  fruits  of  victory." 

Accordingly  when  it  was  evident  that  Lee  was 
about  to  surrender  Mr.  Stanton  wrote  out  his  resig 
nation  and  presented  it  to  the  President  in  person. 
The  reason  given  was  that  this  would  virtually  end 
the  rebellion,  and  that  the  work  for  which  he  entered 
the  Cabinet  was  over.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  probably  more 
greatly  moved  than  at  any  other  period  of  his  life. 
Mr.  Carpenter  tells  us  that  he  tore  up  the  resignation 
and  throwing  his  arms  around  the  Secretary  said: 
"Stanton,  you  have  been  a  good  friend  and  a  faithful 
public  servant ;  and  it  is  not  for  you  to  say  when  you 
will  be  no  longer  needed  here."  Mr.  Stanton  himself 
in  a  private  letter  has  left  us  a  brief  account  of  the 
scene  in  which  Lincoln  with  tears  in  his  eyes  put  his 
hands  on  the  Secretary's  shoulders,  saying : 

"Stanton,  you  cannot  go.  Reconstruction  is 
more  difficult  and  dangerous  than  construction  or 
destruction.  You  have  been  our  main  reliance;  you 
must  help  us  through  the  final  act.  The  bag  is  filled. 
It  must  be  tied,  and  tied  securely.  Some  knots  slip; 
yours  do  not.  You  understand  the  situation  better 
than  anybody  else,  and  it  is  my  wish  and  the  coun 
try's  that  you  remain." 

There  could  be  but  one  answer  to  this  appeal. 
The  Secretary  returned  to  his  desk,  providentially, 
as  it  turned  out,  soon  to  face  a  more  acute  crisis  than 
any  which  had  yet  occurred. 

From  April  4th  to  the  14th,  Washington  was  en 
fete.  Fireworks,  illuminations,  salvos  of  artillery, 
forests  of  fluttering  bunting,  music  of  bands,  cheers  of 


258  STANTON'S  PERSONALITY 

multitudes  and  congratulations  of  thousands  express 
ed  the  feelings  of  the  people  not  only  here,  but  in 
every  community  where  Union  sentiment  prevailed. 
Stanton's  residence  and  the  War  Department  were 
notable  centres,  and  on  the  latter  stood  out  in  large 
letters  of  flame,  the  word  Grant.  Crowds  visited 
Stanton's  residence  where  he  presented  Grant  to  the 
people.  Business  was  not  entirely  neglected,  and  on 
the  morning  of  the  14th  the  President  held  a  Cabinet 
meeting  at  which  Mr.  Stanton  presented  a  plan  for 
reconstruction,  but  no  action  was  taken.  Among  the 
other  events  of  that  busy  week  was  the  preparation  of 
a  programme  by  Stanton  for  the  ceremonial  raising 
of  the  very  same  flag  over  Fort  Sumter  on  the  14th 
that  had  been  taken  down  just  four  years  before. 
Gen.  Robert  Anderson  unfurled  the  banner  according 
to  programme,  and  Henry  Ward  Beecher  delivered 
the  oration.  There  was  a  dinner  in  Charleston  that 
night  at  which  Stanton  had  expected  to  be  present, 
but  he  concluded  that  the  course  of  events  was  so 
rapid  that  he  had  better  remain  in  Washington,  com 
missioning  Gen.  Holt  to  go  in  his  place,  as  "no  one 
can  tell  what  might  happen."  Gen.  Holt  went,  and 
while  he  was  eloquently  praising  the  work  of  the 
great  Secretary  amid  the  enthusiastic  cheers  of  his 
auditors  assassins  were  busy  in  Washington.  The 
President  was  shot,  Seward  wounded,  as  it  was 
thought  fatally,  and  an  assassin  was  at  Stanton's 
house,  where  failure  to  respond  ta  a  disabled  door  bell 
prevented  an  entrance.  The  attempt  to  enter  was 
witnessed  by  Hudson  Taylor,  a  resident  of  Washing 
ton. 

On  the  morning  of  this  eventful  day  Mrs.  Lincoln 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON          259 

arranged  for  a  theater  party  that  evening,  to  which, 
according  to  Bates,  Lincoln  reluctantly  assented  and 
suggested  the  addition  of  Gen.  and  Mrs.  Grant  to  the 
party.  Stanton  through  his  detectives  had  heard 
rumored  plots  of  kidnapping  and  assassination,  and 
when  Lincoln  mentioned  the  proposed  party  to  him 
he  entered  a  vigorous  protest  against  the  whole 
scheme.  He  pronounced  it  "crazy,"  and  undertook  to 
remind  the  President  of  the  risk  in  exposing  himself 
to  a  treacherous  and  dangerous  enemy.  Lincoln 
declined  to  take  the  matter  seriously,  but  Stanton  was 
not  to  be  diverted.  He  related  his  fears  to  Grant, 
and  urged  him  not  only  to  remain  away  from  the 
theater  himself  but  dissuade  Lincoln  from  going. 
Grant  wanted  an  excuse  not  to  go,  and  sent  word  to 
the  President  that  he  found  iij  necessary  to  visit  his 
daughter  Nellie,  who  was  at  school  at  Burlington,  N. 
J.  Lincoln  soon  after  called  at  the  War  Department 
and  stated  that  Grant  had  cancelled  his  engagement. 
Stanton  again  urged  the  President  to  give  up  the 
project  but  when  he  found  him  determined,  he  told 
him  he  ought  to  have  a  competent  guard.  Lincoln 
proposed  to  take  Major  Eckert,  but  Stanton  still 
anxious  to  discourage  the  project  said  he  had  impor 
tant  work  for  him  that  evening.  Mr.  Lincoln  went 
into  Eckert's  room  and  invited  Eckert,  adding  that 
Stanton  had  said  he  could  not  spare  him,  but  that  he 
could  do  Stanton's  work  tomorrow.  Eckert  knowing 
the  situation  politely  declined,  hoping  that  would 
discourage  the  President,  but  the  latter  replied: 
"Very  well,  I  shall  take  Major  Rathbone  along  be;- 
cause  Stanton  insists  upon  having  some  one  to  pro 
tect  me;  but  I  should  much  rather  have  you,  Major, 
since  I  know  you  can  break  a  poker  over  your  arm." 


260  STANTON'S   PERSONALITY 

Details  of  the  assassination  have  been  published 
so  fully  that  their  repetition  here  would  be  needless. 
Mr.  Bates  gives  the  following  account  of  the  reception 
of  the  news  at  the  War  office : 

Although  I  was  on  duty  in  the  cipher  room  that  evening,  I 
have  no  distinct  remembrance  of  anything  that  occurred  prior 
to  the  moment  when  some  'one  rushed  into  the  office  with 
blanched  face  saying,  "There  is  a  rumor  below  that  President 
Lincoln  has  been  shot  in  Ford's  theater."  Before  we  could 
fully  take  in  the  awful  import,  other  rumors  reached  us,  horror 
following  fast  upon  horror;  the  savage  attack  upon  Secretary 
Seward,  and  the  frustrated  efforts  to  reach  and  kill  Vice  Presi 
dent  Johnson,  Secretary  Stanton  and  other  members  of  the 
Government  .As  the  successive  accounts  crystalized,  a  fearful 
dread  filled  our  hearts,  lest  it  should  be  found  that  the  entire 
Cabinet  had  been  murdered.  After  an  hour  of  this  awful  sus 
pense,  we  received  word  from  Major  Eckert,  who  had  gone 
quickly  ito  Secretary  Stanton's  house  on  K  street,  and  from  there 
with  the  Secretary  to  the  house  on  Tenth  street,  opposite  the 
theatre,  to  which  the  President  had  been  carried  after  being 
shot  by  John  Wilkes  Booth.  This  message  merely  assured  us 
of  the  present  safety  of  Stanton,  while  confirming  our  worst 
fears  concerning  the  President.  A  relay  of  mounted  messemh 
gers  in  charge  ol  John  C.  Hatter  was  immediately  established 
by  Eckert,  and  all  night  long  they  carried  bulletins  in  Stanton's 
handwriting  addressed  to  Gen.  Dix,  New  York  City,  which  were 
at  once  given  to  the  Associated  Press.  *  *  Stanton  ordered 
a  small  body  of  picked  men  under  Lieut.  E,  P.  Doherty  of  the 
loth  New  York  Cavalry  to  start  for  Port  Tobacco,  leaving 
Washington  on  the  steamer  John  S.  Ide,  at  4  o'clock,  arriving  at 
Belle  Plain,  seventy  'miles  below  Washington,  at  10  o'clock.  The 
men  and  their  horses  disembarked,  and  the  whole  party  struck 
out  on  the  trail,  and  by  midnight  they  had  tracked  Booth  and 
Herold  across  the  river  into  Virginia,  where  they  were  discover, 
ed  concealed  in  a  barn  which  was  set  on  fire  for  the  purpose  of 
forcing  the  fugitives  from  its  shelter,  and,  as  is  well  known, 
Booth  was  shot  by  Sergeant  "Boston"  Corbett,  of  Company  L, 
16th  NTew  York  Cavalry,  Herold  having  surrendered  previously. 
*  *  +  Lewis  Thornton  Powell  (alias  Payne),  George  A.  Atz- 
erodt,  David  E'.  Herold  and  Mrs.  Mary  E.  Surratt  were  hung  at 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          261 

the  Washington  arsenal  July  7,  1865.  Samuel  Arnold,  Edward 
Spang'ler,  Michael  O'Laughlin  and.  Dr.  Samuel  A.  Mudd  were 
sentenced  to  imprisonment  at  Dry  Tortugas,  Fla.  John  H.  Sur- 
ratt  later  went  to  Egypt  where  he  was  arrested  and,  in  1867, 
placed  on  trial.  The  jury  disagreed,  and  he  was  discharged  by 
the  Court. 

As  stated  a  broken  door  bell  no  doubt  saved  the 
Secretary  of  War  from  assassination.  Mr.  Stanton 
himself  gives  the  following  account  of  this 'incident: 

I  was  tired  out  and!  went  home  early,  and  was  in  the  back 
room  playing  with  the  children  when  the  man  came  to  my 
steps.  If  the  door  bell  had  rung  it  would  have  been  answered 
and  the  man  admitted,  and  I  no  doubt  would  have  been  at 
tacked;  but  the  bell-wire,  was  broken  a  day  or  two  before,  and 
though  we  had  endeavored  to  have  it  repaired,  the  bell  hanger 
had  put  it  off  because  of  a  pressure  of  orders. 

Among  those  rendering  efficient  service  during 
that  night  was  John  C.  Hatter,  mentioned  in  the 
paragraph  quoted  above  from  Mr.  Bates's  book.  Mr. 
Hatter  is  still  living,  a  resident  of  Brooklyn,  N.  Y., 
and  in  response  to  a  request  for  information  furnishes 
the  following : 

Mr.  Joseph  B.  Doyle,  Stettbenville,  O. 

Dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  i/th  at  hand.  In  reply  to  your 
request  would  say  that  my  first  duty  to  Mr.  Stanton  was  as  an 
'enlisted  man  on  duty  at  the  War  Department,  carrying  a  spe 
cial  message  to  Gen.  Wright,  appointing  him  in  command  of 
the  forces  around  Washington,  and  then  in  the  field,  having 
been  recommended  because  of  my  knowledge  of  the  District 
of  Columbia,  when  invaded  by  Gen.  Early.  For  this  prompt 
performance  I  .was  praised  by  Mr.  Stanton.  Later,  when  it  was 
discovered  that  a  conspiracy  was  afoot,  I  was  detailed  a  special 
guard  to  Mr.  Stanton.  In  that  way  I  came  into  contact  on  the 
night  when  the  country  celebrated  the  fall  of  Richmond.  The 
President  had  contemplated  to  visit  Ford's  theatre,  but  changed 
his  mind  on  account  of  the  arrival  of  Gen.  Grant  from  the 


262  STANTON'S  PERSONALITY 

front.  That  night  I  was  at  Mr.  Stanton's  house,  where  the 
General  made  a  call  on  Mr.  Stanton.  While  both  were  in  con 
versation  in  the  parlor,  a  man  approached  while  I  was  standing 
at  the  door,  saying  he  had  important  information  and  papers, 
and  wanted  to  see  Mr.  Stanton.  Failing  in  tnis,  he  wanted  to 
see  Gen.  Grant,  but  I  turned  him  off  and  returned  to  the  parlor,, 
where  I  found  Mr.  Stanton  and  Gen.  Grant  in  conversation.  I 
was  about  returning  'by  the  same  door  to  the  hall,  when  I 
changed  my  mind,  to  go  to  another'  door.  Getting  hold  of  the 
knob  I  felt  some  one  having  a  hold  of  it  from  the  outside,  and 
in  opening  found  the  same  man,  and  ordered  him  out.  This 
man  turned  out  to  be  O'lLaughlin,  one  of  the  conspirators.  Next 
night  I  was  again  at  Mr.  Stanton's  house,  the  President  having 
gone  to  Ford's  theatre.  Mr.  Stanton  remained  at  home.  About 
10  o'clock  Mrs.  Stanton  informed  me  that  Mr.  Stanton  was 
about  to  retire  and  that  I  could  go.  While  talking  to  some  of 
the  girls  in  the  dining  room,  the  waiter  man  rushed  in,  saying 
Mr.  Stanton  had  rushed  out  as  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  shot.  I 
followed  and  was  with  Mr.  Stanton  at  the  bedside  of  President 
Lincoln  until  morning. 

O'Laughlin,  principally  through  Hatter's  testi 
mony  was  found  guilty  of  being  one  of  the  conspira 
tors,  and  was  sentenced  to  the  Dry  Tortugas,  Florida, 
where  he  died  on  September  23,  1867. 

When  Stanton  went  to  Lincoln's  death  bed 
with  Eckert  by  common  consent  he  took  charge 
of  everything.  Tt,  was  then  uncertain  whether  the 
assassination  was  an  isolated  event  or  part  of  a  vast 
conspiracy  to  annihilate  the)  Government  at  a  single 
stroke,  and  in  the  resulting  confusion  rehabilitate  the 
dying  and  gasping  Confederacy.  Stanton  issued  or 
ders  to  Gen.  Augur  as  military  governor  to  be  ready 
for  any  emergency,  the  entire  military  and  police 
force  of  the  city  was  called  out,  Grant  was  telegraph 
ed  to  return  immediately,  detectives  were  ordered 
from  New  York,  Chief  Justice  Chase  and  Vice  Presi- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  263 

dent  Johnson  were  notified  that  the  President  was 
dying,  stenographers  were  busy  taking  down  state 
ments  which  would  lead  to  the  detection  and  punish 
ment  of  the  assassins,  bulletins  were  sent  to  Gen.  Dix 
at  New  York  and  by  him  given  to  the  country,  in  fact 
the  amount  of  work  done  by  Stanton  that  night  was 
almost  incredible.  At  7 :22  on  the  morning  of  the 
15th  the  spirit  of  the  martyred  President  took  its 
flight,  and  Stanton  as  he  drew  the  blinds  uttered 
those  memorable  words :  "He  now  belongs  to  the 
ages."  Col.  A.  F.  Rockwell,  one  of  the  spectators  of 
the  closing  scene,  says : 

During  the  twenty  minutes  preceding  the  death  of  the  Pres 
ident,  Mr.  Staiilon  stood  quite  motionless,  leaning  his  chin  upon 
his  left  hand,  his  right  hand  holding  his  hat  and  supporting  his 
left  elbow,  the  tears  falling  continually. 

Mr.  Stanton,  who  was  now  practically  acting 
President,  called  a  Cabinet  meeting  on  the  spot,  and 
suggested  a  later  meeting  with  the  new  President  at 
the  Treasury  Department.  After  issuing  some  other 
orders  he  went  home  to  breakfast,  but  not  to  rest,  for 
his  labors  were  continuous  all  that  day.  Dispatches 
and  orders  wrere  sent  in  every  direction,  and  a  reward 
of  |100,000  was  offered  for  the  capture  of  the  mur 
derers,  in  fact  Stanton  was  the  Government.  Had 
President  Johnson  been  ever  so  capable  he  could  not 
have  grasped  the  multitudinous  reins  so  suddenly 
thrust  into  his  hands,  and  subsequent  events  proved 
that  he  was  far  from  capable.  Mr.  Stanton  did  not  in 
clude  Jefferson  Davis  in  his  offer  of  reward  for  the 
President's  murderers,  although,  as  he  telegraphed  to 
Gen.  Dix,  there  were  grounds  for  suspicion  that  the 
Richmond  government  was  privy  to  the  conspiracy, 


264  STANTON'S  PERSONALITY 

and  Johnson  on  May  2d  issued  a  proclamation  charg 
ing  Davis  with  the  crime.  As  previously  stated  the 
War  Department  was  in  touch  with  evidence  regard 
ing  the  cipher  correspondence  between  the  Richmond 
Cabinet  and  Thompson  &  Co.,  in  Cana/da,  which 
included  revolt  of  prisoners,  burning  of  Northern 
cities,  and  kidnapping  of  President  Lincoln,  and  on 
the  body  of  Booth  was  found  a  copy  of  this  same 
cipher  code.  History  has  acquitted  Jefferson  Davis 
of  complicity  in  the  assassination,  but  agents  not 
unfrequently  go  farther  than  their  principals  intend. 
When  Davis  sent  Thompson  to  Canada  with  only 
verbal  instructions  concerning  the  plots  he  was  to 
hatch  it  is  not  probable  that  he  expected  any  such 
tragic  ending,  but  nevertheless  the  wheels  then  set  in 
motion  kept  revolving  with  ever  increasing  compli 
cations  until  they  culminated  in  the  event  that  set 
the  world  aghast. 

A  recent  publication  purporting  to  be  a  fresh 
account  of  the  assassination  and  the  trial  of  the  con 
spirators,  but  which  on  examination  proves  to  be 
largely  a  sentimental  plea  of  extenuation  for  the  mur 
derers,  violently  attacks  Johnson,  wjio  was  certain 
ly  vulnerable  in  a  great  many  respects  but  is  not 
shown  to  have  done  anything  else  than  his  duty  in  re 
gard  to  this  affair.  Stanton  is  also  charged  with  sup 
pressing  a  portion  of  Booth's  diary,  which  when  dis 
closed  proved  to  be  but  a  few  fanatical  ravings  not 
worthy  of  the  dignity  of  "suppressing."  A  bit  of 
senseless  religious  prejudice  is  also  dragged  into  the 
work,  which  is  not  worth  discussing.  There  has  also 
been  an  effort  to  show  that  the  court's  recommenda 
tion  to  the  President  to  commute  Mrs.  Surratt's  death 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          265 

sentence  to  imprisonment  for  life,  not  because  of  lack 
of  evidence  as  to  her  guilt,  but  because  of  her  sex, 
was  prevented  by  somebody  from  reaching  him,  but 
this  has  been  proved  utterly  baseless.  President 
Johnson  had  all  the  papers  in  his  possession,  and 
signed  the  warrants  carrying  out  the  sentences  of 
the  court  in  the  presence  of  his  entire  Cabinet. 

That  the  kidnappers  also  had  Mr.  Stanton  in 
view  is  indicated  by  Mr.  Flower,  who  relates  the  fol 
lowing  in  connection  with  Stanton's  visit  to  Steuben- 
ville  during  the  war : 

A  plan  to  kidnap  Stanton  and  take  him  to  Richmond  was 
entrusted  to  a  secession  band  with  headquarters  on  the  S'aunders 
farm  in  West  Virginia,  about  six  miles  from  tthe  Ohio  River.  A 
sharp  and  <nervy  young  woman  made  regular  trips  to  Steuben- 
ville,  Ohio,  for  the  purpose  of  reporting  to  the  band  any  visit 
which  Stanton  might  be  about  to  make  to  that  city.  She  was 
frequently  accompanied  by  a  neighbor  of  Union  sentiments 
named  W.  R.  Burgoyne,  (now  of  Steubenville)  wh'o  was  aware 
that  she  was  doing  secret  work  ifor  the  Confederates.  Finally 
she  learned  that  Stanton  had  arrived  and  intended  on  Saturday 
to  accompany  Dr.  William  Stanton  over  the  river  into  West 
Virginia.  Arrangements  were  made  to  capture  him,  but  an  ur. 
gent  telegram  from  Washington  caused  him  to  return  forth 
with.  "I  learned  years  atferwards  from  a  leading  secessionist," 
says  Mr.  Burgoyne  'that  the  preparations  made  to  take  Mr. 
Stanton  to  Richmond  were  so  ample  that  failure  would  have 
been  practically  out  of  the  question." 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

REOOIN'STRUCTilON  PERIOD. 

The  Johnston-Sherman  Imbroglio — Stanton  Saves  the  Day — 
Disbanding  the  Army — Reconstruction  Measures — President 
Johnson's  Course — tStanton  Relieved  and  Reinstated — Im 
peachment  Proceedings — Final  Resignation. 

On  the  day  that  Lincoln  was  assassinated,  Gen. 
Joseph  Johnston,  who  was  confronted  by  Sherman 
in  North  Carolina,  sent  the  latter  a  note  suggesting  a 
suspension  of  hostilities  with  the  view  of  surrender 
ing  on  the  same  terms  as  had  been  given  Lee's  sol 
diers.  Sherman  agreed  to  this,  and  sent  copies  of 
the  correspondence  to  Grant,  saying  he  would  be 
careful  not  to  complicate  any  points  of  civil  policy. 
After  some  preliminaries,  the  parties  came  together 
for  final  action  on  the  18th,  when  an  extraordinary 
document  was  drawn  up  and  agreed  to,  subject  of 
course,  to  the  approval  of  the  Government,  of  which 
General  Sherman  seemed  certain.  The  substance  of 
the  agreement  was  that  the  Confederate  armies  were 
to  be  disbanded  and  conducted  to  their  several  state 
capitals,  deposit  their  arms  and  abide  the  action  of 
the  State  and  Federal  authorities,  the  state  govern 
ments  to  be  recognized  by  the  U.  S.  Executive  on 
their  officers  taking  the  oath,  Federal  courts  to  be 
re-established,  inhabitants  of  the  states  to  be  guaran 
teed,  as  far  as  possible  by  Executive  authority,  their 
political  rights,  no  person  to  be  disturbed  so  long  as 
he  obeyed  the  laws,  and  general  amnesty.  Even  be- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  267 

fore  the  articles  were  sent  in  for  approval  they  were 
publicly  discussed,  a  fact  which  has  some  bearing  on 
what  followed.  It  did  not  need  Grant's  common 
sense  or  Stanton's  legal  acumen  to  pierce  the  web 
which  these  articles  threw  around  the  operations  of 
the  Government  The  merest  tyro  in  political  law 
could  see  in  them  a  practical  recognition  of  all  for 
which  the  Southerners  had  contended.  True  the 
armies  were  to  be  disbanded,  and  organized  resist 
ance  was  to  cease,  simply  because  it  had  to.  There 
was  recognition  of  every  independent  state  govern 
ment  as  fully  and  freely  as  South  Carolina  had  de 
manded  at  the  outset  of  the  rebellion.  Present  peace 
was  obtained,  but  no  guarantee  for  the  future,  and 
nothing  to  prevent  the  "states"  from  organizing  an 
other  rebellion  as  soon  as  they  saw  fit.  Gen.  Grant 
on  receipt  of  the  convention  immediately  notified 
Stanton  and  suggested  an  immediate  Cabinet  meet 
ing,  which  was  held,  the  terms  disapproved  and  Gen 
eral  Grant  ordered  to  North  Carolina.  Grant  told 
Sherman  that  he  had  read  the  agreement  before  sub 
mitting  it  to  the  President  and  Secretary  of  War,  and 
he  was  satisfied  that  it  would  be  disapproved.  He 
was  evidently  the  more  certain  of  this  because,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  he  had  been  cautioned  to  make  no 
terms  with  anybody  purporting  to  represent  the  Con 
federate  Government  beyond  receiving  the  surrender 
of  the  armies.  The  settlement  of  the  political  ques 
tions  belonged  exclusively  to  the  civil  authorities,  and 
the  Sherman-Johnston  protocol  was  really  the  work 
of  Davis  &  Co. 

When  Gen.  Grant  reached  North  Carolina  the  sur 
render  was  completed  on  the  same  terms  as  given  Lee. 


268  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD 

Even  General  Sherman's  brother,  John  Sherman, 
considered  the  arrangement  a  colossal  blunder,  and 
so  wrote  Stanton.  General  Sherman's  great  services 
to  the  country  made  everybody  willing  to  condone  the 
mistake,  which  was  evidently  caused  by  a  laudable 
desire  to  bring  immediate  peace.  It  is  a  curious  cir 
cumstance,  however,  that  in  the  fall  of  1863,  when 
the  capture  of  Vicksburg  and  other  points  had 
brought  a  large  area  of  territory  under  control  of  the 
National  authority,  Gen.  Sherman,  at  the  request  of 
Halleck  submitted  a  plan  for  the  government  of  the 
South  diametrically  opposite  to  the  terms  of  the 
Johnston  agreement.  The  paper  is  too  long  to  give 
here,  but  it  can  be  found  in  full  in  Sherman's  memoirs, 
pages  335-43.  In  it  he  deems  it  very  unwise  to  revive 
the  state  governments  or  to  institute  in  that  quarter 
at  that  time  or  for  years  to  come  any  civil  govern 
ment  in  which  the  local  people  should  have  much  to 
say.  Among  other  things  he  declares : 

I  would  banish  all  minor  questions,  assert  the  broad  doc 
trine  that  as  a  Nation  <the  United  States  has  the  right,  and  also 
the  physical  power,  to  penetrate  to  every  part  of  our  National 
domain,  and  that  we  will  do  it  in  our  time,  and  in  our  own  way; 
that  it  makes  no  difference  whether  it  be  in  one  year  or  two  or 
ten  or  twienty  *  *  *  they  have  no  right  to  immunity,  protec 
tion  or  share  in  the  final  results. 

Pointed  words  these,  and  yet  they  were  all  re 
versed  by  the  Johnston  agreement  which  conceded 
everything  provided  armed  resistance,  which  was  no 
longer  possible,  should  cease. 

While  the  agreement  was  disapproved  by  all  who 
had  any  authority  in  the  matter  the  General,  whose 
temper  was  never  the  mildest,  was  especially  angry 
with  Secretary  Stanton.  He  could  not  object  because 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          269 

his  action  was  reversed,  but  complained  that  Stanton 
gave  the  matter  to  the  public  with  the  reasons  for 
rescinding,  some  of  which  reflected  on  him  personally. 
But  the  affair  was  already  common  talk  in  army 
circles,  Sherman  himself  had  issued  a  general  order 
on  the  subject,  it  was  utterly  impossible  to  keep  it 
secret  even  though  there  had  been  a  disposition  to  do 
so,  and  the  very  fact  that  Sherman  had  done  such 
great  service  made  it  all  the  more  imperative  that  the 
public  should  be  informed  as  to  the  reasons  for  not 
approving  the  arrangements.  In  fact  the  news  was 
given  out  by  the  usual  channels  from  the  war  office  to 
Gen.  Dix,  a  plan  which  had  been  adopted  long  before 
in  order  that  the  people  might  have  reliable  informa 
tion  from  time  to  time  concerning  public  events,  in 
stead  of  being  misled  by  fake  reports.  Stanton 
spoke  of  the  hope  of  Jeff  Davis  and  others  of  being 
able  to  make  arrangements  with  Union  Generals  by 
which  they  could  escape  to  some  foreign  country  with 
their  plunder.  Gen.  Sherman  took  this  as  an  impu 
tation  that  he  was  open  to  bribery,  but  the  words 
bear  no  such  construction. 

An  unpleasant  incident  is  reported  to  have  oc 
curred  later  during  the  grand  review  at  Washing 
ton,  wrhen  Sherman  was  said  to  have  refused  Stanton's 
proffered  hand.  This  is  denied  by  some  of  the  eye 
witnesses,  and  as  the  principals  never  made  any  dec 
laration  on  the  subject,  it  is  hardly  worth  while  to 
pursue  it.  The  country  will  not  forget  General  Sher 
man's  services  because  of  a  political  mistake,  nor  will 
it  think  the  less  of  Stanton  for  preventing  the  Nation 
from  falling  into  a  pitfall. 

Not  less  in  importance  than  the  activities  of  the 
war,  even  if  not  quite  so  dramatic,  was  to  properly 


270  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD 

check  and  finally  stop  the  immense  machinery 
through  which  the  great  conflict  had  been  conducted. 
Over  a  million  troops  were  in  arms,  thousands  of  ves 
sels  were  in  commission,  enormous  quantities  of  sup 
plies  had  been  gathered,  munitions  of  war  were  being 
manufactured  on  a  scale  heretofore  unknown,  and 
a  great  army  of  civilians  attached  more  or  less  closely 
to  the  military  service  had  to  be  disposed  of.  All 
these  forces  had  to  be  diverted  into  the  ordinary 
channels  of  peace  without  demoralizing  the  industrial 
interests  of  the  country.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to 
say  that  the  carrying  out  of  this  necessary  work  fell 
on  the  War  Department.  Immediately  after  Lee's 
surrender  Stanton  gave  notice  that  all  drafting,  re 
cruiting  and  purchase  of  supplies  would  be  stopped, 
the  army  reduced  to  a  peace  footing,  and  trade  restric 
tions  removed.  Lincoln's  assassination  delayed  mat 
ters  a  few  days,  but  on  April  28,  two  days  after  John 
ston's  surrender,  even  before  all  the  rebel  forces  had 
given  up,  work  began  in  earnest.  Within  sixty-seven 
days  640,806  troops  had  been  mustered  out,  at  the  rate 
of  over  1,000  an  hour,  and  by  November  15,  over  800,- 
000  had  returned  to  their  homes.  Along  with  this 
reductions  were  made  everywhere,  thousands  of  tons 
of  junk  sold,  and  the  ease  with  which  all  this  was 
accomplished  was  the  marvel  of  the  world.  Stan- 
ton's  final  report  is  a  wonderful  epitome  of  the  opera 
tions  of  the  war,  and  a  resume  of  the  wonderful  work. 
One  sentence  from  it  gives  an  idea  of  the  work  that 
had  constantly  been  going  on  during  the  previous 
three  years : 

"After  the  disasters  on  the  Peninsula  in  1862 
over  80,000  troops  were  enlisted,  organized,  armed 
and  equipped,  and  sent  into  the  field  in  less  than  a 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  271 

month.  Sixty  thousand  troops  have  repeatedly  gone 
to  the  field  within  four  weeks;  and  90,000  infantry 
were  sent  to  the  armies  from  the  five  states  of  Ohio, 
Indiana,  Illinois,  Iowa  and  Wisconsin  within  twenty 
days." 

Long  before  the  disbandment  of  the  armies  the 
relations  which  the  people  of  the  sections  hitherto 
in  rebellion  should  hereafter  bear  to  the  General 
Government  became  a  leading  question.  Tempor 
ary  governments  had  been  established  in  Tennessee, 
Louisiana  and  elsewhere,  but  the  basis  o£  their  sup 
port  was  the  military  authority,  and  in  the  event  of 
its  withdrawal  it  was  conceded  that  they  would 
promptly  go  out  of  existence.  Now  that  the  rebel 
armies  were  disbanded  and  the  people  were  appar 
ently  ready  to  submit  to  the  National  authority,  it 
was  apparent  that  no  makeshift  arrangement  would 
further  suffice.  To  what  extent  should  there  be  punish 
ment  for  the  past  and  guarantees  for  the  future? 
What  should  be  the  status  of  the  freedmen  (the  13th 
amendment  had  not  yet  been  ratified  by  the  requisite 
number  of  states),  should  Union  men  alone  be  per 
mitted  to  take  part  in  reconstruction  or  were  the  ex- 
rebels  to  have  perhaps  a  predominating  share?  Stan- 
ton,  just  before  Lincoln's  death,  had  prepared  a  plan 
for  temporary  military  government,  which  seems  to 
have  been  forgotten  in  the  excitement  following  the 
assassination.  Even  before  Lincoln's  death  there 
had  been  discussion  as  to  whether  the  seceding 
states  had  ever  been  out  of  the  Union,  the  inference 
being  if  they  were,  then  the  ordinances  'of  secession 
were  valid,  and  the  Confederacy  was  a  legal  govern 
ment,  but  if  invalid  then  the  states  were  still  intact 
and  sovereign,  and  all  their  governments  had  to  do 


272  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD 

was  to  send  their  representatives  to  (Congress  as 
though  nothing  had  happened.  President  Lincoln 
brushed  this  sophistry  aside  with  the  remark  that 
when  they  were  once  back  home  it  was  useless  to 
inquire  wrhether  they  had  ever  been  abroad.  But 
there  was  the  concrete  question  to  meet.  There  were 
men  claiming  to  be  Governors  of 'States,  and  legisla 
tures  so-called  preparing  to  assemble  notwithstand 
ing  the  disapproval  of  the  Sherman — Johnston  con 
vention.  They  were  ready  to  make  terms  with  the 
Government,  fix;  the  status  of  the  ex-slaves  and  per 
form  any  other  functions  necessary.  Stanton  imme 
diately  saw  that  this  would  not  do.  The  secession 
ordinances  were  void  ab  initio,  and  their  formal  repeal 
was  not  only  superfluous  'but  a  reassertion  of  state 
sovereignty.  But  one  thing  was  clear.  The  people 
of  that  section  had  acted  under  those  ordinances  for 
four  years,  raised  armies  and  carried  on  rebellion. 
The  Government  was  forced  to  crush  this  rebellion, 
and  in  the  process  not  only  was  the  Confederacy  as  a 
body  overthrown  but  all  its  component  parts.  When 
the  war  closed  there  was  not  a  vestige  of  legal  govern 
ment  existing  in  any  part  of  the  rebellious  section 
except  through  the  military  power  of  the  United 
States.  The  "states"  were  mere  geographical  ex 
pressions  whose  old  boundary  lines  were  retained  for 
convenience,  but  which  could  be  and  were  disregarded 
when  the  situation  demanded  it.  It  was  the  province 
of  the  Government  to  begin  at  the  foundation  and 
rebuild  the  structure  which  had  not  only  been  thrown 
down  but  obliterated  as  thoroughly  as  was  St.  Pierre 
by  the  eruption  of  Mt.  Pelee.  Who  should  be  used  in 
this  reconstruction?  President  Johnson  on  taking 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          273 

office  was  so  bitter  against  all  ex-rebels  that  even  the 
most  radical  Republicans  in  the  North  like  Ben 
Wade  feared  that  there  would  be  inaugurated  a  series 
of  bloody  reprisals.  The  Unionists'  did  not  want 
revenge,  or  even  indemnity  for  the  lives  and  treasures 
expended,  they  did  want  sure  guarantees  for  the 
future.  Stanton  was  of  the  opinion  that  only  loyal 
hands  should  be  called  to  reconstruct  the  Southern 
states,  and  at  the  first  Johnson  not  only  agreed  with 
him,  but,  himself  a  Southerner,  betrayed  a  bitterness 
towards  the  ex  Confederates  not  shared  by  his  party 
associates.  Seward  seems  to  have  been  the  first  to 
propose  that  conciliation  should  be  carried  so  far  as 
to  call  ex-Confederates  of  prominence  into  the  work 
of  reorganization,  and  when  the  Southern  leaders 
discovered  which  way  the  wind  was  blowing  they 
were  quick  to  take  advantage  of  it.  Johnson  was  noi 
impervious  to  flattery  and  deference  from  the  men 
who  in  ante-bellum  days  had  despised  him,  and  it  was 
not  long  before  he  was  thoroughly  in  accord  with 
them.  A  proclamation  of  general  amnesty  was  issu 
ed,  to  which  as  a  whole  there  was  no  serious  objec 
tion,  but  it  soon  became  apparent  that  loyalists  in  the 
South,  where  they  existed,  were  ostracised,  and  could 
have  no  part  or  lot  in  the  new  governments.  To  sum 
up,  before  Congress  met  in  December  every  "state" 
lately  in  rebellion  had  a  "provisional"  governor  and 
newly  elected  legislature.  Most,  if  not  all  of  them, 
repealed  the  ordinances  of  secession,  which  was  as 
has  been  suggested,  a  work  of  supererogation,  if  not  a 
reassertion  of  State  sovereignty.  Being  urged  by  the 
President  they  ratified  the  13th  amendment  without 
much  opposition,  as  nearly  everybody  in  the  South 
was  conscious  that  slavery  was  dead  beyond  any  hope 


274  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD 

of  resurrection.  When  the  Confederate  Congress  in 
its  last  desperate  days  decided  to  arm  the  blacks  it 
put  the  last  nail  in  the  coffin  of  the  peculiar  institu 
tion.  So  of  the  rebel  debt,  it  was  discredited  some 
time  before  hostilities  closed,  and  its  repudiation  was 
already  an  accomplished  fact. 

But  if  the  negroes  were  constitutionally  free  they 
were  soon  to  learn  that  statutorily  their  condition 
was  not  very  much  changed.  What  is  known  as  the 
"Black  Code"  became  a  feature,  of  which  we  have 
only  room  for  a  few  sample  extracts.  The  state  of 
Mississippi  provided  that  the  probate  courts  should 
apprentice  all  negro  orphans,  and  all  whose  parents 
did  not  provide  for  them  (quite  a  broad  proposition), 
under  the  age  of  eighteen,  to  some  suitable  person 
"provided  that  the  former  owner  of  said  minors  shall 
have  preference,  who  could  inflict  corporal  punish 
ment,  and  there  was  a  penalty  for  running  away. 
All  over  eighteen  without  lawful  employment  could 
be  imprisoned.  An  annual  head  tax  of  one  dollar  was 
levied,  and  failure  to  pay  was  followed  by  hiring  out 
such  negro  to  any  person  who  would  pay  the  fine, 
tax,  forfeiture  and  costs.  No  negro  could  rent  farm 
land,  and  everyone  must  have  a  city  home  or  enter 
into  a  labor  contract,  which  if  he  violated  by  running 
away,  he  could  be  arrested  and  brought  back  to  his 
master.  Persons  who  gave  food  to  said  runaway 
could  be  fined  and  imprisoned.  "Insulting  gestures" 
were  a  crime,  and  if  any  negro  brought  suit  against  a 
white  man  which  the  court  decided  to  be  "malicious" 
he  was  fined  and  then  "hired"  to  whoever  would  pay 
the  fine.  It  is  difficult  to  see  wherein  lay  any  effi 
cacy  of  the  13th  amendment  with  such  codes  as  this  in 
a  community  prepared  to  make  the  most  of  them. 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          275 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  all  this  was  going 
on  without  protests  from  the  North,  not  unmixed 
with  alarm,  lest  the  President  withdraw  the  military 
Governors  already  appointed,  and  the  fruits  of  the 
war  be  completely  nullified.  Stanton  voiced  these 
protests,  and  warned  Seward  that  if  Johnson  with 
drew  them  and  set  up  Governors  of  his  own  he  would 
be  a  usurper.  He  heeded  the  warning,  and  the  mili 
tary  remained. 

Such  was  the  situation  when  Congress  met,  and 
it  appointed  a  committee  on  reconstruction  to  investi 
gate  the  situation.  The  President  intimated  that  the 
states  lately  in  rebellion  were  now  provided  with 
legal  governments,  and  all  that  Congress  had  to  do 
was  to  admit  their  Senators  and  Representatives  pro 
vided  they  were  personally  qualified.  Congress  re 
fused  to  adopt  this  view,  and  agreed  with  Stanton 
that  the  legality  of  the  so-called  state  governments 
must  be  settled  before  they  were  entitled  to  represen- 
ation  in  Congress.  This  was  the  beginning  of  a  strug 
gle  which  extended  over  a  period  nearly  as  long  as 
the  war  itself.  The  Supreme  Court  had  nearly  a 
quarter  of  a  century  before  in  what  was  known  as  the 
Dorr  rebellion  in  Rhode  Island  decided  that  it  rested 
with  Congress  to  decide  what  government  is  the 
established  one  in  a  state,  which  made  the  position 
of  the  President  entirely  untenable. 

A  branch  of  the  War  Department,  known  as  the 
Freedman's  Bureau,  had  been  created  for  the  purpose 
of  aiding  those  lately  made  free  in  making  proper  use 
of  their  liberty.  In  view  of  recent  developments  in 
the  South  its  extension  was  deemed  absolutely  neces 
sary,  and  Congress  passed  an  amendment  which  the 
President,  against  Stanton's  protest,  vetoed  on  Feb- 


276  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD 

ruary  19,  1866,  mainly  because  the  Southern  States 
were  not  represented  in  Congress.  The  bill  failed  of 
passage  in  the  Senate  over  the  veto,  and  that  useful 
institution  came  to  an  end.  However,  in  response 
to  the  President's  insinuations  both  houses  passed  a 
resolution  that  no  such  representatives  should  be 
received  in  Congress  until  that  body  decided  that 
their  states  were  entitled  to  representation.  Mr. 
Johnson  followed  this  by  an  incendiary  speech  pro 
nouncing  the  resolution  the  work  of  "an  irresponsible 
directory." 

Investigation  soon  proved  that  no  Union  men, 
white  or  black,  had  any  rights  in  the  South,  save  as 
they  were  protected  by  the  military,  which  the  Presi 
dent  somewhat  inconsistently  still  allowed  to  remain, 
in  fact  the  blacks  were  being  reduced  to  a  state  of 
servitude  worse  than  that  from  which  they  had  es 
caped.  Accordingly  Congress,  under  the  lead  of  Sen 
ator  Trumbull,  passed  the  Civil  Rights  bill,  which 
was  vetoed,  although  Stanton  advised  its  approval. 
Congress  passed  the  bill  over  the  veto.  On  April  2 
the  President  attempted  to  subvert  the  operations  of 
Congress  by  a  proclamation  declaring  the  states  late 
ly  in  rebellion  fully  restored  to  their  rights  and  privi 
leges,  but  it  does  not  seem  to  have  attracted  special 
attention.  Johnson,  however,  evidently  felt  that  he 
needed  some  bolstering,  and  accordingly  on  May  22, 
in  pursuance  of  a  plan  carried  out  by  A.  W.  Randall, 
of  Wisconsin,  afterwards  Postmaster  General,  there 
was  a  serenade  to  the  President  and  Cabinet.  Mr. 
Stanton  made  a  moderate  and  carefully  prepared 
speech,  reciting  what  had  been  accomplished  by  the 
war  and  their  duties  thereafter.  He  referred  to  his 
approval  of  the  Freedman's  Bureau  bill,  but  Con- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          277 

gress  having  failed  to  pass  it  over  the  veto,  it  was 
now  a  dead  letter,  but  the  Civil  Rights  bill  was  now 
the  law  of  the  land  and  should  be  observed.  A  prop 
osition  in  the  proposed  14th  Amendment  to  the  Con 
stitution  providing  for  the  exclusion  of  all  rebels 
from  the  right  of  suffrage  until  July  4,  1870,  he  char 
acterized  as  unwise,  and  a  few  days  later  the  Senate 
unanimously  struck  out  this  provision.  Concerning 
negro  suffrage,  which  had  been  mooted  at  the  sere 
nade,  Stanton  declared : 

By  some  it  was  thought  just  and  expedient  that  the  right 
of  suffrage  in  the  rebel  states  should  be  secured  in  some  form, 
to  the  colored  inhabitants  of  those  States;  either  as  a  universal 
rule  or  to  those  qualified  by  education,  or  by  actual  service  as 
so'idiers  who  ventured  life  for  their  government.  My  own  mind 
inclined  to  (this  view,  but  after  calm  and  full  discussion,  my 
judgment  yielded  to  the  adverse  arguments  'resting  upon  the 
practical  difficulties  to  be  encountered  in  such  a  measure,  and 
to  the  President's  conviction  that  to  prescribe  the  rule  of  suf. 
frage  was  not  within  the  legitimate  scope  of  his  power. 

It  will  be  seen  by  this  that  it  was  not  the  inten 
tion  of  any  political  party  at  the  close  of  the  rebellion 
to  force  negro  rule  upon  the  Southern  people.  There 
was  nothing  in  this  speech  to  justify  the  President  in 
any  violent  action  against  Stanton,  but  it  was  ap 
parent  that  he  considered  the  Secretary  an  obstacle 
to  the  carrying  out  of  his  plans.  He  could  not  be  re 
moved  while  Congress  was  in  session  for  the  Senate 
would  not  confirm  a  successor,  so  he  bided  his  time. 

A  bill  was  presented  in  Congress  that  spring 
creating  the  rank  of  General  of  the  Army  for  Grant's 
special  benefit.  It  hung  fire  for  some  time  until 
Stanton  went  before  the  committee  in  charge  and 
urged  its  adoption,  although  he  had  reason  to  believe 


278  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD 

that  Grant  was  not  in  full  sympathy  with  him  at  that 
time. 

Congress  adjourned  on  July  27,  there  having 
been  several  changes  in  the  Cabinet.  Randall  had 
become  Postmaster  General  in  place  of  Dennison, 
Stanbery  Attorney  General  in  place  of  Speed,  and  O. 
H.  Browning  Secretary  of  the  Interior  in  place  of 
Harlan,  a  Johnson  Cabinet  out  and  out,  with  the  ex 
ception  of  Stanton. 

Three  days  after  Congress  adjourned  there  was  a 
bloody  riot  in  New  Orleans  in  which  40  persons  en 
gaged  in  a  peaceable  convention  were  killed,  and  136 
wounded,  their  assailants  suffering  the  loss  of  one 
killed  and  ten  wounded.  Gen.  Sheridan,  who  was 
directed  to  secure  information,  directly  charged  the 
responsibility  on  the  city  authorities,  who  were  ex- 
Confederates  and  antagonistic  to  the  reconstruction 
measures  long  ago  inaugurated  by  Lincoln  and  Stan- 
ton,  and  for  whose  sudden  restoration  to  power  Presi 
dent  Johnson  was  directly  responsible.  Stanton  in 
structed  Sheridan  to  keep  the  War  Department  posted 
pending  investigation,  but  nothing  more  could  be 
done  then. 

Several  political  conventions  were  held  that  year 
favoring  and  opposing  the  President's  policy.  The 
first  was  a  so-called  national  convention  at  Philadel 
phia  on  August  14,  composed  of  delegates  from  both 
North  and  South,  the  principal  feature  of  which  was 
the  somewhat  spectacular  procession  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  and  South  Carolina  delegates  marching 
through  the  hall  arm  in  arm.  A  very  light  conven 
tion  of  soldiers  was  held  at  Cleveland  on  the  17th  fol 
lowing  the  same  lines.  To  offset  these  a  convention 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON          279 

of  Southern  loyalists  and  Northern  Unionists  was 
held  at  Philadelphia  on  September  3d,  and  an  im 
mense  gathering  of  ex-Union  Soldiers  and  Sailors  at 
Pittsburgh  on  September  25th. 

It  was  recognized  that  the  relations  between 
Johnson  and  Stanton  were  becoming  strained,  and 
ordinarily  under  such  conditions  a  Cabinet  officer 
would  tender  his  resignation.  But  Stanton's  position 
was  now  considered  so  necessary  to  the  public  wel 
fare  that  he  was  strongly  urged  to  remain.  It  was 
proposed  to  offer  a  resolution  to  that  effect  at  the 
Pittsburgh  convention,  but  at  Stanton's  earnest  re 
quest  this  was  not  done. 

The  President  now  began  a  series  of  removals 
from  office,  replacing  tried  Union  men,  very  frequent 
ly  Union  soldiers,  with  his  own  adherents,  which  only 
had  the  effect  of  intensifying  public  sentiment,  In 
order  to  counteract  the  prevailing  drift  of  public 
opinion  a  stumping  tour  was  arranged,  ostensibly  to 
attend  the  dedication  of  a  monument  to  Stephen  A. 
Douglas,  at  Chicago,  but  which  received  the  popular 
designation  of  "swinging  'round  the  circle."  Secre 
tary  Stanton  and  wife  were  invited  to  join  tire  party, 
but  declined.  Grant,  and  probably  Farragut.  were 
impelled  to  gq  by  orders  which  they  did  not  feel  at 
liberty  to  decline.  Seward,  Welles  and  Randall  were 
in  the  party.  Previous  to  leaving  Washington,  the 
President  made  a  speech  in  which  he  spoke  of  Con 
gress  as  a  body  hanging  on  the  verge  of  the  Govern 
ment,  and  this  was  only  the  keynote  of  worse  to  fol 
low.  The  tour  does  not  make  a  creditable  showing 
on  the  pages  of  American  history,  and  we  shall  only 
refer  to  the  stop  at  Steubenville  on  the  return  trip 


280  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD 

on  the  afternoon  of  September  13.  It  was  not  John 
son's  first  visit  here.  Some  three  years  before  he  had 
addressed  a  large  crowd  at  the  old  C.  &  P.  station  at 
the  foot  of  South  street,  and  had  been  greeted  writh 
the  enthusiasm  naturally  felt  towards  one  who  had 
been  loyal  to  his  country  amid  a  hostile  environment. 
Now  as  the  train  pulled  across  Market  street  and 
stopped  at  wrhat  is  now  the  Pan  Handle  station,  there 
were  loud  cries  for  Grant  and  Farragut,  but  none  for 
Johnson.  Col.  G.  W.  McCook  waved  his  hand  to  in 
sure  silence  to  hear  Johnson,  but  the  crowd  had  read 
his  speeches  elsewhere,  and  was  in  no  mood  to  listen.. 
George  Custer,  then  a  young  cavalry  officer,  who  af 
terwards  met  his  sad  fate  in  the  Yellowstone  region, 
proposed  cheers  for  the  Union,  Army  and  Navy, 
Grant,  etc.,  which  were  given  with  a  will,  but  the  call 
for  similar  cheers  for  Johnson  fell  flat.  The  Presi 
dent  made  a  few  general  remarks,  and  as  the  train 
moved  off  there  was  a  great  rush  to  shake  hands  with 
Grant,  who  was  at  one  of  the  windows. 

If  anything  was  needed  to  turn  the  country  against 
Johnson  this  trip  would  have  done  it,  and  the  Union 
party  in  Congress  was  largely  reinforced  in  the  elec 
tions  that  fall  by  which  a  good  wrorking  majority  of 
two-thirds  was  secured,  not  only  allowing  all  neces 
sary  legislation  regardless  of  the  President's  veto,  but 
rendering  innocuous  the  vague  threats  that  the  Presi 
dent  would  organize  the  new  Congress  by  recognizing 
members  from  the  South  with  a  sufficient  number  of 
their  sympathizers  in  the  North  to  form  a  constitu 
tional  majority. 

In  September,  1866,  Congressman  Ashley  wrote 
-Stanton  ocncerning  the  situation,  and  received  from 


EDWIN  McMASTEES  8TANTON          281 

him  a  reply  too  long  to  be  published  here  in  which  he 
expressed  his  longing  to  be  freed  from  the  cares  of 
office,  and  relating  how,  on  the  eve  of  Lee's  surrender, 
he  had  tendered  Lincoln  his  resignation,  and  the  lat- 
ter's  response  already  given  on  page  257.  When  he 
told  Lincoln  of  the  preparations  made  for  conducting 
the  Department  after  his  resignation  the  latter  re 
sponded  that  this  was  the  very  reason  he  must  stay 
and  carry  out  his  plans.  He  somewhat  plaintively 
adds :  "When  I  thought  it  safe  to  resign  I  could  not, 
and  now  that  I  can  resign  I  dare  not."  He  predicted 
that  the  course  of  Johnson  and  Seward  would  bring 
on  a  reign  of  chaos  and  bloodshed  in  the  South  that 
would  horrify  the  civilized  world,  a  prediction  that 
was  abundantly  verified.  Stanton  was  suffering  at 
this  time  from  his  old  asthmatic  complaint  and  pains 
in  the  head  that  made  life  almost  unbearable.  At  this 
time  Johnson  seems  to  have  had  considerable  influ 
ence  over  Grant,  although  the  latter's  common  sense 
soon  revolted  at  that  connection. 

A  short  time  after  this  letter,  in  a  communication 
to  Peter  H.  Watson,  with  the!  view  of  collecting  ma 
terial  for  an  official  record  of  the  war,  which  is  con 
ceded  to  be  the  greatest  work  of  the  kind  ever  com 
piled,  Stanton  again  expressed  his  expectation  of 
shortly  retiring  from  the  Cabinet.  But  protests  came 
from  every  quarter,  and  public  opinion  was  so  decided 
that  the  President  had  not  yet  dared  to  demand 
Stanton's  resignation.  Early  in  1867,  however,  Con 
gress  passed  a  number  of  acts  over  the  President's 
veto,  including  the  admission  of  Nebraska  as  a  state, 
establishing  universal  suffrage  in  the  District  of  Co 
lumbia,  and  what  is  known  as  the  tenure  of  office  bill 


282  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD 

to  prevent  the  removal  of  Stanton,  although  the)  lat 
ter  did  not  ask  for  any  such  protection,  and  was  in 
fact  opposed  to  the  measure.  A  law  was  also  passed 
dividing  the  lately  revolted  section  into  five  military 
districts,  and  requiring  the  President  to  assign  a 
commander  to  each  district  to  protect  the  rights  of 
persons  and  property  and  to  suppress  disorder.  This 
was  really  the  first  of  the  so-called  reconstruction 
acts.  It  was  designed  to  supersede  Johnson's  pro 
visional  governments,  which  were  conceded  to  be  sub 
ject  to  Congressional  approval,  and  provided  a 
method  by  which  the  people  of  the  revolted  states 
might  frame  a  constitution,  which,  when  approved  by 
Congress,  would  rehabilitate  them  upon  the  ratifica 
tion  of  the  14th  amendment.  Tennessee  had  already 
ratified  the  amendment  and  been  admitted  to  Con 
gress  to  Johnson's  disgust,  and  he  exerted  every  influ 
ence  to  prevent  the  example  from  spreading.  Gen. 
Lee  and  other  conservative  Southerners  had  approv 
ed  this  amendment  which  left  the  question  of  negro 
suffrage  completely  in  the  hands  of  the  states,  with 
the  single  proviso  that  no  disfranchised  race  should 
be  counted  in  apportioning  Congressional  represen 
tation,  a  proposition  so  reasonable  as  to  call  for  gen 
eral  acceptance.  It  was  a  just  and  magnanimous 
settlement  of  the  war  issues,  and  had  not  Johnson's 
influence  been  thrown  into  the  adverse  scale  its 
prompt  ratification  would  have  been  assured. 

A  long  list  of  categorical  questions  was  submit 
ted  to  the  Cabinet  in  reference  to  the  binding  effect 
of  the  new  reconstruction  law,  and  all  the  members 
of  the  Cabinet  answered  agreeably  to  the  President's 
wishes  except  Stanton,  but  his  (legal  propositions 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  283 

were  so  convincing  that  preparations  were  made  to 
carry  out  the  lawr  at  least  in  a  perfunctory  manner. 

During  this  year  a  meeting  was  held  in  Steu- 
benville  at  which  Stanton  was  indorsed  for  the  Pres 
idency,  but  events  brought  General  Grant  to  the 
front  as  Stanton  himself  had  predicted. 

Believing  that  it  would  not  be  safe  to  trust  the 
country  in  the  hands  of  the  President  the  39th  Con 
gress  before  adjourning  provided  by  law  for  the 
assembling  of  the  40th  Congress  on  March  4,  1867, 
instead  of  waiting  until  the  first  Monday  in  Decem 
ber.  A  supplementary  reconstruction  act  was  passed, 
providing  for  election  of  delegates  to  conventions  to 
frame  new  constitutions.  Universal  suffrage  had 
been  provided.  The  supplementary  act  was  the  work 
of  Mr.  Stanton,  designed  to  supply  deficiencies  in  the 
original  law.  Grant  at  this  time  was  in  full  accord 
with  Congress  and  Stanton.  Congress  adjourned'  on 
March  30th  to  July  3d,  when  the  final  legislation  was 
enacted,  and  on  July  20th  another  adjournment  was 
had  until  November  3. 

Finding  Stanton  an  insuperable  obstacle  in  the 
way  of  carrying  out  his  plans  Congress  had  no  sooner 
adjourned  than  Johnson  began  to  consider  by  what 
means  he  could  get  rid  of  his  obstreperous  Secretary. 
On  August  1  he  called  Grant  into  consultation  re 
garding  the  removal  of  Stanton,  and  General  Sheri 
dan,  then  in  command  at  New  Orleans.  Grant  gave 
his  written  views  strongly  against  both  propositions, 
referring  to  the  tenure  of  office  act  as  applying  to 
Stanton  in  whom  "the  country  felt  great  confidence." 
Johnson  had  gone  too  far  to  retreat,  so  on  August  5th 
he  sent  a  note  to  Stanton,  saying,  "Public*  considera- 


284  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD 

tions  of  a  high  character  constrain  me  to  say  that 
your  resignation  as  Secretary  of  War  will  be  accept 
ed."  Promptly  Stanton  replied :  "In  reply  I  have 
the  honor  to  say  that  public  considerations  of  a  high 
character,  which  alone  have  induced  me  to  continue 
at  the  head  of  this  department,  constrain  me  not  to 
resign  the  office  of  Secretary  of  War  before  the  next 
meeting  of  Congress."  As  soon  as  this  transaction 
was  made  public  a  flood  of  protests  against  the  resig 
nation  came  from  all  over  the  country,  Mr.  Stanton 
being  recognized  as  the  only  breakwater,  so  far  as  the 
executive  department  of  the  Government  was  con 
cerned,  against  the  tidal  wave  of  Southern  domina 
tion.  A  week  later  the  President  issued  an  order 
suspending  Stanton  and  appointing  Grant  Secretary 
of  War  ad  interim  until  Congress  should  meet  in 
November.  Stanton  replied  denying  the  right  under 
the  Constitution  and  laws  to  suspend  him,  but  for  the 
time  being  he  submitted  to  superior  force  as  the 
appointee  was  General  of  the  Army.  We  have  seen 
that  Grant  was  opposed  to  the  removal  of  Stanton 
and  had  told  the  President  so,  but  he  regarded  the 
appointment  as  an  order  from  his  superior  officer 
which  he  was  not  at  liberty  to  disobey.  It  was 
claimed  by  the  President  and  several  members  of  the 
Cabinet  that  Grant  agreed  to  keep  Stanton  out  of 
the  War  Department  in  case  the  Senate  refused  to 
confirm  the  appointment,  but  if  so  this  agreement 
was  not  carried  out. 

In  one  respect  the  suspension  was  a  good  thing 
for  Stanton.  It  gave  him  a  breathing  spell  so  badly 
needed,  and  a  chance  to  take  a  little  rest.  When  he 
left  the  War  office  he  had  just  $4.76  in  his  pocket 


EDWIN  McMASTEKS  STANTON          285 

from  his  previous  month's  salary  without  a  dollar  of 
ready  money  anywhere  else,  although  he  owned  some 
real  estate  purchased  before  his  appointment.  He 
paid  out  of  his  meagre  salary  many  things  which  are 
now*  provided  by  the  Government,  for  instance,  hire 
of  carriages  used  in  public  service,  etc.  Gen.  Moor- 
head,  an  old  Pittsburgh  friend,  loaned  him  f 3,000,  and 
he  and  his  family  visited  Samuel  Hooper  at  Cape 
Cod,  where  the  ocean  breezes  seemed  to  rejuvenate 
him.  From  there  he  visited  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Gregory 
Smith  at  St.  Albans,  Vt.  His  asthma  temporarily 
disappeared,  he  played  with  the  children,  talked  war 
tales  with  his  host,  in  fact  Mars,  as  Lincoln  called 
him  had  become  Dionysus  (not  Bacchus)  and  it 
would  have  been  better  for  him  personally  had  he 
never  re-entered  public  life.  It  was  a  satisfaction 
to  him,  however,  to  learn  that  Grant  was  taking 
proper  care  of  the  situation  at  the  war  office. 

During  this  year  Judge  J.  S.  Black  and  others 
attempted  to  interrupt  the  operation  of  the  recon 
struction  acts  through  the  courts,  but  Stanton  beat 
them  there,  and  his  programme  was  carried  out. 

On  December  12th  the  President  notified  the 
Senate  of  Stanton's  suspension,  because  he  had  been 
defiant,  upheld  the  tenure  of  office  act  after  advising 
its  veto,  at  first  favored  the  policy  of  reconstruction 
and  then  opposed  it,  and  failed  to  exculpate  the  Pres- 
dent  from  responsibility  for  the  New  Orleans  riot. 
Stanton's  reply  to  this  was  an  able  state  paper  which 
convicted  the  President  on  every  point.  His  "defi 
ance"  was  declining  to  resign  at  the  President's  de 
mand,  not!  on  personal  grounds  but  for  "public  con 
siderations."  To  have  acted  otherwise  would  have 


286  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD 

been  an  admission  of  wrong  doing  and  a  betrayal 
of  trust.  As  to  the  tenure  of  office  bill  he  did  not 
favor  its  passage,  but  when  it  became  the  law  of  the 
land  he  counseled  obedience  thereto.  He  favored 
Johnson's  earlier  reconstruction  policy,  but  when  the 
latter  faced  about  he  could  not  follow  him.  As  to 
the  New  Orleans  riot  he  was  not  Mr.  Johnson's  accus 
er,  but  he  presented  an  array  of  facts  showing  that 
an  "exculpation"  of  Johnson  would  have  been  a  task 
even  beyond  the  Herculean  energy  of  the  Secretary. 
He  added : 

It  is  true  that  in  this  case  personal  considerations  would 
have  led  me  long  ago  to  sever  -my  relations  with  Mr.  Johnsom. 
But  under  authority  from  Congress,  and  Mr.  Lincoln's  order,  I 
had  as  Secretary  oif  War  put  over  a  million  of  men  in  the  field, 
and  I  was  unwilling  to  abandon  the  victory  they  -had  won,  or 
to  see  the  "'lost  cause"  restored  over  the  graves  of  nearly  400,- 
000  soldiers,  or  to  witness  four  millio'ns  of  freedmen  subjected, 
for  want  of  legal  protection,  to  outrages  against  their  lives,  per 
sons  and  property,  and  their  race  in  danger  of  being  returned  to 
some  newly  invented  bondage.  For  these  reasons  I  have  resolv 
ed  to  bear  a'll  and  suffer  all  while  contending  against  such  re 
sults. 

The  matter  was  referred  to  the  Senate  Commit 
tee  on  Military  Affairs,  which  promptly  reported 
against  concurring  in  the  suspension.  In  the  debate 
which  followed  the  stale  charge  about  Stanton  refus 
ing  to  exchange  prisoners  was  brought  up  and  the 
Secretary  fully  vindicated,  as  previously  shown  in 
these  pages.  The  Senate  on  the  evening  of  January 
13th,  by  a  vote  of  35  to  6,  adopted  the  report  of  the 
committee,  and  early  the  next  morning  Stanton  went 
to  the  War  office  and  resumed  his  functions.  Grant 
seems  to  have  been  somewhat  nettled  that  he  did  not 
notify  him  of  his  coming,  but  this  was  a  matter  of 


EDWIN  McMASTBRS  STAXTON          287 

little  importance,  besides,  as  after  events  proved, 
it  was  not  advisable  to  waste  time  in  much  cere 
mony.  Johnson  was  furious  when  he  learned  that 
Stanton  was  back  in  the  War  office  and  attempted 
to  get  up  a  scheme  to  oust  him  by  force,  but  Grant 
and  Sherman  refusing  to  have  anything  to  do  with 
it  the  project  was  dropped.  Grant  was  summoned 
to  a  Cabinet  meeting  where  he  was  still  addressed 
as  Secretary  of  War  until  he  reminded  the  President 
that  he  was  not  filling  that  office.  Shortly  after 
Johnson  attacked  Grant  in  some  severe  letters  under 
stood  to  be  written  by  J.  S.  Black,  to  which  the  latter 
responded  calmly  but  pointedly,  concluding  that  he 
could  not  but  regard  this  whole  matter  as  an  attempt 
to  involve  him  in  a  resistance  to  the  law  for  which 
he  (Johnson)  hesitated  to  assume  the  responsibility. 
Failing  with  Grant,  Sherman  was  tried,  who  bluntly 
declined.  Johnson  now  determined  to  take  the  bull 
by  the  horns,  and  on  February  21  he  issued  an  order 
peremptorily  removing  Stanton  and  appointing  Gen. 
Lorenzo  Thomas  in  his  place  as  Secretary  ad  interim. 
Stanton  informed  Congress  of  this  action,  and  sent 
the  following  to  Thomas : 

I  am  informed  that  you  have  presumed  to  issue  orders  as 
Secretary  of  War  ad  interim.  Such  conduct  and  orders  are  il 
legal,  and  you  are  hereby  commanded  to  abstain  from  issuing 
any  orders  other  than  in  your  capacity  as  Adjutant  General  of 
the  army. 

Subsequently  he  commanded  General  Grant  to 
arrest  Thomas  for  disobedience  to  superior  authority 
in  refusing  to  obey  his  orders  as  Secretary  of  War. 
This  order  was  taken  by  A.  S.  Worth ington  to  Grant, 
who  came  immediately  to  the  War  office  and  had 
a  private  conference  with  the  Secretary.  The  arrest 


288  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD 

was  not  made,  but  Grant  would  have  nothing  there 
after  to  do  with  Johnson.  By  this  time  the  excite 
ment  in  Washington  was  intense,  and  scarcely  less 
so  all  over  the  country  as  each  successive  movement 
in  this  drama  wras  flashed  over  the  wires  . 

Thomas  and  even  Johnson  were  very  free  that 
night  with  threats  as  to  what  they  intended  to  do 
the  next  morning  in  the  way  of  breaking  into  the 
War  office  and  ousting  Stanton  by  force  if  necessary. 
Hearing  of  this  Stanton  sent  a  note  to  the  Senate 
then  in  session,  asking  how  he  was  to  hold  possession 
unless  the  Senate  should  declare  its  opinion  of  the 
law.  A  resolution  was  at  once  adopted  that  under 
the  Constitution  the  President  had  no  power  to  re 
move  the  Secretary  of  War  and  designate  any  other 
officer  to  perform  the  duties  of  that  office  ad  interim. 
The  resolution  wras  delivered  to  Stanton  at  10  o'clock, 
and  he  wTith  a  large  gathering  of  friends  remained 
at  the  office  all  night  guarding  the  premises.  A  com 
plaint  was  made  against  Thomas,  who  appeared  be 
fore  Court  the  next  morning  and  entered  into  a 
recognizance  to  appear  on  the  26th.  As  soon  as  he 
was  released,  acting  under  orders  from  the  President, 
he  appeared  at  the  War  office  and  demanded  possess 
ion,  which  being  refused  he  left.  At  the  request  of 
Stanton  Grant  sent  a  guard  to  prevent  any  seizure 
of  the  building  by  force. 

A  large  Congressional  delegation  had  petitioned 
Stanton  to  on  no  account  resign  his  office,  and 
this  was  backed  up  by  scores  of  individual  protests 
against  anything  of  the  kind.  But  the  question  was 
narrowing  down  to  the  conclusion  that  if  the  Presi 
dent  was  acting  within  the  scope  of  his  authority 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          289 

Stanton  would  be  compelled  to  go,  while  if  he  was 
defying  the  law  no  other  course  was  open  save  im 
peachment.  On  the  21st  Hon.  John  Covode  offered 
a  resolution  to  that  effect  in  the  House,  which  was 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Reconstruction.  The 
committee  reported  the  resolution  back  the  next  day, 
and  it  was  adopted  on  the  24th.  Messrs.  Boutwell, 
Stevens,  Wilson,  Logan,  Julian  and  Ward  wers 
appointed  a  committee  to  prepare  articles  for  pre 
sentation  to  the  Senate,  but  according  to  Mr.  Flower 
the  ten  articles  were  dictated  by  Stanton  to  A.  S. 
Worthington,  to  which  the  managers  added  a  sum 
mary  in  article  XI.  The  principal  charges  were  vio 
lation  of  the  tenure  of  office  act  in  attempting  to  eject 
Stanton,  treasonable  utterances,  etc.,  but  the  first 
named  charge  was  the  crux  of  the  whole  affair. 

Gen.  Thomas  appeared  at  the  War  office  on  the 
24th  "by  order  of  the  President"  to  enter  upon  his 
duties  of  Secretary  but  was  commanded  not  to  as 
sume  any  of  the  functions  of  that  office.  Thomas  was 
discharged  from  custody  on  the  26th,  as  impeachment 
proceedings  had  in  the  meantime  begun  against  the 
President  which  would  test  the  whole  question.  The 
War  office  was  carefully  guarded  up  to  the  time  that 
Stanton  resigned.  The  impeachment  trial  proper 
began  on  March  30th.  The  President  was  defended 
by  the  ablest  counsel  that  could  be  gathered  in  the 
country,  including  Henry  Stanberry,  B.  R.  Curtiss, 
Thomas  A.  R.  Nelson,  Wm.  M.  Evarts  and  Wm.  S. 
Groesbeck.  The  first  vote,  which  was  on  article  XI, 
was  taken  on  May  16.  The  Senate  was  composed  of 
54  members,  requiring  two-thirds  or  36  votes  to  con 
vict.  The  roll  call  disclosed  35  ayes  and  19  nays; 


290  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD 

just  one  short  of  conviction.  The  affirmative  votes 
were  all  Republican,  and  the  negative  12  Democrats 
and  7  Republicans.  The  Senate  adjourned  to  May 
26th,  Avhen  a  vote  was  taken  on  the  second  and  third 
articles  with  the  same  result.  Among  the  negative 
Republicans  was  Fowler,  of  Tennessee^  Johnson's 
state,  and  a  native  of  Jefferson  county,  in  Stanton's 
own  state.  Two  objections  were  urged  against  con 
viction  under  the  Tenure  of  Office  bill,  one  being  its 
alleged  unconstitutionally,  and  the  other  being  that 
the  very  man  it  was  supposed  to  protect  was  excluded 
from  its  operation.  When  the  bill  was  under  con 
sideration  Cabinet  officers  were  excluded  from  its 
provisions,  but  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  protect 
ing  Stanton  the  exception  was  stricken  out,  and  every 
such  appointee  became  entitled  to  hold  his  office  dur 
ing  the  term  for  which  he  was  appointed,  unless  re 
moved  by  and  \vith  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Sen 
ate,  &c.  Stanton  was  appointed  by  Lincoln  in  1862 
and  had  never  been  reappointed  by  Johnson,  conse- 
quetly  he  was  still  holding  over,  while  Johnson's  own 
appointees  in  which  nobody  was  interested  were  fully 
protected.  Under  the  circumstances  it  was  a  bungling 
piece  of  legislation,  at  least  open  to  two  interpreta 
tions.  But  the  mere  removal  of  a  Cabinet  officer, 
however  worthy,  would  not  have  agitated  Congress 
and  the  country  to  the  extent  of  demanding  impeach 
ment  had  it  not  been  for  the  larger  questions  involv 
ed.  Every  Republican  believed  Johnson  responsible 
for  the  practical  failure  of  reconstruction  based  on 
the  moderate  provisions  of  the  14th  amendment,  that 
he  was  in  sympathy  with  if  not  responsible  for  the 
acts  of  the  New  Orleans  rioters,  and  that  he  was  the 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          291 

great  obstacle  to  a  peaceful  and  satisfactory  restora 
tion  of  the  Union.  This  feeling  kept  cropping  out 
throughout  the  impeachment  trial,  when  it  was  feared 
that  if  Johnson  was  acquitted  he  would  put  one  of  his 
creatures  in  Stanton's  place  who  would  encourage 
rather  than  check  his  operations.  To  counteract  this 
impression,  and  hold  out  a  sort  of  olive  branch,  Mr. 
Evarts  and  others  of  the  more  conservative  of  John 
son's  advisers  suggested  that  a  conference  be  held 
with  General  Schofield,  with  the  view  of  nominating 
him  for  Secretary  of  War,  which  would  quiet  the 
fears  of  those  Republicans  who  were  in  doubt  about 
Johnson's  technical  guilt,  but  who  were  anxious  to 
preserve  the  results  of  the  war.  This  conference  is 
related  in  detail  by  Gen.  Schofield  in  the  Century 
Magazine  for  August,  1897.  Schofield  regarded  the 
removal  of  Mr.  Stanton  as  wrong  and  unwise,  and 
gave  Evarts  to  understand  that  if  he  was  appointed 
it  would  be  on  the  basis  of  a  just  and  faithful  admin 
istration  of  the  reconstruction  acts.  He  was  nomi 
nated  on  April  24,  and  was  confirmed  after  the  im 
peachment  had  failed,  but  we  are  without  informa 
tion  as  to  what  effect  this  movement  had  on  the 
result  of  the  trial. 

Mr.  Stanton  upon  learning  the  result  of  the  im 
peachment  trial  turned  over  the  War  Department 
to  Adjutant  General  Townsend,  subject  to  the  dis 
posal  and  direction  of  the  President,  a  note  having 
been  sent  to  the  latter  relinquishing  the  office. 

During  the  progress  of  the  trial  Gen.  Lorenzo 
Thomas  sat  with  members  of  the  Cabinet  at  their 
meetings,  but  his  authority  was  not  recognized  by 
anybody  except  the  President.  Schofield  was  con- 


292  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD 

firmed  on  May  29,  and  on  June  1st  Congress  passed 
the  following  resolution : 

That  the  thanks  of  Congress  are  due,  and  are  hereby  ten 
dered  to  rthe  Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  for  the  great  ability,  purity 
and  fidelity  to  the  cause  of  the  country  with  which  he  has  dis 
charged  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  War,  as  well  amid  the  open 
dangers  of  a  great  rebellion  as  at  a  later  period  when  assailed 
by  the  opposition  inspired  iby  hostility  <to  the  measures  of  jus 
tice  and  pacification  provided  by  Congress  for  the  restoration 
of  a  real  and  permanent  peace. 


.   .      *  CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN. 

Resumes  Law  Practice — (Political  Campaign  of  1868 — Great 
.Speech  at  'Steubenville — (Review  of  the  War  and  Eulogy  of 
Grant. 

Mr.  Stanton  was  broken  down  in  both  health 
and  fortune  when  he  left  the  War  Department. 
There  were  friends  who  would  have  subscribed  suffi 
cient  to  support  him  at  least  moderately,  but  he 
declined  all  such  offers,  and  turned  to  picking  up 
the  threads  of  his  legal  business  which  had  so  long 
been  neglected.  It  was  too  late  however  to  do  much 
in  this  line. 

Before  the  final  result  of  the  impeachment  trial 
the  Republican  National  Convention  had  nominated 
General  Grant  for  the  Presidency,  and  subsequently 
the  Democrats  nominated  Governor  Seymour,  of  New 
York,  and  F.  P.  Blair  for  President  and  Vice  Presi 
dent,  on  a  platform  declaring  the  Government  bonds 
payable  in  greenbacks,  and  the  reconstruction  acts 
usurpations  and  unconstitutional,  revolutionary,  and 
void.  In  the  latter  convention  Col.  G.  W.  McCook, 
Stanton's  former  law  partner,  was  Chairman  of  the 
Ohio  delegation,  and  when  it  became  evident  that 
Pendleton,  who  was  Ohio's  choice,  could  not  be  nom 
inated,  on  behalf  of  the  delegation  he  proposed  Hora 
tio  Seymour,  who  was  enthusiastically  chosen. 
Although  physically  in  no  condition  to  engage  in  a 
political  campaign,  yet  Stanton  took  a  keen  interest 


294  THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN 

in  the  course  of  events.  Arrangements  were  made 
for  a  great  Republican  demonstration  at  Steubenville 
on  September  25,  which  was  expected  to  eclipse  the 
outgatherings  of  1840,  and  Stan  ton  agreed  to  come 
and  make  a  speech,  the  first  formal  address  he  had 
made  on  political  matters  for  many  years.  The 
meeting  was  a  success  in  point  of  numbers,  but  a 
continuous  downpour  of  rain  put  an  effectual  damper 
on  the  outdoor  demonstration  which  was  postponed 
to  a  later  date.  The  largest  building  in  the  city  was 
what  was  known  as  Kilgore  Hall  on  Market  street, 
since  enlarged  into  the  National  theatre.  The  seats 
were  removed,  and  at  the  hour  of  meeting  the  hall  was 
a  compact  mass  of  standing  auditors.  The  writer 
has  a  vivid  recollection  of  the  impression  Stanton 
made  as  he  walked  slowly  towards  the  front  of  the 
platform.  Was  that  feeble  tottering  man  the  giant 
who  had  borne  on  his  shoulders  the  weight  of  the 
greatest  rebellion  the  world  had  ever  known?  Was 
this  the  man  whose  very  look  paralyzed  the  fraudu 
lent  contractor,  the  government  thief,  or  the  smooth 
tongued  spy?  Stanton  was  not  quite  54  years  old, 
but  he  had  condensed  a  long  lifetime  in  the  previous 
six  years.  He  sat  while  delivering  his  address,  but 
when  he  came  to  a  climax  or  a  point  which  he  wished 
to  emphasize  he  slowly  arose  from  his  chair,  and  with 
his  outstretched  arm  and  deep  penetrating  voice  he 
gave  one  an  idea  of  the  Stanton  of  ante-bellum  days. 
The  speech  was  a  most  powerful  one,  and  was  an 
exhaustive  review  of  the  causes  which  led  to  the  War 
of  the  Rebellion,,  the  sacrifices  made  to  preserve  the 
Union,  a  sketch  of  General  Grant's  career  and  the 
issues  involved  in  that  campaign.  Hon.  R.  Sherrard 


I 


HON.    EDWIN   M.    ST ANTON 


Photograph  by  Davison  Filson. 
September  25,  1868. 


EDWIN  McMASTEES  STANTON          295 

presided,  and  special  reporters  were  present  from  the 
New  York  Tribune  and  other  leading  journals.  In 
this  address  Mr.  Stanton  said : 

Friends  and  Fellow  Citizens:  The  time  is  rapidly  ap 
proaching  when  you  will  be  called  upon  to  choose  whom  you  will 
trust  with  the  chief  executive  power  of  this  nation  for  the  next 
four  years,  who  shall  exercise  the  law-making  power  as  your 
Representatives  in  Congress  during  the  next  Congressional 
term.  You  have  never  made  a  choice  so  important  to  your 
selves,  to  your  country  and  to  mankind.  For  upon  it  may  rest, 
the  choice  of  peace  or  of  war,  of  domestic  tranquility  or  civil 
discord,  freedom  or  slavery,  in  short  of  all  the1  blessings  that 
can  follow  good  government,  or  the  evils  that  bad  government 
can  inflict  upon  the  human  race.  At  the  last  Presidential  elec 
tion  the  country  was  in  the  midst  of  a  bloody  war,  and  had  for 
three  years  been  struggling  in  resistance  against  rebellion. 
The  fortune  of  war  was  so  varied  that  some  patriots  began 
to  feel  doubtful  as  to  the  result;  others  were  hopeless.  On 
the  one  hand  the  rebels  strove  in  military  power,  and  encour. 
aged  by  sympathetic  league  with  friends  in  the  Northern  and 
Western  states  were  bold  and  defiant,  and  boasted  that  they 
only  needed  for  the  final  success  that  their  friends  in  the 
Northern  states  would  carry  the  Presidential  election.  These 
friends  who  had  resisted  the_war  at  every  stage,  were  equally 
bold  and  confident  in  their  expectation  that  their  hour  of 
triumph  was  at  hand,  but  these  hopes  and  expectations  were 
doomed  to  ignominious  overthrow  at  the  polls  by  the  election 
of  Aibraham  Lincoln,  and  on  the  field  of  battle  by  our  armies 
under  the  command  of  General  Grant.  Overwhelmed  by  these 
disasters,  political  and  military,  the  rebels  gave  up  in  despair, 
declared  their  cause  the  "lost  cause"  and  humbly  sued  for  life, 
liberty  and  property,  professing  to  be  deeply  grateful  for  the 
generous  terms  that  were  offered. 

Of  the  causes  that  led  to  the  rebellion  and  a  justification 
of  the  Nation  in  prosecuting  the  war  it  is  needless  here  to 
dwell.  They  are  still  fresh  in  your  recollection.  The  graves 
of  300,000  patriot  soldiers  slain  in  battle  by  the  rebels  are  still 
green;  the  tears  of  orphans,  widows  and  bereaved  parents  still 
flow,  and  the  maimed  and  wounded  soldiers  around  us  are  liv 
ing  memorials  of  the  cruelty  of  the  rebels  in  their  war  against 
the  United  States  Government.  You  will  bear  in  mind,  how 
ever,  that  the  rebellion  was  occasioned  by  a  thirty  years'  con 
spiracy  of  those  whom  Mr.  Johns,on  boldly  termed  the  slave- 


296  THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN 

holding  oligarchy  of  the  Southern  states — an  oligarchy  based 
upon  land  monopoly  and  slave  labor.  This  slaveholding  aris 
tocracy  thirsted  to  extend  its  territory  and  political  power, 
and  by  'extending  its  system,  into  the  free  states,  to  obtain  a 
monopoly  of  the  fertile  lands  and  rich  minerals  of  those  states, 
and  ultimately  obtain  control  of  the  Government.  Experience 
•has  shown  that  the  systems  of  free  labor  and  slave  labor  are 
•hostile  and  cannot  exist  together,  so  that  the  foothold  of 
slavery  is  an  impassable  barrier  to  free  emigration,  and  would 
•give  to  the  slaveholders  not  only  a  monopoly  of  lands,  pro 
ducts  and  minerals  but  would  command  all  the  great  channels 
of  commerce  with  the  Pacific  and  the  nations  of  the  East,  and 
make  them  the  richest  people  on  the  face  of  the  globe.  This 
ambitious  aim  was  sternly  resisted  in  the  Northern  states. 
Mindful  of  the  fortune  of  war,  and  fearful  of  delay,  the  first 
election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  deemed  by  the  slaveholders  a  fit 
ting  occasion  for  the  outbreak  of  this  rebellion.  On  the  day 
after  the  Presidential  election  the  flag  of  the  United  States 
was  hauled  down  and  the  Palmetto  flag  run  up  in  Charleston. 
Conventions  for  secession  were  called  in  all  the  slaveholding 
states,  and  very  soon  ten  states  organized  a  so-called  Confed 
erate  government,  hostile  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  at  Montgomery,  and  transferred  its  capital  to  Richmond. 
Immediately  afterwards,  forts,  arsenals,  magazines,  arms,  am 
munition,  ship  yards,  ships  of  war  and  the  public  money  were 
seized  and  converted  to  the  purpose  of  the  rebels.  The  naviga 
tion  of  the  Ohio  and  Potomac  was  closed.  Northern  men 
and  Northern  women  were  imprisoned  or  banished.  In  the  slave- 
holding  states  armies  were  levied.  The  forts  and  troops  of 
the  United  States  were  besieged,  bombarded  and  captured,  and 
the  capitol  of  the  Nation  at  Washington  was  beleagured  and 
threatened  by  a  hostile  force. 

In  'this  condition  of  things  the  first  troops  were  called 
out  in  defense  of  this  Nation  and  the  first  war  loan  negotiated, 
and  for  every  life  that  has  been  lost,  every  drop  of  blood  that 
has  been  expended,  every  dollar  that  has  been  laid  out,  every 
bond  or  note  that  has  been  laid  out,  every  'tax  that  has  been 
collected,  the  slave-holding  aristocracy  is  responsible.  They 
and  their  sympathizers  in  the  Northern  and  Western  states 
urged  them  to  hold  on,  to  carry  on  the  war  until  they  could 
obtain  control  of  the  Government  at  the  next  Presidential  elec 
tion.  The  measures  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  defend  the  Govrrnment 
received  the  highest  sanction.  The  Governors  and  Legisla 
tures  of  loyal  states  vied  with  each  other  in  urging  enlistments. 
Congress  at  its  first  session  voted  an  army  of  500,000  men 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STAXTON          297 

and  $500,000,000  to  support  them.  The  people  flocked  from 
their  homes  by  thousands  and  thousands  to  join  the  army.  The 
soldiers  in  every  camp  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Rapidan, 
from  every  corps,  brigade  and  regiment  and  company  shouted 
to  their  brethren  at  home  to  stand  by  the  Government  and 
rally  round  the  flag.  These  measures  of  defense  were  not  with 
out  opposition,  for  about  the  very  time  that  Sherman  and  his 
army  were  forcing  their  way  over  the  fortifications  and  in- 
trenchments  at  Atlanta,  the  convention  at  Chicago  declared  the 
war  to  be  a  failure,  and  demanded  the  cessation  of  hostilities. 
This  made  a  plain  and  broad  issue  and  soon  became  the  great 
issue  of  the  Presidential  canvass.  The  result  was  decisive. 
Twenty-one  sitates,  213  Electoral  votes,  over  28,000,000  of 
people  supported  the  Government.  The  estimate  of  Grant  upon 
this  result  is  expressed  in  the  following  telegram. 

''City  Point,  Nov.  10,  1864—10:30  P.  M.  The  Hon.  Edwin 
M.  Stanton,  Secretary  .of  War.  Enough  now  seems  to  be 
known  who  is  to  hold  the  reins  of  Government  for  the  next 
four  years.  Congratulate  the  President  for  this  double  victory. 
The  election  having  passed  off  quietly  with  no  bloodshed  or 
riot  throughout  the  land  is  a  victory  worth  more  to  the  coun 
try  than  a  battle  won.  Rebellion  and  Europe  will  so  consider 
it.  U.  S.  GRANT,  Lieutenant  General." 

The  people,  the  army  and  the  great  commander  thus  sus 
tained  the  emancipation  proclamation  which  had  been  issued 
on  the  first  of  January,  1863.  Abraham  Lincoln  had  struck  a 
blow  at  the  roots  of  the  rebellion  by  liberating  four  million 
slaves,  strengthening  our  army  and  carrying  dismay  into  the 
hearts  of  the  rebels.  The  full  effect  of  this  great  measure  was 
not  appreciated  until  near  the  close  of  the  war,  but  now  when 
the  restoration  of  slavery  is  a  cherished  hope  of  those  most 
hostile  to  the  election  of  General  Grant,  it  cannot  be  too  well 
considered.  The  wealth  and  power  of  the  rebels  was  mainly  in 
the  slaves;  they  were  the  producing  and  laboring  class,  and 
without  their  labor  the  plantations  were  of  little  value.  By 
the  system  of  forced  and  unpaid  labor  the  rebel  master  was 
able  to  sow  his  land,  'gather  his  crops,  feed  and  clothe  his 
family  and  furnish  supplies  to  the  army  while  the  whole  white 
population  should  engage  in  war.  It  was  then  that  slavery  was 
soon  found  to  be  a  mighty  engine  of  war  more  powerful  than 
belonged  to  any  other  people,  but  it  was  different  in  the  North 
ern  states.  Every  Union  soldier  that  left  his  home  to  join  the 
army  went  from  the  farm,  thej  workshop  or  the  manufactory, 
and  diminished  the  productive  industry  of  the  state  in  his  ab- 


298  THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN 

sence.  His  crops  were  ungathered  and  rotted  upon  the  ground. 
The  hammer  was  silent.  The  manufactory  stood  still.  He 
had  no  slave  to  work  to  support  his  family  and  do  his  labor 
for  nothing.  But  the  emancipation  of  slaves  changed  the  posi 
tion  of  parties.  The  slaves  cut  loose  from  the  plantations, 
flocked  within  our  lines,  thousands  upon  thousands,  joined 
our  armies  and  performed  military  work.  The  condition  of  the 
war  was  therefore  in  some  degree  equalized,  and  this  great  act 
of  Mr.  Lincoln  carried  dismay  into  the  hearts  of  the  rebels, 
and  strengthened  the  hearts  of  loyal  people;  besides  a  large 
and  powerful  party  who  regarded  slavery  as  a  God-forbidden 
sin  and  crime  and  had  been  laboring  for  years  to  abolish  it, 
gathered  new  hope,  and  renewed  their  strength  to  bring  the 
war  to  a  close. 

Three  things  mainly  contributed  to  the  overthrow  of  the 
rebellion;  first,  the  valor  of  our  soldiers  and  the  skill  of  their 
commanders;  second,  the  public  faith  and  credit  which  enabled 
us  to  raise  money  to  supply  the  army  and  provide  for  its  wants; 
and,  third,  the  emancipation  of  the  s'aves,  which  diminished 
their  power  and  gave  us  strength.  The  credit  and  good  faith 
of  a  State  is  essential  to  its  existence,  and  they  constitute  the 
sinews  of  its  power.  But  no  government  can  exist  without 
credit  sufficient  to  meet  extraordinary  emergencies,  for  no 
government  can  in  these  times  keep  money  in  the  treasury 
sufficient  to  carry  on  a  foreign  or  domestic  war,  construct  a 
great  national  work  like  the  Pacific  railroad,  or  meet  many 
exigencies  that  happen  in  the  life  of  a  nation.  France,  Russia, 
Austria,  Great  Britain,  Spain,  Italy  and  the  Papal  States,  and 
all  the  great  powers  of  the  world  are  compelled  to  rely  upon 
their  credit  to  meet  great  emergencies.  This  was  eminently 
the  case  with  the  United  States,  for  when  the  rebellion  broke 
out  the  treasury  was  empty,  its  arms  and  magazines  had  been 
plundered,  and  there  was  no  means  to  carry  on  the  war.  By 
the  efforts  of  our  enemies,  credit  abroad  was  cut  off  so  that  the 
Government  must  fall  at  the  first  stroke  of  the  rebellion  or  rely 
upon  the  faith  of  the  people  and  its  domestic  credit.  The  Gov 
ernment  belonged  to  the  people,  and  they  were  equal  to  the 
emergency.  By  the  purchase  of  bonds  and  current  notes 
enough  money  was  raised  to  meet  the  emergencies  of  the  war, 
the  treasury  was  filled,  and  there  was  little  necessity  in  the 
treasury  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  war,  and  then 
only  for  short  periods  until  a  fresh  appeal  could  DC  made,  and 
thus  it  happened  that  the  public  faith  and  the  public  credit 


EDWIN  McMABTEBS  STANTON          299 

became  a  cornerstone  of  the  State,  and  contributed  largely  to 
the  salvation  of  the  Government. 

When  the  war  was  over,  new  and  important  duties  de 
volved  upon  the  Government.  The  army  had  to  be  paid  and 
pensions  provided;  protection  and  education  given  to  the  en 
franchised  slaves;  the  rights  of  citizens  in  all  the  re'bel  states 
secured,  and  the  Federal  guarantee  of  a  republican  form  of 
government  carried  into  execution.  Immediately  upon  the 
meeting  of  Congress  it  devoted  itself  assiduously  to  this  work 
— loans  were  issued,  money  raised,  the  army  paid  off  as  it 
was  disbanded,  while  the  widows  and  disabled  soldiers  were 
liberally  pensioned.  The  Freedman's  Bureau  was  organized 
for  the  protection  of  liberated  slaves,  the  Civil  Rights  bill  was 
passed  to  protect  loyal  citizens  in  all  the  states,  and  measures 
adopted  to  give  peace  and  tranquility  and  republican  govern 
ment  in  all  these  states  whose  government  had  been  cast  off 
by  the  rebellion.  Some  of  those  measures  'have  been  carried 
out,  others  for  reasons  needless  to  discuss  now,  still  remain 
an  unexecuted  dead  letter,  and  they  will  so  remain  until  Gen. 
Grant  shall  be  elected  President  of  the  United  States. 

Grant  then  stands  this  day  before  us  the  foremost  military 
commander  in  the  world  with  peace  for  his  watchword.  Why 
should  he  not  be  elected?  What  reason  has  any  lover  of 
country  for  not  voting  for  him,  By  his  side  stands  Schuyler 
Colfax,  who  by  his  own  energy,  good  character  and  industry, 
advanced  from  the  printing  office  to  the  Speaker's  chair,  and 
for  three  successive  terms  has  filled  that  high  office  with  honor 
and  distinction.  Honest  and  upright  men  have  been  nominated 
for  your  Representatives  in  Congress,  pledged  to  stand  by 
Grant  and  the  country;  why  then,  I  ask  should  not  he  and  they 
receive  your  support?  Educated  at  West  Point,  he  served  with 
distinction  through  the  Mexican  war,  and  when  it  was  ended, 
unwilling  to  be  a  drone,  resigned  his  commission,  and  engaged 
in  the  pursuits  of  civil  life.  Leaving  his  peaceful  pursuits  at  the 
commencement  of  the  Rebellion,  he  joined  the  army,  and  soon 
advanced  to  the  rank  of  Major  General  commanding  the  army. 
After  varied  and  important  services,  'he  moved'  upon  the 
enemy's  works  at  Donelson  and  compelled  their  commander, 
Buckner  to  surrender  with  18,000  prisoners  of  war.  Soon  after 
he  grappled  with  Beauregard  on  the  field  of  Shiloh,  and  drove 
him  and  his  routed  army  from  the  field.  He  proceeded  to  open 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River  and  ran  its  batteries, 
fought  and  defeated  General  Johnston,  chased  the  rebel  Gen 
eral  Pemberton  into  Vicksburg  and  forced  him  to  surrender 


300  THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN 

with  30,000  prisoners  of  war.  Advanced  to  command  all  the 
armies  of  the  West  he  fought  and  defeated  Bragg  at  Chat 
tanooga,  shattered  his  army  and  delivered  that  vast  territory 
from  the  hands  of  the  rebels.  Advanced  still  higher  as  Lieu 
tenant  General  he  changed  his  headquarters  to  the  Potomac, 
forty  days'  marching  and  fighting  through  the  Wilderness, 
drove  Lee  and  his  army  into  Richmond.  Compelled  to  evacu 
ate  Lee  was  chased  to  Appomattox  Court  House,  and  forced 
to  surrender  himself  and  men  as  prisoners  of  war,  which 
practically  brought  the  rebellion  to  an  end. 

And  now  I  ask  what  reason  has  any  man  to  vote  against 
General  Grant?  His  capacity  and  integrity  for  civil  adminis 
tration  were  equally  manifest  in  the  vast  territory  in  which  he 
operated.  If  any  man  among  you  would  hide  from  the  boy 
the  musket  and  knapsack  that  his  father  carried  at  Donelson, 
at  Vicksburg,  upon  Lookout  Mountain,  throughout  the  Wil 
derness,  before  Richmond,  at  Five  Forks,  at  Appcmattox 
Court  House,  and  shouldering  proudly  marches  with  200,000 
of  his  fellow  soldiers  through  the*  streets  of  Washington  and 
around  the  capitol  and  executive  mansion  that  he  defended 
with  his  life  for  years  in  the  long  march,  the  wearisome  siege, 
and  the  storm  of  battle,  let  such  a  mani  vote  against  General 
Grant.  If  there  is  any  man  among  you  that  would  blot  from 
the  page  of  our  history  the  story  of  these  great  achievements 
let  him  draw  black  lines  around  them  and  write  across  their 
faces,  "Have  no  share  in  these  great  deeds  for  I  vote  against 
Grant."  Is  there  any  man  among  you  that  would  compel  the 
armies  of  the  Potomac,  of  the  James,  of  the  Ohio,  of  the 
Cumberland,  of  the  Tennessee  and  of  the  Gulf  to  be  again 
gathered  at  the  tap  of  the  drum  and  surrendered  as  prisoners 
of  war  to  Lee  and  Johnston,  Beauregard  and  Forrest  and  Pres 
ton,  let  him  vote  against  General  Grant.  If  there  is  any  man 
among  you  who  has  forgotten  that  'bright  summer  Sabbath 
day  the  little  Monitor  as  she  steamed  out  against  the  new 
sea  monster,  the  Merrimac,  and  before  noon  drove  her,  shat 
tered  and  crippled  to  port;  if  there  is  any  man  who  would  have 
rejoiced  to  behold  a  cannon  ball  shatter  Farragut,  as,  lashed  to 
the  mast,  he  drove  through  the  re,bel  fleet  and  dashed  them 
in  pieces,  let  that  man  vote  against  Grant.  If  any  man  would 
have  Worden  and  Farragut  and  Winslow  and  all  our  great 
Admirals  haul  down  the  Star  Spangled  Banner,  never  again 
to  brave  the  battle  and  the  breeze,  if  he  would  see  them  slink 
in  shame  from  their  own  quarter  deks  and  give  up  their  ships 
to  Maury  and  Buchanan,  and  Semmes  and  Moffatt,  while  the 


EDWIN  McMASTEES  STANTON          301 

Confederate  bars,  emblems  of  slavery,  flaunt  on  every  sea,  in 
every  state,  let  him  vote  against  General  Grant.  Vote  early 
and  vote  often,  for  if  Grant  be  elected  this  globe  shall  disap 
pear  from  the  firmament  before  the  banner  of  the  United 
States  shall  suffer  tarnish  or  s'hame  on  the  land  or  on  the 
deep.  If  there  is  any  man  among  you  who  would  reverse  the 
order  of  history,  who  would  bring  upon  you  a  shame  and  re 
proach  never  before  known  among  the  nations  of  the  earth, 
who  would  have  the  commander  of  the  United  States  armies 
deliver  up  his  sword,  and  humbly  bow  before  the,  rebel  com 
mander,  let  that  man  vote  against  Grant,  but  never  again 
call  himself  an  American  citizen.  If  there  is  any  man  whose 
eyeballs  would  not  burn  to  -behold  Lee  uipon  the  portico  of 
the  capitol,  with  Beauregard,  Preston  and  Forrest  at  <his  side, 
with  a  Confederate  army  around  him,  and  as  the  Government 
is  transferred  to  them  listen  to  the  rebel  yell  as  it  sounds  on 
the  field  of  .battle  and  in  the  New  York  Convention,  let  such  a 
man  vote  against  Grant  and  ,,go  to  Washington  on  the  4th  of 
March.  W'hy  then,  I  repeat,  should  any  lover  of  his  country 
vote  against  Grant  and  Colfax  and  the  Republican  members  of 
Congress? 

A  convention  has  'been  held  in  New  York  and  put  in 
nomination  opposition  candidates,  Horatio  Seymour  and 
Frank  P.  Blair.  Seymour  professes  that  he  is  an  unwilling 
candidate  caught  up  by  a  wirlwind.  iBlair  was  put  in  nomina 
tion  by  Preston,  of  Kentucky,  who  fought  five  years  against 
his  country,  and  the  nomination  was  seconded  by  Forrest,  of 
Fort  Pillow.  The  watchword  of  Grant,  as  I  have  said,  is 
peace. 

Now,  what  is  the  watchword  of  the  New  York  Conven 
tion?  A  few  days  .before  the  meeting  of  that  Convention 
Frank  P.  Blair,  in  a  manifesto  to  his  friend,  Broadhead,  de 
clared  the  platform  on  which  he  was  willing  to  stand.  The 
substance  is:  First,  that  the  President  shall  declare  all  the 
Reconstruction  laws  of  Congress  null  and  void,  second  that 
he  shall  compel  the  army  to  undo  all  that  has  been  done; 
third,  that  the  white  population  of  the  rebel  states  shall  be 
suffered  to  organize  their  own  governments;  fourth,  that  the 
talk  about  greenbacks  and  bonds,  and  gold  and  the  public 
credit  and  the  public  debt  is  idle  talk;  fifth,  that  the  President 
must  trample  in  the  dust  the  reconstruction  laws  passed  by 
Congress.  If  the  reconstruction  acts  of  Congress  may  be 
declared  by  the  President  null  and  void  he  becomes  a  dictator 
with  the  law-making  power  in  his  hands  alone.  If  he  may 


302  THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN 

compel  the  military  power  to  undo  what  has  been  done  under 
and  by  virtue  of  acts  of  Congress,  he  becomes  a  military  dic 
tator,  and  all  form  and  semblance  of  republican  government  is 
lost.  If  the  white  population  of  the  rebel  states  are  to  reor 
ganize  their  own  governments  without  reference  to  the  recon 
struction  acts  of  Congress  then  it  is  plain  to  be  seen  that  the 
first  act  will  be  the  restoration  of  slavery,  the  restoration  of 
the  rebel  power,  of  the  engine  with  which  it  carried  on  war,  the 
perpetual  power  and  domination  of  the  aristocracy  of  the 
slaveholding  states,  the  slave  oligarchy  forever  in  the  South. 
But  there  is  also  a  financial  scheme  of  the  New  York 
Convention.  Blair  says  that  it  is  idle  to  talk  about  bonds, 
greenbacks  and  gold,  the  public)  credit  or  the  public  deibt.  If 
then  such  talk  be  idle  why  is  it  that  the  financiers  of  the  New 
York  Convention  from  Maine  to  the  Mississippi  are  talking  of 
gold  and  greenbacks  and  bonds,  and  nothing  else?  The  rea 
son  is  plain.  Mindful  of  the  uncertainty  of  war  and  that  the 
public  credit  and  public  faith  was  a  cornerstone  that  upheld 
the  country  against  rebellion,  it  is  deemed  proper  to  destroy 
the  public  debt  by  repudiation,  to  smooth  the  way  for  the 
restoration  of  the  Lost  Cause.  This  talk  of  .bonds  and  green 
backs  is  then  only  a  provisionary  step  to  smooth  the  path 
for  the  restoration  of  the  slaveholders.  W'hat  is  this  financial 
scheme!  It  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  repudiation.  The 
doctrine  of  repudiation  was  first  broached  by  Jefferson  Davis 
thirty  years  ago  in  Mississippi.  While  it  advanced  him  to 
political  power  it  remains  a  stigma  to  the  state.  To  avoid  that 
stigma  it  is  insisted  that  the  scheme  of  the  New  York  Con 
vention  is  not  repudiation  but  something  else.  They  say  that 
the  public  'bonds  on  their  face  are  payable  in  lawful  money, 
that  greenbacks  are  lawful  money,  and  therefore  the  bonds 
are  payable  in  greenbacks.  But  if  'greenbacks  be  lawful 
money  under  the  act  of  Congress,  gold  is  also  lawful  money, 
so  that  the  argument  with  equal  force  proves  the  bonds  paya 
ble  in  gold.  But  suppose  it  were  not  so.  The  bonds  were 
sold  by  the  Government,  in  the  market,  to  raise  .money  to 
carry  on  the  war  for  its  existence.  <No  one  can  doubt  who  is 
familiar  with  legal  principles,  that  where  a  party  sends  into 
the  market  a  general  agent  to  raise  money,  with  an  alterna 
tive  mode  of  payment,  the  parties  may  contract  which  mode 
of  payment  shall  be  made;  and  if  the  agent  of  the  Govern 
ment  having  that  power  contracts  for  one  mode  of  payment, 
viz,  gold,  that  contract  is  binding  upon  the  State.  Any  other 
principle  would  be  destructive  to  public  faith,  public  credit 


EDWIN  McMASTEES  STANTON          303 

and  public  loans.  But  it  is  said  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury,  who  represented  that  the  bonds  were  payable  in  gold, 
exceeded  his  powers,  and  therefore  the  Government  is  not 
bound.  That  I  deny.  What  Court,  what  tribunal  has  ever 
decided  where  a  loan  was  made  stipulating  an  alternative  pay 
ment,  and  the  agent  of  the  power  who  borrowed  the  money 
represented  that  a  particular  payment  should  be  made,  the 
principal  may  afterward  repudiate  the  debt?  Such  representa 
tion  is  as  binding  on  the  principal  as  if  there  was  but  one 
mode  of  payment  stipulated  in  the  bond.  But  again  it  is  said 
that  these  .bonds  were  sold  at  a  discount,  and  the  public  credi 
tor  should  receive  what  was  paid  to  the  Government.  Such 
a  pretense  would  be  ruinous  on  individuals  and  ruinous  to  the 
state.  When  a  man  goes  into  the  market  or  sends  his  agent 
there  for  the  purpose  of  bor-owing  money  with  an  unlimited 
rate  of  discount,  whatever  the  discount  may  be,  it  is  binding 
upon  the  principal  who  receives  the  money,  and  whether  it 
be  an  individual  or  a  nation  that  refuses  to  make  the  pay 
ments  it  is  repudiation  and  nothing  else.  It  is  said  further 
that  the  interest  upon  these  bonds  is  burdensome,  and  the 
taxes  to  meet  the  interest  are  heavy.  The  payment  of 'principal 
and  interest  of  any  debt  is  hard  after  the  money  has  'been 
expended,  but  that  furnishes  no  honest  person  with  an  excuse 
for  refusing  payment,  and  a  Government  which  would  under 
take  to  deal  with  the  creditors  in  that  manner  and  for  that 
reason  would  ibe  a  hissing,  a  scorn  and  a  byword  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth.  But  this  song  of  hard  taxes  is  familiar  to 
the  public  ear.  It  'has  been  sung  to  a  harp  of  a  thousand 
strings.  'And  at  every  stage  of  the  war — before  the  war 
actually  broke  out  but  was  imminent — we  were  told,  "Do  not 
resist  secession.  Let  the  Union  be  dissolved,  for  if  you  resist 
life  may  be  lost  and  blood  shed."  Who  does  not  remember  that 
cry  ringing  through  the  land?  It  burst  into  a  howl  at  Bull 
Run.  We  were  then  told,  "a  heavy  debt  is  already  incurred 
and  much  life  lost.  Stop  the  war  at  once."  It  reached  its 
loudest  note  before  Atlanta  when  the  war  was  declared  a 
failure,  and  a  cessation  of  hostilities  was  demanded.  It 
croaked  through  the  Wilderness  at  the  heels  of  Grant  at  every 
step.  We  were  told  that  the  exjpenses  of  the  Government 
already  exceeded  a  million  a  day,  and  that  countless  thousands 
had  perished.  But  it  sunk  to  a  whimper  when  Sherman  pre 
sented  25,000  bales  of  conquered  cotton  to  Lincoln  as  a  Christ 
mas  present.  It  was  choked  into  death's  silence  at  Appomat- 
tox  Court  House.  But  it  is  now  revived,  chanted  and  intoned 


THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN 


by  the  financiers  of  the  New  York  Convention  on  every  stump 
from  Maine  to  the  rebel  lines  but  not  .beyond  them.  Among 
the  rebels  there  is  no  talk  of  bonds  or  greenbacks  or  gold  or 
public  debt,  for,  trusting  to  a  lost  cause  restored,  they  do  not 
mean  to  pay  the  debt,  no  principal  of  the  bonds  or  interest. 
They  are  silent  as  the  g'ave.  Forrest's  trust  is  in  the  rebel 
howl,  and  it  is  left  to  the  financiers  of  the  New  York  Conven 
tion  to  quibble  and  carp  at  the  public  faith  in  the  public  credit, 
in  order  to  smootih  the  path  for  the  new  rebellion.  When, 
you  hear  'beyond  the  rebel  lines  talk  about  our  National  debt 
and  taxation  you  may  suppose  they  have  some  earnestness  on 
the  subject.  But  no  voice  has  been  heard;  no  tongue  has 
uttered  a  word  about  the  public  credit,  'but  of  rebel  debt.  They 
do  not  mean  to  pay  a  cent  of  national  taxes  or  a  dollar  of 
interest.  They  mean  to  leave  to  their  Northern  friends  the 
burden  and  shame  of  repudiating  their  own  debt,  and  destroy 
ing  their  own  credit.  The  rebel  debt  with  its  countless  millions 
is  enough  for  them  to  look  after.  This  is  why  the  financiers 
of  the  New  York  Convention  have  now  again  tuned  their 
harp  of  a  thousand  strings,  and  are  chanting  through  the  land 
about  gold  and  greenbacks,  and  public  credit  and  the  public 
debt,  while  Blair  sneers  at  them  with  scorn.  'He  knows  what 
Lee  and  Forrest,  and  Preston  and  Beauregard  mean,  and  the 
whole  of  the  rebel  host.  He  says  it  is  all  idle  talk. 

But  what  is  this  public  debt  manifested  by  the  bonds  and 
the  notes  of  the  United  States  and  about  which  the  bowels  of 
the  financiers  of  the  New  York  Convention  are  so  painfully 
moved? 

The  war  debt  is  variously  estimated  at  from  two  to  three 
thousand  millions  of  dollars.  It  was  a  debt  created  to  support 
a  million  soldiers,  the  largest  army  that  ever  marched  with 
our  banner,  and  the  most  formidable  fleet  that  ever  floated 
upon  the  waves  of  the  ocean.  It  represents  a  thousand  bril 
liant  achievements  on>  land  and  sea  that  will  be  renowned  upon 
the  pages  of  history  to  the  end  of  all  time.  The  principal  items 
of  'this  debt  can  be  ascertained  with  absolute  certainty,  and 
others  approximately  estimated.  And  I  ask  you  to  say  which 
of  them  you  will  lop  off.  It  is  not  a  question  that  concerns 
Beauregard  or  Forrest  or  any  one  south  of  the  rebel  lines, 
because  they  do  not  mean  to  pay  any  debt — but  how  much 
of  this  debt  will  you  repudiate,  standing  as  it  does,  the  repre 
sentative  of  the  great  achievements  of  our  army  and  navy? 
Behold  the  items.  The  report  of  the  Paymaster  General,  shows 
that  the  largest  part  of  this  expenditure,  namely,  $1,029,000,000 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON          305 

was  for  the  pay  of  the  army;  $250,000,000  more  would  cover 
the  whole  final  pay  of  the  army,  and  the  pensions  of  the 
widows  and  orphans  and  disabled  soldiers.  The  Quartermas 
ter's,  the  next  largest  expenditures,  are  thus  specified:  For  sup 
plies  of  clothing,  tents,  camp  equipage  and  other  necessaries, 
$200,000,000  will  be  a  reasonable  estimate;  for  horses,  forage, 
cavalry,  mules  and  wagons  for  transportation,  $300,000,000;  for 
steam  rams,  ships  and  railroads,  the  .building  of  steamers, 
bridges,  engines,  cars,  $400,000,000;  for  the  subsistence  of  the 
army  and  its  medical  supplies  $300,000,000  will  be  a  liberal 
estimate;  for  fortifications,  ordnance,  arms  and  ammunition 
$200,000,000  would  not  be  unreasonable.  The  whole  expense 
of  the  navy  for  the  first  year  of  the  war  was  $280,000,000  and 
cannot  now)  exceed  $300,000,000.  These  are  the  leading  items 
of  the  war  debt.  We  had  to  raise  an  army  to  maintain  our 
national  existence,  and  where  is  the  man  to  rob  the  soldier 
of  his  pay?  Let  him  vote  against  General  Grant.  Where  is 
the  man  ^hat  would  plunder  the  widow,  the  orphan,  the  be 
reaved  parents  sitting  helpless  .by  the  fireside?  If  you  have  an 
army  it  must  have  tents  and  clothes,  for  where  is  the  man  that 
would  have  the  soldiers  sleep  on  the  bare  ground  or  go  march 
ing  naked  through  the  re'bel  states?  You  must  also  have  'horses 
and  forage.  You  must*  have  means  of  transportation  on  land 
and  upon  your  rivers,  lakes  and  seas.  Where  is  the  lover  of 
his  country  that  would  have  had  the  armies  performing  pain 
ful  marches  of  months  that  could  have  been  performed  in  a 
few  hours  upon  boats  Or  railroads?  W'here  is  the  lover  of  'his 
country  that  would  have  had  Grant  or  Sherman,  or  any  of  our 
great  commanders,  lose  an  opportunity  to  strike  the  enemy 
for  want  of  transportation,  or  of  cavalry  for  forage  for  his 
horses,  or  any  other  supply?  W'here  is  the  man  that  would 
deprive  the  army  of  its  .bread  and  of  its  meat,  snatch  the  cup 
from  the  sick  .soldier,  deprive  him  of  his  nurse  and  hospital 
shelter,  or  medical  care  and  attendance?  And  when  France 
and  England  threatened  us  with  a  war  of  intervention  in  aid 
of  the  rebellion,  what  answer  would  have  been  given  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States  for  the  burning  of  our  towns 
and  cities  and  the  ravaging  of  our  coast,  if  such  could  have 
been  prevented  by  means  of  money  furnished  by  the  people; 
for  during  the  contraction  of  this  debt,  the  people  crowded  to 
Mr.  Lincoln  from  day  to  day,  and  demanded  that  he  should  put 
forth  the  Nation's  strength,  and  pledged  themselves  to  meet 
every  call  for  men  and  money.  And  who  is  there  that  would 
strike  out  for  one  second  the  glory  of  Farraigut,  of  Winslow, 


30G  THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN 

and  of  Worden,  and  all  our  other  great  sea  captains,  on  account 
of  the  whole  naval  expenditure?  Think  of  it  for  a  moment. 
You  all  rememiber  that  bright  Sunday  morning,  when  the  Nation 
quaked  at  the  news  as  it  flashed  through  the  land,  that  a  new 
monster  of  the  deep  had  appeared  the  day  before,  'had  sunk  two 
of  our  shijps  and  was  about  to  ravage  our  coast,  and  when, 
four  hours  later,  the  word  rang  through  the  land  that  a  little 
Monitor,  which  appeared  no  larger  than  a  speck  upon  the  sea, 
had  fought  her  three  hours,  and  had  driven  iher  crippled  and 
shattered  to  her  port — 'where  is  the  man  who,  for  the  whole 
national  debt  created  by  our  whole  naval  expenditure,  would 
have  lost  for  a  minute,  ihis  share  in  the  glory  of  the  achieve 
ment?  And  when,  on  another  Sunday,  the  world  .beheld  that 
great  duel  on  the  deep  in  the  face  of  Europe,  when  Winslow,  of 
the  Kearsage  sent  by  a  single  shot  the  re,bel  pirate  to  the  bot 
tom  of  the  sea,  who  would  sell  out  his  interest  in  the  glory  of 
that  achievement?  And  yet  these  are  things  on  which  the  finan" 
ciers  of  the  New  York  Convention  are  busy  with  pencil  and 
slate  in  their  hands,  to  cipher  away.  But  they  have  quite  other 
things  in  their  minds  when  they  profess  to  be  figuring  and 
reckoning  discounts  and  interests.  Their  hearts  are  mindful  of 
something  else.  They  are  thinking  of  Meade  and  Gettysburg, 
and  its  glorious  fields;  of  the  r&bel  ranks  mowed  by  our  artillery 
like  grass  before  the  scythe  in  that  two  days  battle.  They  are 
thinking  of  Shermatn  hewing  his  way  from  the  mountains  to 
the  sea.  They  are  thinking  of  George  Thomas  dashing  their 
army  to  pieces  at  Nashville.  They  are  thinking  of  the  bloody 
fight  of  Schofield  at  Franklin,  when  the  cannon  balls  crashed 
through  the  ibones  of  the  rebel  soldiers  and  their  officers  like 
hail  through  >glass  as  thick  as  Lannes  heard  at  Montebello. 
They  are  thinking  of  Butler's  triumphant  entry  into  New 
Orleans  and  patriotic  administration.  They  are  thinking  of 
the  humbling  of  the  knee  of  the  rebellion  before  the  stars  and 
stripes.  They  are  thinking  of  Canby  and  the  capture  of  Mobile. 
But  above  all  they  are  thinking  of  ..hat  day  when  Lee  surren 
dered  'his  sword  and  his  army  to  Grant  and  when  the  voice  of 
a  great  nation  was  lifted  up  in  thanksgiving  and  praise  to  the 
L,ord  of  Hosts.  Against  these  things  the  financiers  of  the  New 
York  convention  may  cipher  in  vain  until  the  very  figures  shall 
burn  and  blister  their  eyeballs.  You,  fellow  citizens  will  be 
mindful  of  these  things.  You  will  lay  them  to  your  hearts 
when  you  come  to  make  your  choice  for  President  of  the 
United  States  and  for  your  Representatives  in  Congress.  You 
will  talk  of  them  in  your  family,  >by  your  firesides,  and  you  will 
press  them  upon  your  neighbors.  You  will  toil  wth  them  until 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          307 

the  day  of  the  polls,  and  the  election  of  Grant  and  Colfax  and  a 
Republican  Congress  will  be  a  crowning  blessing  to  you  and 
your  posterity  forevermore. 

Brief  addresses  were  made  at  Cleveland,  Pitts 
burgh,  Philadelphia  and  one  or  two  other  points, 
where  they  exerted  a  powerful  influence.  Mr.  Stan- 
ton  reached  home  in  November,  nearly  exhausted, 
and,  as  we  know,  Grant  was  overwhelmingly  elected. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

ENTERING  THE  VALLEY. 

Straitened  Circumstances  and  Declining  Health — Baptism — 
Nominated  and  Confirmed  for  Supreme  Court  Justice — 
Visit  to  Grant — Relapse  and  Death — Last  Sad  Rites — Public 
Testimonials. 

It  was  on  the  occasion  of  his  last  trip  to  Steu- 
benville  that  Stanton  visited  the  Union  Cemetery 
with  John  McCracken,  and  pointed  out  the  spot  which 
he  desired  to  be  his  last  resting  place.  This  circum 
stance  is  confirmed  by  General  Townsend,  one  of  his 
executors,  who  said  Stanton  told  him  he  wished  to 
be  buried  in  Steubenville,  and  that  he  had  arranged 
in  that  city  the  spot  where  his  body  was  to  lie. 

Towards  the  latter  part  of  the  winter  of  1868-9 
Mr.  S'tan ton's  health  somewhat  improved,  but  h^e 
wrote  to  his  friend  Watson,  at  Ashtabula,  that  he  was 
straitened  for  money.  Through  a  friend  the  latter 
sent  him  $5,000,  which  was  understood  to  be  a  loan, 
and  so  acknowledged,  but  the  giver,  Stillman  Witt, 
of  Cleveland,  destroyed  the  acknowledgement,  and 
never  collected  the  bill.  About  this  time  he  conducted 
an  important  land  case  at  Wheeling,  but  was  consid 
erably  worse  after  he  arrived  home. 

Although,  as  previously  indicated,  Mr.  Stanton 
was  a  man  of  strong  devotional  feeling  and  an  attend 
ant  upon  religious  services,  yet,  probably  inheriting 
the  traditions  of  his  Quaker  ancestry  he  had  never 
been  baptized  into  any  church.  He  now  sent  for  Dr. 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          309 

William  Sparrow,  of  the  Alexandria  Theological 
Seminary,  who  had  been  one  of  the  Gambier  clergy 
when  he  was  at  college,  for  the  purpose  of  receiving 
the  sacrament  of  Holy  Baptism,  which  was  duly  per 
formed.  He  soon  after  began  preparing  for  confirma 
tion  under  the  ministrations  of  Rev.  Thomas  A. 
Starkey,  who  had  lately  come  to  the  Church  of  the 
Epiphany,  at  Washington,  from  Trinity  Church, 
Cleveland,  and  was  afterwards  made  Bishop  of 
Newark,  N.  J.,  but  death  overtook  Mr.  Stanton  before 
this  rite  was  administered. 

He  improved  considerably  during  the  next  few 
months,  at  least  apparently,  and  spent  the  summer 
and  autumn  with  friends  in  New  England.     He  re 
turned  to  Washington  in  the  fall,  but  was  evidently 
growing  weaker.     During  this  period  he  was  offered 
a  large  retainer  to  take  charge  of  a  certain  law  case, 
but,  although  needing  money  badly,  his  conscience 
would  not  allow  him  to  keep  it,  as  he  felt  himself 
unable  to  properly  earn  it.     He  argued  a  case  before 
Justice  Swayne,  of  the  Supreme  Court,  who  came  to 
his  own  house  to  hear  it,  on  December  12,  and  a  ser 
ious  relapse  followed  the  extra  exertion.     It  could 
hardly  be  considered  a  credit  to  the  Nation  that  this 
hero  should  thus  be  dying  by  inches,  straitened  in 
funds,  and  struggling  with  the  assistance  of  a  few 
generous  friends  to  support  his  family  out  of  the 
remnant  of  his  once  lucrative  law  practice  which  he 
had  sacrificed  to  his  country,  but  the  explanation  is 
that  the  public  did   not  realize  the  situation,   and 
certainly  Stanton  was  the  last  man  to  allow  a  public 
appeal  in  his  behalf. 

When  Chief  Justice  Taney  died  in  1864  there  was 


310  ENTERING  THE  VALLEY 

a  strong  effort  made  to  have  Stanton  appointed  to 
succeed  him,  but  Mr.  Lincoln  promptly  said  to  M.  E. 
Bishop  Simpson,  who  broached  the  subject  to  him: 
"If  Mr.  Stanton  can  find  a  man  he  himself  will  trust 
as  Secretary  of  War,  I'll  do  it."  No  one  was  found, 
and  Stanton  continued  his  grind  in  the  War  office, 
while  the  one  position  that  he  really  cared;  anything 
about  was  given  to  Chase,  with  his  approval.  Early 
in  December,  1869,  Justice  Grier  stated  that  he  in 
tended  to  resign,  and  told  Stanton  that  he  would  like 
him  to  be  his  successor  on  the  Supreme  Bench.  This 
intelligence  was  very  grateful  to  Stanton  as  it  assur 
ed  him  independence  for  the  remainder  of  his  days 
amid  congenial  surroundings.  Grant  had  apparently 
agreed  to  the  appointment,  but  as  several  days  passed 
and  no  nomination  was  made  some  of  Stanton's 
friends  became  anxious.  Finally  Senator  Carpenter, 
of  Wisconsin,  started  a  petition,  which  was  at  once 
signed  by  37  Senators  and  118  members  of  the  House, 
which  he  took  to  the  President  on  the  following  (Sat 
urday)  morning.  Grant  at  once  responded: 

I  am  delighted  to  have  that  letter;  I  have  desired  to 
appoint  Mr.  Stanton  to  that  place,  and  yet  in  consequence  of 
his  having  been  Secretary  of  War  and  so  prominent  in  the 
recent  political  strife,  I  have  doubted  whether  it  would  answer 
to  make  'him  judge;  that  indorsement  is  all  I  want;  you  go  to 
Mr.  Stanto,n's  house  and  tell  him  his  name  will  be  sent  to  the 
Senate  Monday  morning. 

When  Mr.  Stanton  heard  of  this  proceeding  he 
remarked :  "The  kindness  of  General  Grant — it  is 
perfectly  characteristic  of  him — will  do  more  to  cure 
me  than  all  the  doctors." 

In  certain  portions  of  Grant's  memoirs,  pub 
lished  after  his  death,  there  are  some  ungracious  re- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  ST ANTON          311 

marks  concerning  Stanton,  which  are  not  only  con 
tradictory  of  Grant's  own  declarations,  but  out  of 
keeping  with  his  character.  It  is  not  necessary  to  re 
fer  to  them,  further  than  to  remark  that  nobody  has 
attempted  to  controvert  Mr.  Flower's  conclusive  dem 
onstration  that  Grant  never  penned  those  lines. 

In  conversation  with  the  present  writer  Gen.  F. 
D.  Grant  alluded  to  the  high  respect'  in  which  Stan- 
ton  was  held  by  the  former's  father,  which  was  fre 
quently  expressed,  and  this  is  corroborated  by  the 
physician  who1  attended  the  senior  Grant  during  his 
last  illness.  If  anything  else  were  wanting  to  prove 
that  the  closing  pages  of  Gen.  Grant's  autobiography 
were  not  published  as  penned  by  him,  the!  difference 
of  style  would  be  conclusive,  with  such  expressions  as 
"War  between  the  States,"  a  declaration  as  false  his 
torically  as  it  is  unpatriotic  in  sentiment,  as  there 
never  was  such  a  thing  in  this  country  as  a  "war  be 
tween  the  states."  There  was  a  war1  by  the  Govern 
ment  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  supported  by 
the  loyal  people,  which  was  not  conducted  by  any 
combination  of  states  but  by  the  Nation. 

According  to  promise,  Stanton's  nomination  was 
sent  to  the  Senate  on  Monday  and  promptly  con 
firmed.  President  Grant  was  not  certain  whether  he 
should  issue  the  commission  at  once,  as  Justice 
Grier's  resignation  did  not  take  effect  until  February 
1  following.  On  that  afternoon,  December  20,  Stan- 
ton,  against  the  protests  of  his  family  and  physician, 
muffled  himself  up  and  drove  to  the  White  House  to 
thank  the  President  in  person  for  his  favor.  He 
created  a  sensation  as  he  entered  the  President's  room 
supported  by  Adjutant  General  Townsend,  and  de 
livered  to  Grant  his  written  acknowledgement  and 


312  ENTERING  THE  VALLEY 

thanks  for  his  appointment  to  the  only  public  office 
he  ever  desired.  Grant  signed  the  commission  on  the 
22nd,  but  Stanton  never  saw  it.  The  death  angel  was 
already  at  work,  and  the  exertion  had  been  too 
great  for  the  worn  out  body.  On  January  3  Grant 
sent  the  commission  to  Mrs.  Stanton  with  a  personal 
letter  expressing  his  sympathy  and  "of  the  estimation 
I  placed  upon  the  ability,  integrity,  patriotism  and 
services  of  him  whom  a  Nation  joins  you  in  mourning 
the  loss  of." 

It  is  a  curious  circumstance  that  as  Senator  Car 
penter  relates : 

MT.  Stanton  was  nominated,  confirmed,  commissioned  and 
ready  to  take  his  seat,  then  sickened,  died  and  was  buried, 
all  before  the  first  day  of  February.  On  that  day  good  old 
Justice  Grier  returned,  took  his  seat  on  the  bench  and  helped  to 
decide  causes  after  his  successor  had  >been  appointed,  commis 
sioned,  and  was  dead  and  buried. 

While  Mr.  Stanton  was  evidently  worse  after  his 
visit  to  President  Grant  on  the  20th,  yet  it  was  the 
belief  of  his  attending  physician  that  he  would  rally. 
Though  physically  weak,  his  mind  was  clear  and  his 
faculties  alert.  On  the  evening  of  the  23d  he  was 
apparently  no  worse.  Dr.  Barnes  had  left  for  the 
night,  and  the  family  had  retired.  Towards  midnight 
David  Jones,  his  nurse,  noticed  unusually  heavy 
breathing.  The  family  was  aroused  and  Dr.  Barnes 
hastily  summoned,  whose  trained  eye  detected  evi 
dence  that  the  end  was  not  far  off.  Convulsions  fol 
lowed,  but  in  the  intervals  the  patient  was  conscious, 
and  at  first  thought  he  would  recover.  He  seems, 
however,  to  have  soon  been  convinced  of  the  contrary, 
and  at  his  request  Rev.  Dr.  Starkey  was  sent  for,  who 
at  2  o'clock  in  the  morning  read  the  commendatory 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          313 

prayer  for  the  dying.  He  did  not  speak  after  that, 
having  fallen  into  a  semi  comatose  condition,  and  at 
4  A.  M.,  amid  the  prayers  and  tears  of  the  little  circle 
gathered  round  him,  his  soul  passed  out  into  the  great 
beyond. 

Besides  the  household,  including  the  family  and 
nurses,  Dr.  Barnes  and  Rev.  Dr.  Starkey  alone  were 
present. 

There  was  no  public  display  or  lying  in  state 
after  death,  but  personal  friends  of  the  dead  states 
man  were  admitted  to  take  a  last  look  at  the  remains 
of  him  with  whom  they  had  been  associated  in  one  of 
the  greatest  works  ever  given  to  man  to  perform. 

Upon  the  announcement  of  Mr.  Stanton's  death, 
President  Grant  issued  an  order  that  the  Washington 
Departments  be  draped  in  mourning  and  that  all 
business  be  suspended  on  the  day  of  the  funeral. 
The  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  and  members  of 
both  houses  of  Congress  assembled  for  the  adoption  of 
resolutions  and  to  arrange  for  a  public  funeral.  Sen 
ator  Sherman  was  appointed  to  call  on  Mrs.  Stanton 
with  the  view  of  removing  the  body  to  the  Capitol, 
where  it  was  proposed  to  hold  the  obsequies.  Mrs. 
Stanton,  while  grateful  for  the  mark  of  appreciation, 
felt  that  her  health  was  not  equal  to  the  strain  of  a 
public  funeral,  and  hence  desired  it  to  be  conducted 
from  her  home  on  the  27th.  The  service,  which  was 
that  which  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  provides  for 
king  and  peasant  alike,  was  conducted  by  Rev.  Dr. 
Starkey,  of  the  Church  of  the  Epiphany,  Rev.  Dr. 
Pinckney,  of  the  Church  of  the  Ascension,  and  Rev. 
Dr.  Sparrow,  of  the  Alexandria  Seminary.  The  pall 
bearers  were  Secretary  of  War  Belknap,  Postmaster 
General  Cresswell,  U.  S.  Senators  Carpenter,  Sum- 


314  ENTERING  THE  VALLEY 

ner,  Chandler  and  Edmunds,  Representatives  Judd 
and  Hooper,  Justices  Swayne  and  Carter,  Generals 
Barnes  and  Townsend,  Major  Eckert,  and  Hon.  E. 
Pierrepont.  Major  Eckert  had  brought  Mrs.  Stanton, 
the  Secretary's  mother,  from  her  home  in  Steubenville. 
Notwithstanding  its  simplicity,  the  funeral  was 
marked  by  a  large  attendance  of  public  men  begin 
ning  with  the  President  and  his  Cabinet,  diplomatic 
corps,  delegations  from  various  cities,  etc.  The  floral 
offerings  were  the  most  imposing  ever  seen  in  Wash 
ington.  The  coffin  was  borne  by  a  body  of  men  from 
the  Eighth  Artillery.  Thousands  gathered  in  the 
vicinity  and  along  the  route  of  procession  to  Oak  Hill 
cemetery,  where  the  body  was  laid  to  rest,  while  the 
last  prayers  were  said  amid  the  slow  falling  Decem 
ber  rain.  A  plain  stone  was  erected  to  mark  the  spot 
where  reposed  all  that  was  mortal  of  one  of  the 
Nation's  greatest  men : 

"Gone;  but  nothing  can  bereave  him 
Of  the  force  he  made  his  own 
Being  here,  and  we  believe  him 
Something  .far  advanced  in  state, 
And  that  he  wears  a  truer  crown 
Than  any  wreath  that  man  can  weave  him." 

Not  i  only  did  Congress,  but  civic  bodies  all  over 
the  country  testified  by  addresses  and  resolutions 
their  appreciation  of  the  services  of  him  of  whom  it 
might  have  been  said  as  Lord  Brougham  said  of  Pitt : 

As  soon  as  he  took  the  helm  the  'steadiness  of  the  'hand 
that  held  it  was  instantly  felt  in  every  motion  of  the  vessel. 
There  was  no  more  of  wavering,  of  torpid  inaction,  of  witless 
expectancy,  of  abje,ct  despondency.  His  firmness  igave  confi 
dence;  his  spirit  roused  courage,  his  vigilance  secured  exertion 
in  every  department  under  his  sway. 


STANTON'S    WASHINGTON    HOME. 


STANTON'S  GRAVE 


OLD    WAR    DEPARTMENT    BTIhDING. 
STANTON'S     ROOMS     SECOND     STORY     LEFT. 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          315 

Learning  of  the  straitened  condition  of  Mr. 
Stanton's  affairs  some  friends  in  New  York,  Pitts 
burgh  and  elsewhere  raised  a  testimonial  fund  of 
$100,000,  which,  with  the  sale  of  real  estate,  $10,000 
life  insurance,  and  a  year's  salary  of  $5,000  as  Su 
preme  Court  Justice  voted  by  Congress,  placed  his 
family  in  very  comfortable  circumstances.  His  two 
sons,  Edwin  and  Lewis  H..,  survived  him.  The  former 
died  at  the  age  of  35  years  and  was  buried  at  Steu- 
benville  on  September  15,  1877,  and  the  latter  is  now 
a  prominent  banker  in  New  Orleans.  Two  daughters 
are  also  living,  Mrs.  Weston  P.  Chamberlain,  of  Co- 
ronado  Beach,  Cal.,  and  Mrs.  Bessie,  wife  of  Rev.  H. 
S.  Habersham,  Monroe,  Mass.  There  are  several 
grandchildren. 

Mrs.  Lucy  Stanton,  mother  of  the  Secretary, 
died  at  the  age  of  80  years,  and  was  buried  in  the 
Stanton  lot,  Union  cemetery,  Steubenville,  on  Novem 
ber  8,  1873. 


PART   II. 

Posthumous  Honors. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE  STANTON  MONUMENT  ASSOCIATION. 

Beginning  of  the  Project — iWells  Historical  Society  and  Steu 
benville  Centennial — Stanton  Day — School  Children's  Tablet 
— Association  Organized — Portrait  Dedication — A  Generous 
Offer — Arrangements  for  the  Statue. 

While  there  have  been  numerous  suggestions  at 
different  times  that  the  great  War  Secretary  should 
be  commemorated  by  a  suitable  monument  at  his 
native  city,  the  first  movement  which  gave  promise 
of  practical  results  in  that  direction  was  the  forma 
tion  of  the  Bezaleel  Wells  Historical  and  Centennial 
Society,  which  was  incorporated  on  March  7,  1893. 
Its  object,  among  other  things,  was  to  collect  and  col 
late  material  pertaining  to  the  history  and  develop 
ment  of  the  city  of  Steubenville  and  vicinity  (includ 
ing  all  of  Jefferson  County)  and  to  raise  funds  to 
commemorate  by  publication  and  monuments,  on 
August  25,  1897,  the  centennial  anniversary  of  the 
first  sale  of  lots  made  in  the  city  of  Steubenville. 
The  Society  organized  by  the  election  of  the  follow- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          317 

ing  officers:    President,  Davison  Filson;  Vice  Presi 
dent,  Robert  Sherrard,  afterwards  Rev.  A.  M.  Reid; 
Recording  Secretary,  Joseph  B.  Doyle;  Correspond 
ing  Secretary,  W.  H.  Hunter;  Treasurer,  D.  J.  Sin 
clair;   Trustees,   Geo.   W.    McCook,   Winfield   Scott, 
Chas.  Gallagher,  A.  C.  Ault,  E.  M.  Crawford.     The 
Society  went  vigorously  to  work  and  collected  much 
valuable  data,  among  other  things  definitely  fixing 
the  location  of  Stanton's  birthplace,  which  up  to  that 
time  had  been  a  matter  of  some  controversy.     The 
city's    centennial    celebration    extended    over    three 
days,  of  which  the  first,  or  August  24,  was  devoted  to 
the  memory  of  Stanton.     The  sub-committee  having 
this  in   charge  was  composed   of  H.    G.   Dohrman, 
Chairman ;  H.  L.  M.  Dotey,  Secretary ;  W.  C.  Bracken, 
J.  B.  Doyle,  H.  B.  Grier,  H.  H.  McFadden,  R.  J, 
Morrison,  J.  F.  Oliver,  Dr.  A.  M.  Reid,  T.  M.  Simp 
son.      The    bronze    tablet   described    elsewhere    and 
placed  on  the  front  of  the  building  on  upper  Market 
street  in  front  of  the  house  where  Stanton  was  born, 
had  been  purchased  and  paid  for  by  the  school  chil 
dren  of  Jefferson  County,  in  which  the  children  of  the 
Irondale  schools  took  the  lead  outside  the  city,  they 
making  the  largest  contribution  in  proportion  to  their 
numbers.     A  small  balance  left  over  from  the  pur 
chase  of  this  tablet  furnished  the  nucleus  of  the  fund 
by  which  the  monument  project  was  carried  out,  so 
to  the  school  children  of  Jefferson  county  belongs  the 
credit  of  taking  the  first  substantial  step  in  this  di 
rection. 

The  formal  proceedings  of  the  day  began  at  the 
City  Opera  House  at  10  A.  M.  with  a  short  concert  by 


318    STANTON  MONUMENT  ASSOCIATION 

Patton's  band,  when  the  meeting  was  called  to  order 
by  Capt.  J.  F.  Oliver,  and  prayer  was  offered  by  Rev. 
E.  W.  Cowling.  Prof.  D.  W.  Matlack  made  a  short 
address  directed  to  the  greater  Jefferson  county, 
which,  when  first  organized,  extended  west  to  the  Mus- 
kingum  river  and  north  to  Lake  Erie.  Prof.  W.  H. 
Venable,  of  Cincinnati,  followed  with  an  able  exposi 
tion  of  Ohio  ideals,  and  an  eloquent  review  of  the 
characters  of  Ohio  statesmen.  He  forcibly  pointed 
out  the  fact  that  Stanton,  of  Steubenville,  represents 
the  superior  class  of  American  publicists  and  poli 
ticians — the  able,  the  aggressive,  the  conscientious, 
the  incorruptible.  The  boy  wTho  aspires  to  something, 
to  hold  a  place  among  the  Nation's  councillors,  or  to 
sit  on  the  high  bench  of  Justice,  may  well  take  such 
men  as  models. 

Visitors  had  been  arriving  by  every  train  during 
the  preceding  twenty-four  hours,  and  when  the  pro 
cession  was  ready  to  march  in  the  afternoon  the 
streets  wrere  packed  with  thousands  of  people,  while 
the  buildings  and  arches  spanning  the  highways  were 
a  mass  of  banners  and  patriotic  decorations.  The 
schools  were  a  leading  feature  of  the  parade,  and  chil 
dren  from  the  entire  county  assembled  at  the  Court 
House  and  different  school  buildings  at  1  P.  M.  and 
marched  to  the  places  assigned  to  them.  Each  scholar 
carried  a  small  flag.  The  order  of  procession  was  as 
follows : 

Chief  Marshal— J.  L.  Selah. 
Adjutant  General — D.  W.  Matlack. 

Chief  of  Staff— W.  M.  Taylor. 
First  Division — Marshal,  W.  F.  Ridgeley. 


EDWIX  McMASTERS  STANTON  319 

Patton's  Band. 

Gen.  Daniel  E.  Sickles,  Gen.  Anson  G.  McCook,  Rev. 

Henry  McCook,.  Mrs.   Pamphila  Wolcott,  sister 

of  Mr.  Stanton,  Hon.  R.  W.  Tayler  and 

others  in  carriages. 

17th  U.  S.  Infantry  Band. 

Cos.  K  and  E,  O.  N.  G. 

Carriages. 

Second  Division — Marshal,  Dr.  R.  Laughlin. 
Bueche's  Band. 
School  Children. 

Judges,  Attorneys  and  County  Officials. 

Visiting  Officials  in  Original  Limits  of  County. 

Board  of  Education. 

City  Clergy. 

Wells  Historical  Society. 

Centennial  Committee. 

Jefferson  County  Medical  Society. 

Stanton  Drum  Corps. 

E.  M.  Stanton  Post  G.  A.  R. 

Citizens  on  Foot  and  in  Carriages. 

City  Officials. 

Ambulance. 

At  2  o'clock  the  parade  started  from  the  Court 
House  up  Market  to  Fourth,  then  to  Clinton,  to 
Third,  down  Third  past  Stanton's  three  homes  and 
his  law  office  to  Market  street,  and  up  Market 
street  to  Stanton's  birthplace,  where  an  immense 
crowd  had  gathered.  Captain  John  F.  Oliver, 
from  a  rostrum  in  front  of  the  Imperial  Hotel, 
called  the  great  crowd  to  order  and  introduced 
Rev.  L.  H.  Stewart,  who  made  an  invocation,  and 


320    STANTON  MONUMENT  ASSOCIATION 

presented  Gen.  Daniel  E.  Sickles,  of  Gettysburg 
fame,  who  came  forward  on  his  crutches  and  his 
single  leg,  and  met  with  a  most  enthusiastic  welcome. 
His  address  was  largely  reminiscent  of  Stanton  and 
his  great  work  in  the  War  Department.  At  its  close 
he  pulled  the  cord  which  he-Id  the  National  colors 
concealing  the  bronze  tablet  erected  by  the  school 
children,  and  as  the  plate  appeared  to  view  the  air 
was  rent  by  cheer  after  cheer. 

Hon.   R.  W.   Tayler  followed  with  a  searching 
analysis  of  Stanton's  character,  in  which  he  said: 

A  solitary  figure  on  a  lonely  eminence.  It  is  thus  that 
Stanton's  career  impresses  me.  Strong^  self-centred  and,  indeed, 
self-sufficient,  he  was  so  absofbed  in  the  work  he  had  to  do, 
that  he  had  little  thought  for  the  amenities  of  either  private  or 
public  life.  Perhaps  it  was  this  that  made  him  so  effective. 
To  him/  every  minute  had  its  work,  and  th'at  work  was  done. 
He  brooked  no  man's  interference.  I  do  not  think  he  was  a 
man  of  especially  high  ideals,  but  his  was  such  a.  nature  that 
he  lived  constantly  in  an  atmosphere  of  accomplishment.  The 
necessary  food  of  his  moral  nature  was  effect:ve  acts.  He 
never  could  do  a  purposeless  thing.  He  was  ever  driving  directly 
at  some  well  distinguished  object,  and  it  scmetimes  seemed 
that  neither  force  .nor  persuasion,  nor  sentiment,  nor  mercy, 
must  stand  in  the  way.  It  is  a  most  interesting  character 
which  he  represents.  His  analyst  has  not  yet  appeared;  nor 
even  one  who  has  graphically  described  him.  One  man  thor 
oughly  understood  and  valued  him,  and  that  man  was  Lincoln. 
To  have  the  certificate  of  such  a  man  is  to  >be  decorated  with 
the  highest  honor.  The  best  thing  to  -be  said  for  Stanton, 
perhaps  the  best  thing  that  could  .be  said  for  any  man  from 
a  human  standpoint,  is  that  Linco'n  knew  him  and  trusted  and 
leaned  upon  him  almost  without  reserve.  We  are  familiar 
with  the  qualifications  which  environed  Lincoln's  judgment  of 
•Seward  and  Chase^  the  two  other  great  figures  in  his  Cabinet. 
No  such  qualification  appears  in  his  judgment  of  Stanton. 
While  his  irrascible  temper  and  unquieting  directness  were  at 
times  as  annoying  to  the  President  as  to  those  wihom  he  most 
directly  offended,  yet  inj  no  substantial  degree  did  they  affect 
the  soundness  of  Lincoln'  regard  for  his  great  War  Secretary. 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  321 

Who  can  tell  how  far  his  administration  of  his  mighty  respon 
sibilities  affected  the  outcome,  of  the  struggle?  Who  can  say 
how  long  the  actual  result  imigiht  have  ibeen  delayed  if  the 
strong  arm,  the  mighty  soul  and  the  discerning  intellect  of 
Stanton  had  not  intervened?  Certain  it  is  that  a  weak  man 
would  have  demoralized  the  whole  army,  and  demoralization 
not  quickly  checked  would  have  meant  disintegration.  His 
true  place  in  history  has  not  yet  'been  impartially  declared, 
but  if  it  shall  be  said  of  'him  by  the  next  generation  that  in  the 
essential  importance  of  his  work  he  ranks  after  Lincoln  and 
Grant  as  the  most  cogent  factor  in  the  war  period,  few  will 
there  ;be  to  dispute  it. 

It  is  not  improper  on  such  an  occasion  in  celebrating  this 
purely  Ohio  event,  to  point  out  the  conspicuous  and  over- 
towering  influence  of  Ohio  in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion.  Lin 
coln,  it  is  true,  was  iborn  in  Kentucky,  and  spent  his  manhood 
years  in  Illinois.  Powers  over  which  man  has  no  control  raised 
him  up  for  the  'great  work  of  saving  the  Union.  But  upon 
whom  did  Lincoln  lean?  On  Chase  and  Stanton  in  the  Cabinet, 
and  on  Grant,  Sherman  and  Sheridan  in  the  field — all  of  them 
either  born  in  Ohio^  or  developed  beneath  an  Ohio  sky.  And 
we  have  the  high  authority  of  Grant  faimse^  that  McPherson, 
a  son  of  O'hio,  (killed  on  the  freld  of  battle,  was  of  the  same 
stamp  and  of  'equal  merit  with  Sherman.  These  are  but  the 
most  conspicuous  examples  of  what  Ohio  furnished  the  Nation 
in  the  hour  of  her  peril.  Jefferson  county,  perhaps  more 
than  any  other,  .contributed  ^o  the  military  splendor  of  our 
state,  Ibut  other  and  more  'fitting  tongues  will  speak  of  them. 

Rightly  does  Jefferson  county  erect  this  memorial  to  her 
great  son;  and  proud  should  every  child  'be  that  participates  in 
this  celebration.  Stanton's  career  presents  to  them  the  exam 
ple — the  shining  example — of  the  power  of  directed  industry. 
Whatever  may  'have  been  his  natural  strength  of  intellect,  he 
best  exemplified  the  truth  that  the  genius  for  hard  work  is  the 
'best  genius  of  all. 

After  the  lesson  of  patriotism  which  we  all  learn  anew 
to-day,  we  are  taught  by  Stanton's  example  that  success  comes 
only  by  the  earnest  and  intelligent  pursuit  of  a  proper  end. 
Amid  the  many  lessons  of  this  period  forget  not  that.  We 
celebrate  and  rejoice  in  the  fact  that  this  grea:  man  was  not 
only  a  son  of  Ohio,  but  that  he  was  born  on  the  soil  of  Jeffer 
son  county.  Here  he  remained  until  his  years  of  mature  man 
hood,  until  he  had  taken  his  measure  of  strength  and  great 
ness,  and  went  to  a  wider  field  of  opportunity  and  accom- 


322    STANTON  MONUMENT  ASSOCIATION 

plis'hment.  Here,  looking  upon  these  flowing  waters  and  these 
green  hills,  his  character  was  formed  and  his  destiny  shaped. 
He  was,  while  here  the  man  he  afterwards  showed  himself  to 
be.  He  was  already  strong,  he  merely  became  stronger  by  the 
momentum  of  which  'his  early  career  was  the  promise  and  the 
impetus.  Here,  we  may  truly  say,  he  not  only  laid  the  founda 
tion,  but  nearly  completed  the  superstructure  of  the  splendid 
edifice  which  proved  so  great  a  tower  of  strength  during  the 
trying  days  of  a  stupendous  war.  Here  was  he  prepared  for 
the  hour  of  his  and  his  country's  supreme  trial.  True  it  is  that 
God  who  gave  us  Lincoln  gave  us  also  Stanton.  Who  shall  say 
that  each  was  not  essential  to  the  Divine  Purpose?  As  God 
was  with  the  Fathers,  so  may  he  be  also  with  ihe  sons. 

The  proceedings  closed  with  singing  "America" 
and  benediction  by  Rev.  Dr.  Reid. 

That  same  evening  a  public  memorial  meeting 
of  the  Jefferson  County  Bar  Association  was  held  at 
the  opera  house,  presided  over  by  Dio  Rogers,  Esq. 
A  number  of  distinguished  visitors  occupied  seats  on 
the  platform,  and  the  oration  of  the  evening  was  de 
livered  by  Hon.  J.  H.  S.  Trainer,  Stanton's  only  liv 
ing  contemporary  at  this  bar,  since  deceased.  He 
gave  a  brief  sketch  of  Mr.  Stanton's  legal  career,  end 
ing: 

His  name  will  forever  stand  on  the  records  of  the  courts 
of  his  country  as  one  of  the  'brightest  and  ablest  of  jurists; 
and  the  records  of  our  loved  country,  as  the  greatest  of  war 
secretaries,  who,  in  the  cabinet  of  the  lamented  President  Lin 
coln,  aided  and  assisted  in  crushing  out  the  rebellion  and 
restoring  the  Union  of  the  states  to  peace  and  harmony  united 
tinder  one  flag.  The  name  of  Edwin  M.  Stanton  as  a  jurist  and 
statesman  is: 

"One  of  the   few  immortal  names 
That  was  not  born  to  die." 

While  Steubenville  was  thus  observing  Stan- 
ton  day,  the  Steubenvillei  colony  in  Washington  met 
with  Joseph  A.  Sterling  presiding,  adopted  appro- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          323 

priate  resolutions,  and  tastefully  decorated  Stanton's 
grave  in  Oak  Hill  cemetery. 

The  proceeding's  related  on  the  preceding  pages 
emphasized  the  fact  that  while  monuments  had  been 
erected  all  over  the  country  to  individuals  who  had 
taken  part  more  or  less  prominently  on  both  sides  in 
the  Civil  War,  yet  the  one  man  of  all  others  who  most 
merited  such  recognition  was  without  it.  Fortunate 
ly,  some  time  previously,  Alexander  Doyle,  of  New 
York,  the  well  known  sculptor,  also  a  native  of  Steu- 
benville,  had  informally  to  several  friends  expressed 
a  willingness  to  contribute  his  services  towards  the 
erection  of  a  statue  to  Stanton  in  his  native  town, 
which,  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say,  would  be  a  most 
liberal  contribution  tow/ards  the  same.  Preliminary 
steps  were  taken  previous  to  the  Stanton  day  celebra 
tion,  and  on  August  11,  1897,  papers  of  incorporation 
were  issued  to  J.  H.  S.  Trainer,  H.  B.  Grier,  J.  L. 
Selah,  H.  H.  McFadden,  J.  F.  Oliver,  T.  M.  Simpson, 
D.  W.  Matlack,  J.  B.  Doyle,  H.  G.  Dohrman  and  D.  J. 
Sinclair.  A  preliminary  organization  was  formed 
with  H.  G.  Dohrman,  President,  and  J.  B.  Doyle, 
Secretary,  and  further  proceedings  were  deferred 
until  October,  when  a  constitution  and  by-laws  were 
adopted  and  the  machinery  set  in  motion.  Among 
those  who  took  an  early  interest  in  the  project  was 
Samuel  McDonald,  formerly  of  Steubenville,  then 
of  the  War  Department  at  Washington,  who  not  only 
made  a  liberal  personal  contribution  but  influenced 
the  Bostonian  opera  company,  of  which  his  brother 
William  H.  MacDonald,  was  the  head,  to  come  to 
Steubenville  and  give  a  concert  for  the  benefit  of  the 
fund,  by  which  a  neat  sum  was  realized.  Other  con- 


324    STANTON  MONUMENT  ASSOCIATION 

tributions  were  promised,  among  them  a  liberal  one 
from  E.  M.  Stanton  Post  G.  A.  R.,  of  Steubenville, 
and  matters  ran  along  until  April,  1898,  when,  from 
causes  never  fully  explained,  interest  in  the  matter 
seemed  to  become  dormant,  and  the  Association  did 
not  have  another  meeting  for  eight  years. 

Early  in  1906,  Eliphalet  Andrews,  another  artist 
native  of  Steubenville,  addressed  a  communication 
to  the  Bar  Association  of  Jefferson  county  proposing 
to  present  to  the  Association  a  life  size  oil  portrait  of 
Mr.  Stanton,  the  same  to  be  placed  in  the  Court 
Room.  The  gift  was  promptly  accepted  and  the 
dedicatory  exercises  were  held  on  April  14,  the  anni 
versary  of  the  fall  and  rehabilitation  of  Fort  Sumter. 
The  painting  is  3  1-2x5  feet  in  size,  and  represents 
Stanton  during  his  early  law  practice.  His  ruddy 
countenance,  flowing  beard  and  general  poise  are  re 
produced  in  the  most  natural  manner.  He  is  repre 
sented  as  standing  beside  the  trial  table,  his  left 
hand  resting  against  his  side,  while  the  tips  of  the 
four  fingers  and  thumb  touch  the  table.  Near  the 
corner  of  the  table  is  a  law  book,  which  might  be  a 
volume  of  Chase's  statutes,  and  partly  under  it  is  a 
manuscript  containing  some  legal  memoranda. 
Stanton  stands  facing  over  the  table,  and  may  be 
addressing  the  jury  or  the  court,  more  likely  the 
latter.  He  wears  the  tight  fitting  frock  coat  of  the 
time,  terminating  midway  between  the  hips  and  the 
knees.  The  portrait  is  framed  in  pure  burnt  gold, 
and  ocupies  the  most  prominent  position  in  the  room, 
directly  behind  the  judge's  bench. 

The  dedicatory  exercises  were  held  in  the  after 
noon  in  the  presence  of  an  audience  that  filled  the 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  325 

Court  Room.  Captain  John  F.  Oliver  presided  and 
made  the  opening  address,  followed  by  prayer  by 
Rev.  A.  M.  Reid.  Hon.  John  M.  Cook  made  the  pre 
sentation  address  on  behalf  of  Mr.  Andrews,  in  which 
with  a  review  of  Stanton's  life,  he  made  a  very  grace 
ful  reference  to  the  artist,  also  declaring  that  the 
time  had  come  when  there  should  be  a  monument 
to  Stanton  in  his  native  city.  At  the  close  the  pic 
ture  was  unveiled  while  the  band  played  "Star 
Spangled  Banner."  Hon.  John  A.  Mansfield  on  be 
half  of  the  Bar  Association  accepted  the  portrait  in 
an  eloquent  speech,  in  which  the  association's  inter 
est  in  the  picture  was  transferred  to  the  county. 
Response  on  behalf  of  the  County  Commissioners 
was  made  by  Hon.  Ron.  R.  G.  Richards  in  his  usual 
fluent  style.  The  orchestra  rendered  "The  Battle 
Hymn  of  the  Republic,"  and  Rev.  L.  C.  Denise,  of 
New  Kensington,  Pa.,  read  Longfellow's  "Psalm  of 
Life,"  which  was  a  favorite  of  Stanton.  The  after 
noon  exercises  concluded  with,  an  address  by  Hon.  A. 
S.  Worthington,  then  District  Attorney  of  Wash- 
ton,  D.  C.,  a  Steubenville  boy  who  was  associated 
with  Stanton  in  the  War  office  and  afterwards  in  law 
partnership  with  his  son  Edwin. 

A  still  larger  audience  assembled  at  the  Court 
Room  for!  the  evening  exercises  at  which  Vice  Presi 
dent  George  W.  McCook  presided,  and  read  a  num 
ber  of  letters  from  prominent  men,  beginning  with 
President  Roosevelt,  regretting  their  inability  to  b« 
present,  and  each  one  testifying  to  some  distinguish 
ing  traits  of  Stanton's  character.  E.  R.  VanCleve 
read  a  poem  by  WT.  J.  Lampton  entitled  Stanton. 
Col.  John  J.  McCook,  of  New  York,  made  an  im- 


326    STANTON  MONUMENT  ASSOCIATION 

promptu  speech  in  which  he  discussed  the  monument 
proposition  previously  referred  to  by  Judge  Cook. 
He  said  he  had  recently  been  assured  by  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  that  Congress  would  soon  appropriate 
enough  of  captured  guns  and  funds  to  lay  the  foun 
dation  for  a  magnificent  monument  of  Stanton  to 
be  placed  in  front  of  the  War  Department  on  Penn 
sylvania  Avenue  in  Washington.  "But,"  he  added, 
"Don't  let  us  wait  for  that.  Let  us  get  one  up  out 
here  on'  the  corner  in  the  place  of  his  nativity.  Let 
us  accept  that  offer  of  another  of  Steubenville's  dis 
tinguished  sons,  Alexander  Doyle,  the  sculptor.  I 
don't  see  why  we  have  not  done  it  long  ago.  If  it 
had  been  left  to  the  women  I'm  sure  it  would  have 
been  done.  They  have  a  way  of  carrying  such  things 
through.  Let  us  get  down  to  work  and  erect  the  first 
monument  to  Stanton  right  here  in  Steubenville." 

Erasmus  Wilson,  of  Pittsburgh,  made  a  short 
telling  address  showing  how  Stanton  had  saved  the 
Union  a  second  time  under  Andrew  Johnson,  and  the 
proceedings  closed  with  an  address  by  W.  H.  Hunter. 

The  success  of  these  dedicatory  exercises  was 
largely  due  to  the  activity  and  energy  of  Probate 
Judge  Frank  H.  Kerr,  who  did  not  suffer  the  work  to 
lag  at  this  point,  but  taking  advantage  of  the  renew 
ed  interest  in  the  monument  project,  urged  that  the 
Trustees  of  the  Stanton  Monument  Association  again 
take  up  the  matter  and  push  it  through  to  completion. 
Accordingly  on  April  26,  the  Trustees  reassembled, 
filled  necessary  vacancies,  appointed  committees  and 
prepared  to  go  ahead.  The  question  of  immediate  im 
portance  was  whether  Mr.  Doyle  was  still  willing  to 
make  good  his  previous  offer  of  services  in  creating 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STAXTOX  327 

the  statue,  and  this  was  shortly  settled  by  correspon 
dence  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  Association. 

In  the  course  of  the  following  year  liberal  dona 
tions  were  made  to  the  fund  by  Andrew  Carnegie^ 
Major  Thomas  T.  Eckert  and  others,  and  early  in 
1908  an  entertainment  was  given  under  the  auspices 
of  the  order  of  Elks  and  Ladies'  Auxiliary  which 
netted  $281,  and  on  April  8,  1908,  the  Legislature 
of  the  State  passed  an  act  authorizing  the  Commis 
sioners  of  Jefferson  county  to  appropriate  $5,000 
towards  the  erection  of  the  monument  as  an  aid  to 
the  beautification  and  improvement  of  the  Court 
House  grounds,  thus  placing  the  matter  on  a  sound 
financial  basis. 

Death  and  other  causes  had  made  several 
changes  necessary  among  the  officers  and  other  Trus 
tees,  so  that  much  of  the  final  work  was  in  charge  of 
the  following: 

President,  George  W.  McCook,  Steubenville; 
Vice  Presidents,  Gen.  Daniel  E.  Sickles,  X.  Y. ;  A. 
S.  Worthington,  Washington,  D.  C. ;  Col.  John  J. 
McCook,  X.  Y. ;  Hon.  Frank  H.  Kerr  and  Hon.  John 
M.  Cook,  Steubenville;  Secretary,  Joseph  B.  Doyle, 
Treasurer,  Robert  McGowan;  Trustees,  Hon.  Wm. 
MacD.  Miller,  Josiah  C.  Ault,  Capt.  J.  F.  Oliver,  W. 
F.  Kidgley,  H.  G.  Dohrman,  J.  W.  Gill,  Chas.  P.  Fil- 
son,  Steubenville ;  Geo.  D.  Cook,  X.  Y. ;  Robert  M. 
Francy,  Toronto. 

On  Saturday,  Xovember  6,  1907,  the  sculptor, 
at  the  request  of  the  Association,  visited  Steubenville 
for  the  purpose  of  definitely  locating  the  site  of  the 
statue.  The  southeast  corner  of  the  Court  House 


328    STANTON  MONUMENT  ASSOCIATION 

square  was  first  suggested,  but  after  a  careful  con- 
sideratiou  of  the  whole  matter  both  from  an  artistic 
and  sentimental  point  of  view  it  was  decided  to 
place  the  monument  directly  in  front  of  the  main 
or  Market  street  entrance  to  the  Court  House,  not 
nearer  to  the  same  than  the  front  of  the  existing  top 
step  or  platform.  This  was  following  the  Greek  idea 
of  always  locating  statues  with  buildings  for  a  back 
ground,  never  placing  them  against  the  sky  line.  A 
subsequent  letter  from  the  sculptor  summarized  some 
of  the  reasons  for  preferring  this  location  as  follows : 

First  and  foremost  is  the  one,  the  why  and  wherefore  of 
which  an  artist  can  explain  with  difficulty,  that  I  can  see  and 
feel  a  successfully  designed  monument  in  the  one  place,  and  I 
cannot  see  one  in  the  other  as  yet,  and  doubt  if  I  ever  can. 
There  are  two  things  that  influence  this  view — one  is  the 
restricted  area  of  the  location  on  the  corner,  and  the  other  is 
the  restricted  amount  of  money  to  provide  a  monument  to  put 
there.  The  ground  is  sloping  for  another  thing — always  a 
difficult  problem  where  the  base  of  the  monument  must  neces 
sarily  be  of  some  width,  and  to  accomplis'h  the  object  some  of 
the  committee  had  in  mind  (that  it  could  be  seen  if  placed 
there  from  a  distance  along  either  Market  or  Third  streets)  it 
must  necessarily  'be  placed  about  on  the  corner  of  the  present 
grass  plot — thus  detaching  it  too  far  from  its  background. 
Much  reflection  has  failed  to  bring  to  me  the  inspiration  for  a 
design  for  that  position.  On  the  other  hand,  all  the  ideas  that 
have  suggested  themselves  to  me  are  connected  with  a  statue 
in  front  of  the  Court  House  doorway  and  with  that  doorway 
for  a  background.  I  do  not  suppose  anyone  will  question  the 
appropriateness  of  that  location  from  the  sentimental  stand 
point.  Located  there,  the  pedestal  on  which  to  place  it  sug 
gests  itself  readily  to  my  mind.  It  will  be  subordinate  to  the 
statue  itself,  as  it  properly  should  be,  and  will  necessarily  have 
to  be  of  very  moderate  dimensions — which  means  a  minimum 
of  cost.  It  will,  perhaps,  make,  my  tasik  more  difficult  in  the 
statue  itself,  "for  that  will  have  to  stand  alone  on  its  merits, 
unaided  by  any  ornateness  of  pedestal. 

This  location  has  a  special   significance.     In  fact  that  signifi 
cance    is    such    that    you    could    noL    afford    to    offer    it    to    the 


OFFICERS   STANTON    MONTMEXT    ASSOCIATION 

William    McD     Miller  Gen.    Daniel    E.    Sickles  James   W.   Gill 

Robert    McGovvati  Hon.     Frank    H.    Kerr  Joseph    B.    Doyle 

Col.    John    J.    -McCook  George  W.    Mc-Conk  Augustus    S.    Worthington 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          329 

statue  of  any  man  ibut  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  because  it  is  the  one 
and  only  location  of  its  kind  that  you  can  offer  that  has  no 
competitor.  Street  corners  are  many — -but  there  is  but  one 
Court  House  Entrance,  and  the  location  itself  says  to  the 
world:  "We  consider  this  man  our  greatest  citizen,  otherwise 
his  statue  could  not  be  allowed  to  preempt  this  unique  location 
to  the  exclusion  of  others  greater  than  he."  I  think  all  these 
considerations  combined  too  weighty  to  'be  overlooked.  Hence 
that  is  the  location  I  should  choose. 

The  proposed  site  having  been  formally  approved 
by  the  Trustees  a  committee  was  appointed  to  call  on 
the  County  Commissioners  to  procure  their  consent 
to  the  same,  which  was  done. 

The  preliminary  model  of  the  monument  was 
completed  about  March  1,  1909,  and,  in  response  to  a 
request  from  the  sculptor,  several  Ohio  people  resid 
ing  in  New  York  called  and  inspected  the  same.  It 
was  at  first  supposed  that  the  formal  model  would 
be  finished  that  fall,  but  the  sculptor  desiring  to  put 
further  labor  on  the  work  the  whole  matter  was  laid 
over  for  another  year.  In  the  meantime  the  project 
had  grown  from  a  modest  bust  valued  at  a  few  hun 
dred  dollars  to  a  heroic  statue  worth  more  than  that 
many  thousands.  It  was  not  until  the  latter  part  of 
1910  that  the  sculptor  .began  to  see  the  beginning  of 
the  end  of  his  work  on  which  he  had  labored  so  faith 
fully  for  several  years.  Early  in  February,  1911,  a 
committee  from  the  Association  visited  New  York, 
and  inspected  the  model  in  the  artist's  studio.  It 
was  then  practically  completed,  and  the  universal 
verdict  was  that  it  was  entirely  satisfactory,  excellent 
in  portraiture  and  imposing  in  appearance. 

During  the  year  1910,  the  Association  suffered 
the  loss  of  three  of  its  members,  Hon.  John  M.  Cook 
by  death  on  July  10,  H.  G.  Dohrman  by  removal,  and 


330    STANTON  MONUMENT  ASSOCIATION 

George  W.  McCook  by  death  on  October  24.  The 
last  had  been  President  of  the  Association  since  its 
organization,  and  it  was  largely  due  to  his  labors 
and  influence  that  the  project  was  now  so  near  a  suc 
cessful  realization.  Mindful  of  these  facts  the  Asso 
ciation  at  its  annual  meeting  on  December  19,  on 
motion  of  Mr.  McGowan  adopted  the  following: 

Whereas,  George  W.  McCook,  who  was  the  Pres 
ident  of  our  Association  and  served  most  faithfully, 
departed  this  life  the  24th  day  of  October,  1910, 

Resolved,  That  in  his  death  this  Association  has 
lost  its  most  devoted  member  and  one  who  took  the 
greatest  interest  in  pushing  forward  the  work  in 
which  we  are  engaged,  and  this  community  has  lost 
one  of  its  best  and  noblest  citizens. 

Resolved,  That  we  extend  to  his  family  our  deep 
regret  and  sympathy  in  their  greater  loss,  and  that  a 
copy  of  these  resolutions  be  sent  to  them  and  spread 
upon  the  minutes  of  this  Association,  and  printed  in 
the  Association  souvenir  volume. 

At  this  meeting  Hon.  Frank  H.  Kerr  was  elected 
President;  the  other  members  of  the  board  being  as 
follows:  Vice  Presidents:  James  W.  Gill,  William 
MacD.  Miller,  Gen.  Daniel  E.  Sickles,  Augustus  S. 
Worthington,  Col.  John  J.  McCook;  Secretary,  Jos 
eph  B.  Doyle;  Treasurer,  Robert  McGowan;  Trus 
tees,  Josiah  C.  Ault,  John  F.  Oliver,  Dohrman  J. 
Sinclair,  Charles  P.  Filson,  Robert  M.  Francy,  W. 
F.  Ridgley,  Clarence  J.  Davis,  Gill  McCook,  George 
D.  Cook. 

It  being  now  apparent  that  the  monument  would 
be  ready  for  unveiling  by  the  Summer  or  Autumn  of 
1911,  at  a  meeting  of  the  Trustees  held  on  January 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  331 

24th  of  that  year  it  was  resolved  that  the  week  begin 
ning  on  Sunday,  September  3rd  be  tentatively  fixed 
for  the  dedicatory  ceremonies  and  a  general  home 
coming  week.  This  was  afterwards  affirmed  with  a 
general  outline  of  Sunday  for  religious  services,  Mon 
day  as  Labor  Day,  Tuesday  for  educational,  frater 
nal  organizations,  etc.,  Wednesday,  veterans  and  mil 
itary  generally;  Thursday,  unveiling  of  statue  and 
closing  exercises.  At  night  it  was  proposed  to  have 
entertainments,  public  meetings  with  addresses,  un 
veiling  of  portraits  of  Hon.  Benjamin  Tappan,  Hon. 
John  C.  Wright  and  Hon.  John  M.  Cook,  in  Court 
Room  No.  1,  Campfires,  fireworks,  etc. 

The  President  and  Secretary  were  appointed  a 
special  committee  to  visit  New  York,  Washington, 
Chicago  and  Columbus  for  the  purpose  of  extending 
invitations  to  distinguished  guests  to  attend  the  dedi 
catory  and  other  exercises,  and  to  secure  if  possible 
the  attendance  of  state  militia  and  United  States 
regular  troops.  The  results  of  their  visits  will  be 
found  in  the  following  pages. 

In  response  to  an  invitation  from  the  Trustees 
the  sculptor  again  visited  Steubenville  on  Friday, 
April  7,  when  the  exact  site  of  the  monument  was 
definitely  fixed  and  the  matter  a  few  days  later  placed 
in  the  hands  of  the  County  Commissioners  to  make 
such  alterations  about  the  entrance  as  might  be  nec 
essary.  Plans  and  specifications  prepared  by  E.  T. 
Jenney  and  County  Surveyor  J.  L.  Cox  provided  for 
new  steps  of  Berea  Sand  Stone  and  a  plaza  of  con 
crete  extending  to  the  Market  street  sidewalk  with  a 
drop  of  two  additional  steps.  A  concrete  founda 
tion  was  placed  at  the  front  entrance  of  the  Court 


332    STANTON  MONUMENT  ASSOCIATION 

House,  on  which  a  magnificent  flight  of  steps  of  Berea 
sandstone  was  erected.  The  steps,  six  in  number, 
have  seven  inches  rise  and  18  inches  tread,  the  top 
step  expanding  into  a  stone  platform  fifteen  feet  eight 
inches  by  nine  feet,  affording  a  spacious  entrance  to 
the  building.  Immediately  back  of  the  lowest  step, 
its  top  on  a  level  with  the  platform,  is  the  base  of  the 
statue,  a  single  sand  stone  block  three  feet  8  inches 
high  by  five  feet  eight  inches  front  and  six  feet  deep. 
On  this  rests  the  pedestal  of  red  Westerly  granite, 
unpolished  but  brought  to  a  comparatively  smooth 
surface  or  what  is  technically  known  as  "twelve  cut." 
The  pedestal  is  divided  into  three  parts,  first  the  base 
or  foot,  five  feet  square  and  eighteen  inches  high  with 
suitable  molding  at  the  top.  Then  the  dado  or  main 
body  four  feet  square  and  three  feet  two  inches  high, 
to  which  is  added  a  six  inch  top  molding.  On  the 
front  of  this  are  two  bronze  wreaths  and  two  inverted 
bronze  torches,  signifying  that  the  light  has  been 
turned  down,  together  with  the  following  inscription : 

EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON 

Born  in  this  City,  December  19,  1814, 

U.  S.  Attorney  General  1860-1861, 

SECRETARY  OF  WAR,  1862-1868 

Justice  U.  S.  Supreme  Court,  1869 

Died,  December  24,  1869, 

Erected  1911. 

The  bronze  letters  have  been  countersunk  into 
the  stone  according  to  the  latest  approved  methods, 
the  work  being  pronounced  by  the  New  England 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          333 

Granite  Company  as  the  best  of  the  kind  seen  during 
an  experience  of  forty  years  in  the  business. 

The  pedestal  terminates  in  a  surbase  9  inches 
high  and  five  feet  square,  slightly  smaller  at  the  top. 

Above  this  are  the  bronze  plinth  and  the  statue, 
the  latter  eight  feet  in  height,  considerably  above 
life  size.  This  figure  does  not  represent  Mr.  Stanton 
at  any  particular  moment  or  in  any  specific  act  of  his 
career.  His  attitude  is  such  as  he  may  have  assumed 
in  addressing  a  court  or  any  assemblage  of  persons, 
with  the  weight  of  the  body  borne  largely  but  not  en 
tirely  on  the  left  leg,  the  right  one  being  slightly  ad 
vanced.  The  left  arm  hangs  almost  straight  down 
but  detached  from  the  body,  holding  his  notes  or 
manuscript,  while  the  right  arm  is  bent  upward  with 
the  hand  over  the  breast  in  a  position  indicative  of 
argument  on  some  point.  The  head  is  erect,  turned 
slightly  to  the  left,  and  wears  the  spectacles,  without 
which  the  popular  idea  of  Stanton's  appearance 
would  be  at  sea.  The  open  side  of  the  statue  is  filled 
by  a  low  pedestal  over  which  is  draped  an  American 
flag.  Outside  of  its  symbolism  this  acts  as  a  relief 
figure.  A  statue  in  the  modern  frock  coat  is  liable 
to  appear  top  heavy  unless  the  sculptor  employs  a 
device  such  as  the  flag  and  pedestal,  to  give  mass  at 
the  bottom.  At  his  feet  lies  a  book  on  which  rests  a 
scroll.  The  bronze  plinth  three  feet  four  inches 
square  and  three  and  one-half  inches  thick,  supports 
the  figure,  and  is  bolted  to  the  pedestal  beneath.  The 
figure  weighs  about  1,800  pounds  including  the  plinth, 
and  the  height  from  the  ground  to  the  top  of  the  head 
measures  practically  eighteen  feet. 

The  sculptor  regards  the  Stanton  statue  as  one 


334    STANTON  MONUMENT  ASSOCIATION 

of  his  best  productions  if  not  his  chef-d'otevre  in 
which  those  who  have  had  the  opportunity  of  view 
ing  his  other  works  will  doubtless  agree.  The  shade 
of  bronze  harmonizes  well  with  the  granite  pedestal, 
and  the  whole  is  a  work  of  which  everyone  interested 
should  be  proud. 

The  statue  wa,s  shipped  from  the  Roman  Bronze 
Works,  Brooklyn,  on  July  26,  and  arrived  in  Steu- 
benville  on  Monday,  July  30,  but  was  not  unboxed 
until  the  arrival  of  the  pedestal  on  August  9. 

In  this  connection  a  brief  description  of  the  mak 
ing  of  the  statue  may  prove  interesting.  As  before 
stated  the  sculptor  had  been  working  on  the  model  for 
about  four  years.  This  model  is  made  of  suitable 
clay,  and  occupies  his  studio  in  New  York  City.  That 
completed  the  next  step  was  to  make  a  plaster  nega 
tive  or  cast  of  the  outside  of  the  model.  A  wax  pat 
tern  was  then  built  by  hand  in  this  negative,  the  wax 
first  being  applied  in  a  molten  state  with  a  brush,  and 
later  in  sheets,  after  the  wax  coating  has  acquired 
sufficient  thickness  to  protect  the  most  delicate  lines. 
The  sheets  are  pressed  into  place  by  hand  when  the 
wax  is  sufficiently  hard  to  permit  handling  and  to  be 
retouched  by  the  artist  where  necessary.  A  composi 
tion  practically  liquid  is  poured  in  and  around  the 
wax  composition  to  serve  as  a  mold  for  the  metal. 
This  hardens  in  a  few  minutes,  When  the  mold  is 
baked  over  a  slow  fire,  and  later  packed  in  a  pit  of 
sand.  Bronze  melted  in  a  crucible  is  then  poured  into 
it.  The  next  step  is  to  break  the  molds  carefully  to 
avoid  injury  to  the  castings,  and  the  metal  figures 
are  removed  and  trimmed.  Very  little  trimming  is 
necessary,  and  the  figure  is  finally  treated  with  chem 
icals  to  produce  the  color  or  "patina,"  which  artists 


TRUSTEES    STANTOX    MONUMENT    ASSOCIATION 
Clarence   J.    Davis  George  D.    Cook  Robert   M.    Francy 

Josiah   C.    Ault  Dohrman   J.    Sinclair 


Charles   P.    Filson 
W.    Frank   Ridjjley 


Gill   McCook 


Capt.   John   F.   Oliver 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          335 

so  much  admire,  and  which  is  especially  noticeable  in 
this  statue.  This  process  is  known  as  the  "cire  per 
due,"  or  lost  wax  process,  and  was  used  by  Benvenuto 
Cellini,  the  great  Florentine  artist,  centuries  ago,  but 
is  practiced  by  no  other  establishment  in  this  country. 

The  statue  was  cast  in  several  sections,  which 
were  riveted  together  and  then  welded  by  a  strong 
electric  current  which  made  the  joints  invisible.  As 
a  precautionary  measure  two  inch  bolts  fasten  the 
plinth  to  the  pedestal,  although  the  weight  of  the 
statue  would  probably  be  sufficient  to  keep  it  in  place. 

For  commercial  purposes  the  "lost  wax"  process 
cannot  compete  with  the  ordinary  method  on  account 
of  the  waste  of  material,  hence  its  use  is  confined  to 
high  artistic  work,  and  the  same  may  be  said  of  the 
grade  of  bronze  used,  which,  in  this  instance,  is  the 
very  best. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

STEUBENVILLE'S  GREATEST  WEEK. 

Beginning  of  the  Celebration — Wonderful  Display  of  Artistic 
Decorations — Arrival  of  the  Military — Sunday  Services — Great 
Labor  Demonstration  on  Monday — 'Open  Air  and  Promenade 
Concerts — Tuesday's  Immense  Fraternal  Parade — Educational 
and  Civic  Gathering  at  Wells  Auditorium — Unveiling  Por 
traits  of  Judges  WTright,  Tappan  and  Cook. 

To  relate  in  detail  the  work  leading  up  to  the 
great  demonstration,  which  not  only  made  Stanton 
Memorial  Week  the  greatest  affair  of  the  kind  ever 
held  in  the  Ohio  Valley,  but  gave  it  a  national  signi 
ficance,  would  require  a  library.  For  an  adequate 
account  of  those  proceedings  one  is  referred  to  the 
local  newspapers  which  did  splendid  service,  and  con 
tributed  in  no  small  degree  to  the  success  of  the  occa 
sion.  By  August  22d  the  statue  was  in  position,  and 
within  a  fewr  days  the  work  of  improving  the  Court 
House  plaza  was  completed. 

Sunday,  September  3,  was  officially  designated 
as  the  opening  day,  but  the  arrival  of  the  military  on 
Saturday  evening  put  the  public  on  the  qui  vive, 
The  city  was  already  a  mass  of  fluttering  flags,  pen 
nants,  streamers  and  bunting  of  all  sorts.  Pictures 
of  Lincoln,  Stanton  and  Grant  graced  the  buildings, 
and  Market  street  from  Third  to  Sixth  was  converted 
into  a  court  of  honor,  with  white  Corinthian  pillars, 
crowned  with  laurel,  the  emblem  of  the  old  Isthmian 
games,  through  which  the  brilliancy  of  electric  lights 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  337 

at  night  illuminated  in  the  modern  manner  the  classic 
designs. 

The  Eighth  Eegiment  O.  N.  G.  under  command 
of  Col.  Edward  Vollrath,  arrived  about  5  p.  in.  on  Sat 
urday  via  the  C.  &  P.  railroad,  and  marched  up  Mar 
ket  street  to  Edwin  M.  Stanton  camp  on  Pleasant 
Heights.  The  regiment  mustered  51  officers  and  650 
privates  and  non-commissioned  officers,  with  the  regi 
mental  band  in  addition.  The  First  Battalion,  26th 
IT.  S.  Infantry,  under  command  of  Major  L.  L.  Dur- 
fee  arrived  half  an  hour  later  from  Fort  Wayne,  near 
Detroit,  and  pitched  its  tents  adjacent  to  the  militia. 
There  were  eleven  officers  and  310  men,  with  the  fin 
est  military  band  in  the  country.  Many  of  the  men 
were  veterans,  having  seen  service  in  Cuba  and  in  the 
Phillipines,  and  their  martial  bearing  and  general  de 
portment  were  subjects  of  general  comment. 

The  city  on  Saturday  night  was  like  an  immense 
section  from  fairyland.  The  streets  were  ablaze  with 
electric  lights,  illuminating  the  wave  like  motion  of 
the  ocean  of  banners  and  bunting,  while  the  mass  of 
moving  humanity  imparted  life  and  animation  to  a 
scene  which  will  never  be  forgotten  by  those  wlio  wit 
nessed  it. 

Sunday  was  a  quiet  day  both  in  camp  and  in  the 
city.  Special  religious  services  were  neld  in  all  the 
churches  as  well  as  at  the  camp,  with  sermons  appro 
priate  to  the  events  of  the  Week  just  opening.  Zion's 
Evangelical  Lutheran  Church  on  Xorth  Fifth  street, 
held  a  special  anniversary  commemorating  the  fiftieth 
anniversary  of  its  organization.  Three  interesting 
services  were  held,  with  elaborate  musical  pro 
grammes  and  sermons  by  prominent  ministers  of  that 
denomination. 


338     STEUBENVILLE'S  GREATEST  WEEK 

At  St.  Paul's,  Rev.  W.  M.  Sidener  took  as  his 
text  Hebrews,  7  :16,  "The  Power  of  an  Endless  Life." 
After  reviewing  the  religious  features  of  Mr.  Stan- 
ton's  life  he  referred  to  his  influence  and  character, 
the  effect  of  which  never  dies.  His  example  imposes 
npon  everybody  the  obligation  to  give  the  world  the 
best  that  is  in  us,  of  cultivating  simplicity,  honesty 
and  unselfishness,  that  our  influence  may  be  such  that 
we  shall  not  fear  to  face  the  truth  that  there  is  in 
each  of  us  for  good  or  evil,  the  "Power  of  an  Endless 
Life," 

At  St.  Stephen's,  Rev.  E.  B.  Redhead  preached 
from  the  text,  "Go  home  to  thy  friend."  He  called 
attention  to  the  pleasure  of  returning  to  the  home 
circle  after  long  absence  and  meeting  relatives  near 
and  dear.  Then  to  renewing  old  friendships  in  one's 
OAvn  city,  and  finally  to  the  best  of  all,  the  heavenly 
home,  where  there  is  no  more  sorrow  or  parting. 

Rev.  Dr.  Robinson  at  Westminster  Presbyterian 
Church  preached  a  strong  sermon  in  favor  of  Biblical 
Instruction,  making  the  point  that  as  We  were  cleans 
ing  and  beautifying  the  city  for  "Home  Coming" 
week,  let  those  who  recognize  the  claims  of  the  Word 
do  as  much  towards  the  cleansing  of  the  city  moral 
ly  and  spiritually,  which  would  make  it  almost  ideal. 
He  followed  this  by  an  evening  sermon  on  "Indiffer 
ence,"  by  which,  more  than  by  direct  opposition  to  the 
right,  they  permit  the  active  forces  for  wrong  to  pre 
vail. 

Dr.  J.  H.  Hollingshead,  of  Cleveland,  preached 
at  First  M.  E.  Church  in  the  morning,  referring  to  the 
many  changes  in  the  congregation  during  the  twenty 
years  wrhich  had  elapsed  since  his  pastorate  there. 
His  text  from  Nehemiah  6 :3 ;  was  a  suggestion  to 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          339 

work  in  spreading  the  Gospel.  Rev.  J.  O.  Smith,  of 
Warren,  also  a  former  pastor  preached  in  the  evening 
upon  "The  Household  of  God." 

Rev.  Walter  Liggitt,  at  the  United  Presbyterian 
Church,  preached  an  eloquent  sermon  in  favor  of  fol 
lowing  the  old  paths,  that  a  new  faith  is  no  more 
needed  to-day  than  is  a  new  world.  "In  all  your  cel 
ebration  ask  for  the  old  paths,  walk  therein  and  ye 
shall  find  rest  for  your  souls." 

At  Hamline  M.  E.  Church  Rev.  George  K.  Morris 
welcomed  the  home  comers,  and  pointed  to  the  only 
permanent  home  beyond  the  grave. 

At  the  M.  P.  Church  Rev.  George  P.  Miller 
preached  on  "An  Appreciation  of  Patriotism,"  which 
word  expresses  the  worthy  thing  in  the  life  of  Stan- 
ton.  Because  he  was  a.  patriot,  not  because  he  was 
Secretary  of  War,  we  have  erected  his  statue  at  the 
entrance  of  the  Temple  of  Justice,  we  recall  with  in 
terest  every  common  incident  in  the  history  of  his 
life,  w^e  spend  money,  time  and  thought  in  his  honor. 
His  contribution  to  the  Nation's  life  was  that  through 
trying  years  and  at  great  personal  sacrifice  he  bore 
witness  to  the  nobility  of  patriotism. 

In  the  evening  there  was  a  special  service  for 
laboring  men  at  the  Christian  Church  at  which  Rev. 
A.  P.  Stahl  took  for  his  text,  "The  Laborer  is  Worthy 
of  His  Hire."  He  referred  to  the  fact  that  Christ 
and  St.  Paul  had  labored  with  their  own  hands  for 
their  support.  The  Church  is  beginning  to  recognize 
that  it  is  its  duty  to  plead  the  laboring  man's  cause. 
It  is  not  always  to  blame  for  the  chasm  which  is  alleg- 

"  O 

ed  to  exist  between  it  and  the  laboring  man.  A  sin 
ner  is  a  sinner  before  God  regardless  of  his  bank  ac 
count,  or  whether  he  is  in  the  office  or  at  the  bench. 


340    STEUBENVILLE'S  GREATEST  WEEK 

No  man  can  be  true  to  himself  as  a  Christian  who 
does  not  keep  constantly  in  mind  that  every  man  is 
his  brother,  and  one  of  the  principles  of  unionism  is 
the  respecting  of  other  men's  interests  as  well  as  his 
own.  The  solution  of  all  these  problems  is  found  in 
the  Gospel  of  Jesus. 

Rev.  Carl  Stackman,  of  the  Congregational 
Church,  delivered  an  evening  sermon,  pointing  out 
that  because  we  know;  what  men  of  previous  genera 
tions  have  done  we  want  to  do  better  things  ourselves, 
and  no  such  desire  is  without  its  direct  result  in 
men's  lives. 

Rev.  George  P.  Rowland,  at  the  Third  Presby 
terian  Church,  spoke  of  the  benefits  of  "Old  Home 
Coming"  from  Lev.  25  :10,  "And  ye  shall  return  every 
man  unto  his  possession,  and  every  man  unto  his 
family."  So  old  home  coming  was  a  very  ancient 
practice,  and  was  an  important  factor  in  maintaining 
the  national  life,  wherever  the  people  might  roam. 

At  St.  Stanislaus  Church,  Rev.  Father  Smoger 
referred  in  appropriate  terms  to  the  home  coming 
week,  the  pleasures  to  be  enjoyed  and  the  lessons 
which  it  taught. 

The  Italian  Society  connected  with  St.  Anthony's 
Church  celebrated  the  feast  of  Madonna  del  Popolo, 
"Mother  of  the  People"  by  attending  services,  parade 
during  the  day,  and  display  of  fireworks  in  the  even 
ing.  Reference  was  also  made  to  the  matter  in  other 
churches. 

The  secular  exercises  of  the  w)eek  opened  on 
Monday,  which  was  devoted  to  the  labor  organiza 
tions.  The  day  was  an  ideal  one  so  far  as  the  weather 
was  concerned,  clear,  cool  and  with  just  enough 
breeze  to  be  exhilarating.  Some  three  thousand  men 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          341 

were  in  line  under  direction  of  W.  H.  Ralston,  Grand 
Marshal,  and  the  pageant  was  brilliant  with  flags, 
showy  uniforms,  rich  badges,  tastefully  decorated 
automobiles  and  carriages.  Outside  delegations  were 
present  from  East  Liverpool,  Wellsville,  Toronto, 
Follansbee,  Mingo  and  other  adjacent  points,  while 
the  Steubenville  societies  w/ere  of  course,  strongly  in 
evidence.  After  an  enthusiastic  parade  to  martial 
music  through  the  principal  streets,  and  an  hour's 
rest  for  lunch,  an  immense  audience  assembled  at  the 
reviewing  stand  in  front  of  the  Court  House.  Fred 
erick  Bueche  presided,  and  introduced  Hon.  M.  N. 
Duvall  as  the  first  speaker.  After  a  reference  to  the 
statue  of  the  great  statesman  to  be  unveiled  that  week 
he  added : 

That  in  his  judgment  it  was  most  fitting  that  the  first  day 
of  the  week's  celebration  should  be  dedicated  to  the  cause  of 
labor.  *  *  *  While  it  is  true  that  labor  has  never  received 
its  just  and  exact  proportion  of  its  product,  it  receives  today 
much  more  on  the  average  than  it  did  in  former  times;  more 
necessities,  more  comforts  and  more  luxuries.  It  will  receive 
still  more  as  the  unions  become  closer  united,  and  there  is 
brought  about  a  more  brotherly  feeling  between  employer  and 
employed.  The  working  man  is  growing  better  informed  and 
wiser  year  by  year.  The  average  workman  of  the  United 
States  stands  upon  a  much  higher  level  than  his  brethren  in. 
other  countries. 

Mr.  Duvall  after  a  short  address  along  this  line 
was  followed  by  Hon.  Samuel  Prince,  of  New  York, 
who  delivered  an  eloquent  oration.  Among  othen 
things  he  said : 

Next  Thursday  there  will  be  unveiled  here  the  statue  of  a 
great  statesman  who  had  a  great  deal  to  do  with  having  bu,t  one 
Union  in  .the  United  States.  The  power  of  the  working  man 
lay  in  the  use  of  the  ballot,  which  can  be  used  effectually  to 
remedy  such  wrongs  and  abuses  as  still  exist.  As  to  the  alleg 
ed  kidnapping  of  John  McNamara,  the  Steel  and  Iron  Structural 


342    STEUBENVILLE'S  GREATEST  WEEK 

Workers  official,  he  was  not  here  to  say  whether  McNamara 
was  guilty  or  not  guilty.  He  would  honor  and  respect  the  ver 
dict  of  any  jury  legally  selected  and  constituted.  He  would 
•believe  him  innocent  of  the  charge  laid  at  'his  door,  however, 
until  he  was  declared  guilty,  .and  the  labor  unions  were  appeal 
ing  to  ,the  American  people  to  contribute  to  a  fund  to  be  used 
in  McNamara's  defense,  in  the  cause  of  justice.  He  was 
opposed  to  strikes  and  boycotts,  which  are  bad  for  the  employ 
er,  for  the  laboring  man  and  for  the  community  at  large.  The 
remedy  is  arbitration,  differences  should  be  talked  over.  The 
questions  of  shorter  hours%  wages  and  other  subjects  or  griev 
ances  should  be  considered  in  conference  between  employer  and 
employe.  Out  of  one  hundred  possible  strikes  that  might  have 
been  brought  about  during  former  conditions,  ninety  per  cent, 
are  now  settled  by  arbitration.  Strikes  should  be  called  only 
when  other  honorable  means  have  been  exhausted.  If  you 
must  strike,  then  strike  hard;  you  will  have  the  sympathy  ot 
the  public.  The  day  is  not  far  distant  when  the  working  man 
•will  be  better  rewarded  for  his  labors.  The  laboring  man  for 
gets  that  in  joining  a  union  he  benefits  more  in  the  way  of 
shorter  hours,  more  wages  and  more  leisure  time  to  spend  with 
his  family  than  he  could  ever  possibly  do  by  remaining  unor 
ganized.  Get  together  and  help  yourselves,  for  God  knows 
tio  one  else  will  help  you.  No  child  under  the  age  of  sixteen 
years  of  age  should  be  allowed  to  work  in  a  factory.  The 
great  trusts  of  the  United  States  are  criminal.  They  combine 
to  corner  the  necessities  of  life,  and  their  owners  should  be  put 
in  jail  for  conspiracy.  It  is  not  the  college  bred  men,  the 
men  educated  by  books  and  college  curriculum  who  are  bright 
est.  It  is  the  laboring  man,  the  men  whose  education  comes 
from  observation  by  the  naked  eye  who  are  really  the  most 
capable.  Such  'men  can  fill  any  position  with  credit  to  them 
selves,  to  their  fellow  men,  to  God  and  to  our  country. 

The  crowjd  of  spectators  who  thronged  the  streets 
in  the  evening  were  treated  to  a  magnificent,  concert 
in  front  of  the  Court  House  by  the  26th  Regiment 
band.  This  is  one  of  the  very  first  bands  in  the 
country,  and  the  concert  was  the  best  of  that  char 
acter  ever  given  in  Steubenville. 

Later  in  the  evening  the  Eighth  Regiment  O.  N. 
G.  band  gave  a  brilliant  promenade  concert  at  the 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          343 

Auditorium  rink  which  had  been  beautifully  decor 
ated  under  the  direction  of  the  Ladies'  Executive 
Committee,  one  of  the  most  important  factors  in  the 
week's  demonstrations.  The  reception,  which  was 
entirely  informal  w^as  attended  by  between  one  and 
two  thousand  persons.  Lewis  H.  Stanton  and  family, 
who  had  arrived  from  New  Orleans,  were  the 
central  figures,  while  the  greetings  of  the  old  home 
comers  wjere  numerous  and  cordial.  The  grand  prom 
enade  led  by  Robert  McGowan  and  Mrs.  I.  Sulzbacher, 
and  participated  in  by  the  great  crowd  in  the  Audi 
torium,  made  the  circle  of  the  large  apartment  twice, 
and  the  spectacle  was  beautiful  beyond  description. 

When  the  citizens  of  Steubenville  and  their 
guests  arose  on  Tuesday  morning  the  clear  sky  had 
given  away  to  leaden  clouds  from  which  a  drizzling 
rain  dampened  everything  except  the  spirits  of  the 
people.  In  spite  of  this  discouragement  visitors  be 
gan  pouring  into  the  city,  and  preparations  went 
steadily  onward  for  the  big  fraternal  parade.  The 
skies  brightened  by  the  time  the  procession  was  form 
ed  and  the  result  was  the  finest  pageant  of  the  kind  in 
the  history  of  the  city.  It  was  estimated  that  there 
were  6,000  persons  in  floats,  on  horseback  and  on  foot, 
representing  nearly  every  fraternal  organization  in 
the  county  with  many  outside.  Many  brilliant  uni 
forms  wiere  made  especially  for  this  occasion.  Over  a 
hundred  ladies  of  the  Royal  Neighbors  were  in  line 
dressed  in  white  and  carrying  white  parasols.  The 
Rebekahs,  Maccabees  and  Daughters  of  Pocahontas, 
had  beautiful  allegorical  displays,  and  the  Syracuse 
float  of  Steuben  Lodge  K.  of  P.  attracted  special  at 
tention.  The  W.  C.  T.  U.  had  a  float  illustrative  of 
its  work,  of  the  mother  protecting  her  children,  and 


344     STEUBENVILLE'S  GREATEST  WEEK 

nations  where  the  society  is  at  work.  There  were  also 
displays  by  the  Woodmen,  Red  Men,  Odd  Fellows, 
Eagles,  with  Polish,  Hungarian,  Magyar,  Roumanian, 
Italian  and  other  societies,  Steuben  Cadets,  etc.  Cap 
tain  J.  L.  Selah  was  Chief  Marshal,  with  H.  M.  Car 
penter  Chief  of  Staff,  and  Robert  L.  Freudenberger 
Adjutant. 

The  rain,  which  had  been  threatening  all  morning 
came  in  a  regular  downpour  just  as  the  parade  end 
ed,  putting  a  stop  to  outdoor  exercises  for  the  time 
being. 

The  Eagles  were  awarded  the  prize  for  the  best 
appearance,  Maccabees  for  finest  float,  Woodmen  for 
largest  turnout,  and  Steuben  Lodge  K.  of  P.  for  larg 
est  turnout  under  one  charter. 

Notwithstanding  unpromising  weather  the  large 
auditorium  of  Wells  High  School  building  was  crowd 
ed  to  the  doors  on  Tuesday  afternoon  by  a  representa 
tive  gathering  to  take  part  in  the  educational  demon 
stration.  Superintendent  R.  L.  Eryin  presided,  and 
the  pupils  and  audience  under  the  direction  of  Prof. 
Phillips  rendered  patriotic  songs.  President  Wm.  F. 
Peirce,  of  Kenyon  College  was  the  first  speaker.  Af 
ter  a  sketch  of  Stanton's  College  career  he  added : 

The  ideals  of  those  early  pioneer  days  were  carried  with 
him  throughout  life.  For  Kenyon  was  founded  by  a  sturdy 
pioneer  who  himself  embodied  and  impressed  upon  .the  college 
the  robust  self-confidence,  the  stern  resolution  and  'bold  versa 
tility  that  characterizes  the  pioneer  spirit.  He  learned  there 
to  subordinate  the  material  to  the  spiritual  and  to  realize  that 
greatness  is  found  not  in  a  man's  possessions  but  in  his  char 
acter  and  spirit.  With  this  clearness  of  vision  in  judging  true 
values  he  gained,  too,  mental  discernment  to  see  the  right  clear 
ly  and  the  moral  strength  to  follow  it  unflinchingly. 

Edwin  M.  Stanton  was  pre-eminently  a  trained  and  disci 
plined  man  and  thus  in  the  truest  sense  educated.  As  a  lawyer 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          345 

he  stood  at  the  top  of  his  profession.  Stanton's  training  gave 
him  a  will  which  in  defense  of  principle  was  inflexible  and  un 
yielding.  To  the  Lincoln  administration  he  was  the  rock  of 
Gibraltar.  Under  Johnson  his  stern  defense  of  principle  under 
most  unpleasant  conditions  is  a  matter  of  'history.  .Reliance  upon 
him  was  never  misplaced. 

In  character,  the  college  trained  Stanton  was  incorruptible 
and  upright.  Having  held  the  most  eminent  positions,  he  died  a 
poor  man.  This  statement  seems  the  stronger  if  we  remember 
the  scandalous  corruption  that  (characterized  the  War  Depart 
ment  under  Lincoln's  first  Secretary,  and  that  President  Grant's 
Secretary  of  War  hurriedly  resigned  to  escape  impeachment. 
To  his  country  the  career  of  Stanton  is  an  inspiring  example  of 
unselfish  devotion  to  the  public  welfare. 

Kenyon  College  cherishes  with  devotion  the  memory  of  her 
great  son.  The  students  of  each  passing  generation  look  at  his 
portrait  in  the  college  library,  and  enter  with  respect  the  dorm 
itory  room  where  he  lived.  The  Professorship  of  Economics  is 
named  in  his  honor,  having  been  founded  by  a  distinguished  and 
philanthropic  citizen  in  recognition  of  his  personal  debt  to  Stan- 
ton's  life  and  example.  In  1906  at  the  inauguration  of  this 
Professorship  -the  donor,  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie,  delivered  an 
eloquent  tribute,  choosing  as  his  title  the  words  which  I  wish 
•to  leave  with  you  this  afternoon,  "Stanton,  Patriot." 

Following  Dr.  Peirce  was  the  famous  negro  edu 
cator,  Booker  T.  Washington,  and  it  is  no  derogation 
to  the  other  eminent  speakers  of  the  Week  to  state 
that  no  address  was  listened  to  more  attentively  or 
created  stronger  impression  than  Dr.  Washington's. 
In  clear  and  sensible  presentation  of  facts  and  argu 
ments  and  eloquent  oratory  it  was  a  masterpiece. 
Among  other  things  Dr.  Washington  said : 

It  is  fitting, 'it  seems  to  me,  that  the  people  of  his  home 
city  and  of  his  state  should  take  the  lead  in  inviting  the  Nation 
to  share  in  the  honor  which  is  now  being  paid  to  the  memory 
of  Edwin  M.  Stanton.  Secretary  Stanton  is  one  of  the  truly 
great  characters  of  whom  the  Nation  is  proua,  and  it  is  a  great 
privilege  for  me  to  have  the  opportunity  of  joining  with  you 
in  honoring  his  memory.  He  was  one  of  those  great  and  unique 
characters  who  was  not  always  understood  when  he  lived  and 


346    STEUBENVILLE'S  GREATEST  WEEK 

worked,  but  as  the  years  pass  by  the  Nation  is  learning  to 
appreciate  his  true  character  and  real  worth.  We  must  learn, 
it  seems  to  me,  as  a  >Nation,  in  a  larger  degree  to  honor  our 
great  characters  while  they  live  as  well  as  pay  tribute  to  their 
memories  after  they  have  passed  away. 

No  people  are  in  a  better  position  to  pass  judgment  upon 
the  character  and  the  Life  of  Stanton  than  the  people  in  his 
home  city  where  he-  lived  and  'moved. 

My  part  in  this  celebration,  however,  is  not  to  extol  the 
personal  character  of  Secretary  Stanton,  but  to  try  to  show,  if 
possible^  some  of  the  results  that  have>  come  to  my  race  and  to 
the  Nation  'by  reason  of  the  efforts  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and 
his  'great  co-worker,  Edwin  M.  Stanton. 

When  my  race  was  made  free  through  the  proclamation  of 
Abraham  'Lincoln  we  were  in  number  about  four  millions.  The 
race  has  steadily  increased  in  numbers  until  at  the  present  time 
there  are  quite  ten  millions  of  black  citizens  in  the  United 
States.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  warned  not  to  free  'the  'millions  of 
black  people  for  the  reason  that  they  might  become  a  burden 
upon  the  purse  of  the  Nation.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  warned  to  the 
effect  that  these  millions  of  black  people  would  not  be  able  to 
feed,  clothe  or  house  themselves,  and  therefore  would  be  a  con 
tinual  burden  upon  the  pocket  of  the  Nation. 

When  we  received  our  freedom  we  were  without  houses, 
and  without  the  probability  of  inheriting  anything  from  our 
ancestors.  ]We  have  been  free  now  during  a  period  of  forty- 
eight  years.  What  have  we  done  in  a  material  way  to  justify 
the  faith  of  Secretary  Stanton  and  others  in  our  race? 

A  conservative  estimate  shows  that  we  have  bought  and 
paid  for  since  our  freedom  over  nineteen  million  acres  of  land. 
We  are  now  in  possession  of  over  200,000  farms.  The  negro 
race  produces  annually  four  and  a  half  million  bales  of  cotton 
valued  at  $95,000,000  Every  year  such  institutions  as.  Hampton 
and  Tuskegee  are  turning  out  architects,  contractors,  brick 
masons,  carpenters,  plumbers,  cooks,  seamstresses,  milliners 
and  what  not,  and  I  am  glad  to  say  that  these  persons  who 
master  the  skilled  trades  find  no  difficulty  in  finding  .employ 
ment  in  our  Southern  states. 

When  we  were  made  free  we  had  no  stores  or  other  business 
enterprises.  To-day  in  the  Southern  states  the  negro  owns  and 
conducts  about  10,000  little  grocery  stores,  dry  goods  stores, 
shoe  stores,  etc.  He  owns  and  operates  about  200  drug  stores 
and  57  banks.  While  there  is  prejudice  in  other  directions,  in 
the  matter  of  commerce  the  negro  business  man  has  about  the 
same  chance  in  his  community  as  is  true  of  the  white  man. 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  347 

When  the  negro  was  made  free  only  30  per  cent,  of  the  race 
could  either  read  or  w.nite.  Steadily  year  by  year  we  have 
reduced  the  percentage  of  illiteracy  among  us  until  to-day  we 
have  reached  the  point  where  57  per  cent,  of  the  race  can  both 
read  and  write.  To-day  we  have  over  30  ooo  negro  teachers  in 
the  public  schools,  and  286  industrial  schools,  colleges  and  uni 
versities  with  43,000  students.  In  1776  we  had  only  three  church 
organizations.  The  number  has  continued  to  increase  until  at 
the  present  time  we  have  over  26,000  churches. 

While  a  good  deal  is  heard  about  the  negro  criminal,  and 
while  I  admit  we  have  too  large  a  number  of  this  class,  I  am 
glad  to  say  that  with  few  exceptions  the  educated  colored  per 
sons  living  clean,  upright,  moral  lives  are  very  seldom  even 
charged  with  crime  or  convicted  of  crime. 

Gradually,  too,  everywhere  more  sane  and  just  relations  are 
beginning  to  exist  between  black  people  and  white  people.  No 
scheme  to  transport  the  negro  to  some  other  country,  or  to 
eliminate  him  from  American  citizenship  will  be  successful. 
We  must  face  the  fact,  both  North  and  South,  that  the  two 
races  are  to  live  here  for  all  time  together,  that  they  must  live 
here  in  peace  and  in  friendship,  and  that  each  race  must  do  its 
part  wjth  patience  and  with  sympathy,  <to  bring  about  the  best 
results. 

Those  who  live  in  this  generation  are  sharers  in  the  wealth, 
the  comforts,  the  education  and  prosperous  civilization  which 
the  foresight  and  the  sacrifices  of  such  men  as  Secretary  Stan- 
ton  made  possible.  'We  should  never  forget  in  our  prosperity 
the  debt  we  owe  to  such  great  characters.  We  should  never 
forget  the  work  which  Secretary  Stanton  started  has  not  as 
yet  been  completed.  His  work  will  not  be  completed  until 
poverty,  ignorance,  superstition,  cruelty,  race  prejudice  is  erad 
icated  from  our  American  life.  His  work  «vnll  not  be  com 
pleted  until  it  is  possible  for  every  person  suspected  of  crime, 
whether  he  be  black  or  white,  whether  he  lives  at  the  'North  or 
at  the  South,  is  granted  a  trial  by  the  courts  of  law,  and  that 
the  barbaric  habit  of  lynching  and  burning  human  beings, 
whether  at  the  North  or  at  the  South,  is  completely  rooted  out 
of  American  life.  GL,et  us  as  we  gather  here  to-day  resolve 
anew  that  in  the  future  our  activities,  our  money,  our  sympa 
thies  shall  be  devoted  to  all  that  tends  to  bring  about  and 
perpetuate  a  feeling  of  friendship  and  happiness  between  all 
sections  of  the  country  and  all  races. 

Gen.  Daniel  E.  Sickles,  being  called  upon  gave 
some  interesting  reminiscences  of  the  underground 


348     STEUBENVILLE'S  GREATEST  WEEK 

railroad,  and  the  large  audience  was  dismissed  with 
benediction  by  Dr.  Peirce. 

In  the  evening  Dr.  Washington  delivered  an  ad 
dress  at  Quinn  A.  M.  E.  Church  full  of  valuable  in 
struction  especially  to  his  race. 

During  the  progress  of  the  exercises  attendant 
on  the  unveiling  of  the  Stanton  portrait  in  the  Jef 
ferson  county  Court  Room  on  April  14,  1906,  the 
idea  occurred  to  some  members  of  the  Bar  Associa 
tion  that  it  would  be  desirable  to  have  on  the  walls 
portraits  of  other  members  of  the  bar  who  had  reflect 
ed  special  credit  on  their  profession  and  on  this 
community.  Naturally  the  first  person  to  be  sug 
gested  in  this  connection  was  Colonel  George  W. 
McCook,  deceased.  He  had  not  only  been  Stan- 
ton's  law  partner,  but  had  himself  made  a  National 
record  in  legal,  political  and  military  circles.  The 
matter  was  broached  to  his  son,  George  W.  McCook 
and'  brother  Colonel  John  J.  McCook,  with  the 
suggestion  that  should  the  family  of  the  deceased 
attorney  and  statesman  conclude  to  present  his  por 
trait  to  the  Association  for  a  permanent  place  on  the 
walls  of  the  Court  Room,  it  would  be  most  thankfully 
received.  After  due  consideration  the  members  of 
the  family  decided  to  make  the  presentation,  and 
commissioned  Charles  P.  Filson,  the  well  known 
artist  to  paint  the  portrait.  Mr.  Filson  went  imme 
diately  to  work  and  by  Wednesday,  August  29,  the 
portrait  was  hanging  on  the  wall  of  the  Court  Room 
ready  for  the  unveiling.  The  picture  hangs  above 
the  mantel  on  the  south  side  of  the  room  with  the 
face  slightly  turned  towards  the  east,  as  though  the 
subject  were  addressing  his  former  law  partner 
behind  the  judge's  desk.  The  painting  is  three- quar- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          349 

ter  length  life  size,  and  is  not  only  a  masterpiece  of 
art  and  worthy  companion  to  the  Stanton  picture, 
but  an  excellent  portrait  of  its  subject,  recognizable 
on  the  instant.  It  represents  Col.  McCook  standing 
by  the  trial  table  with  a  brief  in  his  right  hand,  rest 
ing  on  a,  book  which  is  lying  on  the  table.  His  left 
arm  is  at  his  side,  the  hand  not  visible.  The  picture 
is  40x60  inches  with  gold  carton  pierre  frame. 

The  dedicatory  exercises  were  held  in  the  even 
ing.  John  McClave,  Esq.-  acted  as  Chairman,  and 
in  his  opening  address  gave  an  interesting  biograph 
ical  and  character  sketch  of  the  deceased.  Invoca 
tion  followed  by  Rev.  G.  B.  Smith,  and  George  W. 
McCook,  son  of  the  deceased  presented  the  portrait 
on  behalf  of  the  family.  After  appropriate  music  the 
portrait  was  unveiled  by  Mr.  Filson.  Hon.  J.  Dun- 
bar  accepted  the  portrait  on  behalf  of  the  Bar  Asso 
ciation,  and  was  followed  by  Rev.  A.  M.  Reid  in  a 
most  brilliant  and  interesting  address,  giving  a  de 
tailed  history  of  the  "Fighting  McCooks."  Mr.  Fil 
son  was  introduced  and  received  the  applause  of  the 
house,  for  which  he  returned  thanks. 

Col.  John  J.  McCook,  of  New  York,  was  called, 
and  among  other  things  complimented  the  county  in 
producing  such  artists  as  Andrews  and  Filson,  and 
told  of  Col.  George  W.  McCook  being  at  the  Cincin 
nati  Convention  which  nominated  Buchanan  for 
President,  and  making  a  speech  there.  Col.  McCook 
was  afterwards  offered  a  place  in  Buchanan's  Cabi 
net,  but  declined  and  suggested  Stanton.  The  ap 
pointment  was  not  made,  but  in  the  close  of  Buchan 
an's  Administration  when  Black  was  shifted  from 
the  Attorney  Generalship  to  the  State  Department 
Stanton  succeeded  him. 


350    STEUBENVILLE'S  GREATEST  WEEK 

These  pictures,  not  only  commemorating  distin 
guished  individuals,  but  adding  greatly  to  the  artistic 
beauty  of  the  already  handsome  court  room,  created 
a  desire  for  others  along  the  same  line.  In  response 
to  this  sentiment  Messrs.  Andrews  and  Filson  made 
a  proposition  to  paint  the  portraits  of  Hon.  Benjamin 
Tappan  and  Hon.  John  C.  Wright,  both  eminent 
members  of  the  bar,  and  present  the  same  to  the  coun 
ty.  Their  generous  offers  were  accepted,  the  Stanton 
Monument  Association  agreeing  to  provide  the 
frames,  and  arrange  for  the  unveiling  ceremonies. 
About  the  time  these  pictures  were  completed  the 
death  of  Judge  John  M.  Cook  occurred,  and  the  fam 
ily  of  the  deceased  offered  to  present  his  portrait  also 
to  grace  the  walls  of  the  Court  Room.  The  commis 
sion  for  painting  the  same  was  awarded  to  Mr.  Fil 
son,  who  completed  the  work  in  time  to  hang  the  por 
trait  with  the  others  during  the  latter  part  of  August, 
1911. 

Mr.  Andrews  has  depicted  Senator  Tappan  sit 
ting  beside  a  table  on  which  is  an  assortment  of  law 
books.  In  his  right  hand,  which  is  resting  on  the 
table  is  held  an  old  fashioned  quill  pen,  and  the  pose 
and  intense  expression  on  his  face  seem  to  indicate 
that  a  pause  had  been  made  in  the  writing  to  decide 
an  important  question  before  putting  it  on  paper. 
The  coloring  is  in  that  rich  and  vigorous  style  for 
which  the  artist  is  noted,  and  represents  the  subject 
at  the  height  of  his  intellectual  career. 

Mr.  Filson's  portrait  of  Hon.  John  C.  Wright  at 
tracts  attention  second  to  none  in  the  Court  Room 
galaxy.  Whether  we  regard  it  as  mere  portraiture 
or  an  ideal  representation  of  the  man  and  his  charac 
ter  it  would  attract  favorable  attention  in  any  salon 


HON.   JOHN  C.   WRIGHT 


HON.    BENJ.    TAPPAN 


COT,.    GEO.    W.    McCOOK 


HON.    JOHN    M.    COOK 


EDWIN  McMASBBS   STANTON  351 

and  from  the  highest  critics.  The  artist  has  painted 
the  noted  jurist  sitting  with  the  left  hand  clasping  an 
ivory  headed  cane  and  his  right  resting  on  an  open 
law  book  which,  with  others,  is  lying  on  the  table  be 
side  him.  The  expression  is  certainly  all  that  could 
be  desired,  as  it  illustrates  that  sense  of  humor  and 
the  merry  twinkle  of  the  eyes  for  which  the  Judge 
was  noted.  The  coloring  and  general  execution  of  the 
portrait  are  of  the  highest  order,  and  give  the  im 
pression  that  the  subject  is  about  to  speak  to  you. 
It  is  that  of  a  joyous  sunny  character  shining  through 
the  countenance. 

The  portrait  of  Hon.  John  M.  Cook  is  more  grave 
and  sedate.  It  is  a  standing  figure  three  quarters 
length,  life  size.  The  pose  is  one  which  his  friends 
will  recognize  as  characteristic  of  the  Judge,  repre 
senting  his  right  hand  at  his  breast  with  the  thumb 
resting  above  the  top  button  of  his  Prince  Albert 
coat,  and  his  left  hand  hanging  at  his  side,  clasping  a 
brief.  The  coloring  is  true  to  life,  and  the  likeness 
unanimously  pronounced  excellent.  It  is  a  fitting 
companion  to  the  other  portraits  hanging  in 
the  Court  Room,  the  whole  making  a  collection  of 
which  the  city  and  county  may  well  be  proud. 

Tuesday  evening,  September  5th  was  set  for  the 
unveiling  of  the  three  portraits  above  described,  the( 
exercises  being  made  a  part  of  the  proceedings  of 
Home  Coming  week.  A  large  audience  assembled  in 
Court  Room  No.  1  which  was  tastefully  decorated 
with  palms  and  ferns  and  National  colors,  but  whose 
principal  decoration  was  the  portraits  which  graced 
its  walls.  An  interesting  programme  of  instrumental 
and  vocal  music  had  been  prepared,  and  Hon.  Jared 
Dunbar,  presided.  Invocation  was  offered  by  Rev.  G. 


352     STEUBENVILLE'S  GREATEST  WEEK 

B.  Smith,  and  W.  R.  Alban,  Esq.,  representing  the 
donors  of  the  portraits  and  The  Stanton  Monument 
Association,  presented  the  portraits  to  the  county,  the 
response  on  the  part  of  the  Commissioners  being  made 
by  J.  H.  Paisley,  Esq. 

Space  forbids  even  an  abstract  of  the  speeches 
made,  which  were  not  only  of  exceptional  ability  but 
by  the  research  displayed  and  facts  presented  were  of 
great  historical  value.  To  Hon.  Eees  G.  Richards 
was  assigned  the  discourse  on  Judge  Wright,  whose 
ancestry  is  traceable  to  John  Wright,  Bishop  of 
Litchfield,  Bristol  and  Winchester,  England,  in 
the  sixteenth  century.  John  C.  WTright  was  born 
near  Wreathersfield,  Conn.,  on  August  17,  1783.  He 
received  an  academic  education,  and  studied  law  un 
der  Thomas  Collier  at  Litchfield,  Conn.,  whose  daugh 
ter  he  afterwards  married.  In  1809  he  came  to  Steu- 
benville,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  the  following 
year.  He  helped  to  organize  the  Farmers  and  Me 
chanics'  Bank  of  Steubenville  in  1816,  was  appointed 
U.  S.  District  Attorney  in  1817,  served  in  Congress 
from  1823  to  1829  where  he  made  an  exceptional  rec 
ord,  was  elected  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  Ohio  in 
1831,  rendering  faithful  service,  and  moved  to  Cin 
cinnati  in  1835,  succeeding  Charles  Hammond  as 
editor  of  the  Gazette.  He  retired  after  thirteen  years, 
owing  to  defective  eyesight.  In  1861  he  was  appoint 
ed  representative  from  Ohio  on  the  Peace  Commission 
which  met  in  Washington  in  an  endeavor  to  avert  the 
horrors  of  civil  w!ar,  and  while  in  the  performance  of 
this  duty  he  was  stricken  with  paralysis  on  February 
12,  which  proved  fatal.  His  portrait  was  unveiled  by 
his  great  granddaughter,  Miss  Mary  Wright  Kebler. 

Hon.  John  A.  Mansfield  pronounced  the  eulogy 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          353 

on  Judge  Benjamin  Tappan,  whose  ancestors  came 
from  Yarmouth,  England,  in  1637,  and  settled  in 
Massachusetts.  Judge  Tappan  was  born  in  North 
ampton,  Mass.,  May  25,  1773.  After  a  public  school 
education  he  devoted  himself  to  copperplate  engrav 
ing,  printing  and  portrait  painting.  Subsequently 
he  studied  law  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  at  Hart 
ford,  Conn.,  coming  to  Ravenna,  O.,  in  1799,  being  the 
first  white  settler  in  Portage  county.  In  1801  he 
married  Miss  Nancy,  sister  of  John  C.  Wright,  and 
was  elected  to  the  Ohio  Legislature  in  1803.  He 
came  to  Steubenville  in  1809,  and  entered  upon  the 
practice  of  the  law  also  serving  as  an  aide  in  the  war 
of  1812.  In  1816  he  became  Judge  of  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas,  and  presided  in  that  Court  until  1823, 
where  his  decisions  attracted  general  attention  and 
are  still  cited  as  authority.  President  Jackson  in 
1833  appointed  him  U.  S.  District  Judge,  but  the 
Senate  failing  to  confirm  his  appointment  he  served 
but  a  few  months.  In  1838  he  was  elected  United 
States  Senator,  serving  with  activity  and  brilliancy 
until  1845.  He  then  resumed  the  practice  of  law, 
having  previously  formed  a  partnership  with  Hon. 
Edwin  M.  Stanton,  which  continued  until  his  death 
on  April  20,  1857.  The  cord  which  supported  the  flag 
covering  his  portrait  was  drawn  by  his  great  grand 
son,  Master  Tappan  Collins. 

To  Addison  C.  Lewis,  Esq.,  was  awarded  the  duty 
of  pronouncing  the  eulogy  on  Hon.  John  M.  Cook, 
who  was  born  at  Burlington,  N.  J.,  on  March  6,  1843. 
When  eleven  years  old  he  came  with  his  father  to 
Allegheny,  Pa.,  where  he  divided  his  time  between  his 
school  studies  and  assisting  in  his  father's  shop. 
Graduating  from  a  local  academy  he  performed  cler- 


354     STEUBENVILLE'S  GREATEST  WEEK 

ical  work  for  three  years,  when  he  went  to  the  Cleve 
land  law  school,  from  which  he  graduated  in  1868. 
Being  admitted  to  the  bar  June  7,  1869,  he  began  the 
practice  of  law  in  East  Liverpool,  and  on  October  1, 
1872,  came  to  Steubenville,  where  his  energy  and  abil 
ity  soon  placed  him  at  the  front  of  the  bar.  On  De 
cember  23,  1874,  he  was  married  to  Miss  Elizabeth  A. 
Little.  In  1879  he  was  elected  Prosecuting  Attorney 
of  Jefferson  county,  being  re-elected  in  1881.  In 
1900  he  was  elected  Judge  of  the  Circuit  Court  of  the 
Seventh  Ohio  Circuit,  and  re-elected  in  1906,  serving 
until  his  death  on  July  10,  1910.  His  decisions  wrere 
most  able  and  forceful,  and  he  was  an  active  member 
of  the  Stanton  Monument  Association.  His  portrait 
wras  unveiled  by  his  grandson,  Master  John  M.  Cook. 
Beside  the  general  public  there  was  a  large  at 
tendance  of  relatives  and  friends  of  all  the  deceased 
jurists,  some  of  whom  had  come  long  distances  in 
order  to  be  present  at  these  proceedings. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

CLOSING  DEMONSTRATIONS. 

Soldiers'  Reunion — Speeches  by  Johnson,  M<cElroy,  Axline  and 
Wilson — Veterans'  Last  Parade — Automobile  Procession — 
Industrial  Pageant — Thursday's  Crowd — Military  Parade — 
Unveiling  the  Statue— Addresses  by  Kerr,  Smith,  Harmon, 
Grant,  Hatter,  (Baites),  Sickles,  Ponierene  and  Miles. 

As  closely  connected  perhaps  as  any  other 
event  of  the  week  with  the  memorial  to  Stanton  was 
the  veteran  soldiers'  reunion  on  Wednesday.  It  was 
in  fact  the  beginning  of  the  dedicatory  programme 
which  was  completed  on  Thursday  afternoon.  The 
day  opened  with  the  35th  annual  reunion  of  the  52d 
O.  V.  I.  in  G.  A.  R.  post  room.  A.  C.  Blackburn  pre 
sided,  and  Miss  Lida  K.  Stewart  acted  as  assistant 
secretary.  Rev.  N.  B.  Stewart  led  in  prayer,  when 
the  memorial  service  was  held  for  those  wjho  had  died 
during  the  year.  Scio  was  selected  for  the  next  re 
union,  and  the  following  officers  were  elected  for  the 
ensuing  year:  President  D.  U.  McCullough;  Secre 
tary  (for  life,)  Rev.  N.  B.  Stewart;  Treasurer,  D.  U. 
McCullough. 

The  Jefferson  County  Soldiers'  Reunion  was  held 
at  Turner  Hall,  to  which  all  veterans  were  invited. 
Lunch  was  served  to  all  comers,  and  in  the  afternoon 
occurred  what  will  probably  be  the  last  general  par 
ade  of  the  Jefferson  county  veterans.  They  met  at 
the  hall  and  marched  to  the  Imperial  hotel,  where  they 
paid  their  respects  to  Generals  Grant,  Miles  and  Sick- 


356  CLOSING  DEMONSTRATIONS 

les.  Returning  to  their  hall  they  organized  by  elect 
ing  the  following  officers :  President,  Capt.  J.  M. 
Morrow;  Vice  President,  T.  S.  Sanders;  Secretary, 
W.  J.  McCann ;  Treasurer,  Robert  McGowUn ;  Execu 
tive  Committee,  D.  U.  McCullough,  J.  B.  Elliott,  J. 
C.  Ault,  A.  Gille,  Thomas  Gorsuch. 

The  first  speaker  was  Hon.  J.  R.  Johnson,  of 
Youngstown,  who  urged  unification  of  forces  in  teach 
ing  patriotism,  and  that  no  soldier  should  neglect  be 
coming  a  member  of  the  G.  A.  R.  We  should  insist  on 
purity  in  public  affairs,  and  he  rejoiced  that  anarchy 
and  communism  found  no  support  among  the  old  sol 
diers.  They  offered  their  service  and  lives  for  the 
Union,  and  the  war  was  a  test  of  republican  govern 
ment.  The  endurance  has  produced  results,  and  our 
government  has  made  remarkable  strides.  The  sol 
diers'  influence  is  in  favor  of  progression,  and  by  un 
veiling  the  Stanton  statue  they  would  confer  an  honor 
on  one  of  the  greatest  citizens  the  country  has  pro 
duced. 

Hon.  John  L.  McElroy,  editor  of  the  National 
Tribune,  Washington,  D.  C.,  referred  to  the  necessity 
of  additional  pension  service  for  the  old  soldiers,  and 
presented  a  panegyric  of  Stanton  in  which,  after  ex 
pressing  the  belief  that  it  was  the  providential  inter 
position  of  Almighty  God  which  produced  such  men 
as  Lincoln  and  Stanton,  he  added : 

Of  all  Lincoln's  immediate  councilors  and  advisors  Edwin 
M.  Stanton  was  the  only  one  who  towered  toward  the  Presi 
dent's  exalted  plane^  the  only  one  that  stood  shoulder  to 
shoulder  with  his  against  every  storm  that  beat,  the  only  one 
whose  swift  comprehension  swept  constantly  the  whole  line  of 
battle,  the  only  one  whose  every  thought  was  fuel  to  his  burn 
ing  zeal  to  win  victory  and  save  the  country. 

How  marvelously  Lincoln  and  Stanton  supplemented  and 
rounded  out  one  another! 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  357 

Lincoln  bore  the  mountainous  burden  of  the  political  striv 
ings,  the  patriotic  impatience,  the  aspirations,  the  sorrows  and 
sacrifices  of  the  people. 

Stanton  carried,  like  another  Atlas,  a  world-burden  of  an 
army  of  a  million  fighting  men,  of  a  firing  line  2,000  miles  long 
of  incessant  'battling  where  men's  lives  were  as  grass  cast  into 
the  fire,  of  sickening  defeats  and  unavailing  slaughters. 

Lincoln  struggled  with  the  politicians,  coped  with  the  ex 
tremists  who  would  not  have  the  Union  saved  unless  it  was  saved 
their  way,  baffled  the  Copperhead  enemies  in  the  rear,  cheered 
the  boys  in  the  ranks;  grieved  with  the  fathers  and  sorrowed 
with  the  mothers  and  widows  sitting  in  homes  of  bereavement 
and  desolation. 

Sta>nton  was  the  war  spirit  incarnated.  H<e  set  the  factor 
ies  to  working  night  and  day  to  furnish  clothing,  guns  and 
ammunition,  the  railroads  to  carrying  supplies.  Men  became 
of  value  to  him  only  for  what  they  could  do  toward  suppressing 
the  rebellion. 

Regiments  of  stalwart,  determined  youths  marching  to  the 
front  brought  him  stern  high  joy,  a  well-equipped  army  exalted 
satisfaction,  and  a  victorious  commander  his  unstinted  praise. 
To  the  coward  and  sluggard1  he  was  a  Demon  of  Wrath;  to  the 
'brave  and  zealous  an  Angel  of  Goodness.  He  had  no  friends, 
no  enemies  but  those  of  his  country.  Disbursing  money  by  the 
hundreds  of  millions,  he  lived  and  died  a  poor  man.  With  a 
power  in  his  hands  such  as  no  other  man  ever  wielded,  not  a 
relative  or  personal  friend  was  benefitted  by  it. 

Body,  brain  nor  heart  was  spared  in  his  soul-absorbing 
battle  for  the  Union.  No  slave  ever  toiled  harder  than  he,  no 
brain  was  ever  perplexed  with  more  momentous  problems,  no 
heart  with  such  disappointments. 

Who  can  picture  what  he  endured  during  that  awful  Decem 
ber  of  1862?  Grant  was  making  his  only  retreat — that  from 
Holly  Springs. 

Sherman's  army  had  been  hurled  back,  mangled  and  bleed 
ing,  from  Haynes  Bluff;  Rosecrans  had'  fought  the  bloody  and 
indecisive  battle  of  Stone  River,  and  Burnside  had  flung  away 
12,000  men  in  the  mad  assault  on  Marye's  Heights. 

What  days  of  bitterness  and  nights  of  sleepless  anxiety 
Chickamauga  brought  him! 

Unless  'sustained  by  more  than  mortal  strength  Stanton 
could  not  have  endured  the  prolonged  agony  of  the  Wilderness 
campaign.  Day  after  day  a  thousand  fell  on  the  left  hand  and 
10,000  on  the  right — the  flower  of  the  young  manhood  of  the 


358  CLOSING  DEMONSTRATIONS 

Nation — the  hope,  the  pride,  the  treasures  of  loyal  homes — 
fought  like  demons  in  the  dark,  somber  jungle,  amid  the  stifling., 
murky  smoke  and  raging  fires  that  consumed  the  wounded  and 
dying  as  they  fell. 

With  a  courage  that  was  sublime,  with  a  faith  in  the  ulti 
mate  triumph  of  the  Right  that  never  faltered,  Stanton  rose  in 
heroic  majesty  above  all  these,  and  pointed  onward  to  victory. 

His  trumpet  had  no  call  for  retreat — no  notes  except  for 
advance. 

Out  of  the  fierce  fires  of  four  years  of  bitter  civil  war 
Edwin  M.  Stanton  came  with  garments  unsinged.  No  man  was 
ever  more  bitterly  hated,  but  it  was  by  the  cowards,  the  malign, 
ers,  the  men  who  were  trying  to  gain  selfish  profit  out  of  the 
distress  of  the  country,  and  the  Peace-at.any-Price  conspirators. 
But  their  hatred  was  the  stubble  fire  of  the  wicked  which 
quickly  passeth  away. 

A  plain  stone  in  the  pass  of  Thermopylae,  marking  the 
spot  where  Leonidas  and  his  300  deathless  Spartans  lie,  bore  an 
inscription  which  has  been  an  inspiration  to  the  world  for 
twenty-five  centuries.  It  reads: 

"Go,  stranger,  to  Lacedaemon,  and  say  that  we  lie  here  in 
obedience  to  her  laws." 

The  monument  we  unveil  wiii  'have  a  like  priceless  value  to 
the  world — to  countless  generations  yet  unborn,  to  Nations  now 
unknown. 

It  will  tell  of  a  plain  American  citizen,  untrained  in  war  and 
unknown  as  a  leader  of  men,  coming  by  what  we  can  only 
understand  as  an  act  of  Providence  into  the  military  leadership 
of  a  great,  free,  brave  people,  engaged  in  a  mortal  struggle  for 
National  existence.  It  will  tell  with  what  amazing  power  he 
rose  to  the  pinnacles  of  achievement  and  carried  out  the  mighty 
work  of  subduing  an  army  of  1,700,000  brave,  determined,  fight 
ing  men  occupying  a  territory  larger  than  all  of  Europe  outside 
of  Russia.  He  raised  armies  greater  than  Napoleon  ever  com 
manded,  and  fought  more  tremendous  battles  than  those  by 
which  the  Corsican  laid  Europe  prostrate. 

He  did  his  work  so  thoroughly  that  in  the  end  nowhere  in 
all  that  vast  territory,  among  all  that  countless  host  of  fighting 
men,  did  anyone  dare  raise  a  flag  or  draw  a  sword  in  defiance  of 
the  Government  which  had  been  so  insolently  assailed  four 
years  before. 

To  this  work  he  unhesitatingly  sacrificed  all  his  ambitions, 
his  professional  career,  all  happiness  and  comfort,  his  very  life. 
He  did  it  in  as  strict  obedience  to  his  country's  laws  'as  those 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          359 

who  perished  with  Leonidas.  He  came  out  of  the  war  broken 
in  health,  impoverished  in  purse,  overwhelmed  with  a  cloud  of 
calumny  to  clog  him  ,in  his  beginning  the  struggle  of  life  anew. 
He  had  not  even  sought  credit  for  his  great  share  of  the  work, 
but  merged  himself  amid  the  throng  of  those  who  strove  for  the 
Union,  and  sought  no  other  reward  than  the  approval  of  his 
own  conscience  for  what  he  had  done  to  save  his  country. 

As  the  years  pass  the  mists  of  error  disappear  before  the 
sunlight  of  truth^  the  clouds  of  detraction  fall  from  their  own 
evil  weight.  The  fame  of  Edwin  M.  Stanton  will  grow  as. 
next  to  Lincoln,  our  greatest  American. 

The  civil  war  was  the  great  formative  struggle  of  our 
National  existence.  Such  another  war  will  never  recur.  More 
and  more  as  the  years  roll  by  it  is  looked  upon  as  the  splen 
didly  heroic  days  of  the  'Nation's  youth. 

"As  the  centuries  fall  like  grains  of  sand 
From  out  the  Almighty  Father's  hand," 

posterity  will  hold  the  great  civil  w<ar  as  the  ancients  did  the 
earlier  and  heroic  perio-ds  in  their  history  when  they  beheld 
gods  and  giants  fighting  titanic  battles  for  the  creation  and 
salvation  of  their  countries. 

The  Saviors  of  the  Union  will  form  a  glorious  galaxy  which 
will  shine  in  hallowed,  ever-brightening  luster.  And  at  the  right 
hand  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  'differing  from  him  only  as  one  star 
differs  from  another  in  glory,  will  stand  Edwin  M.  Stanton. 

Past  Department  Commander  Gen.  H.  A.  Axline 
gave  a  description  of  the  privations  the  soldiers  en 
dured  while  in  the  field.  He  wias  cheered  when  he  told 
about  the  hard  tack,  the  coffee  and  fat  bacon  which 
they  had  as  their  menu  three  times  a  day.  It  was  a 
glorious  war,  and  the  grub  had  the  qualities  that  made 
them  fight  and  die  bravely  if  need  be.  The  dial  of  civ 
ilization  was  turned  onward  further  by  the  civil  wlar 
than  by  any  war  in  the  past. 

Erasmus  Wilson,  the  "Quiet  Observer,"  made  the 
closing  talk.  After  some  humorous  remarks  he  said : 

The  last  shot  at  Appomatox  declared  this  is  a  Nation,  fused 
into  one  Nation,  sealed  by  the  blood  of  her  sons.  Paltry  dollars 


360  CLOSING  DEMONSTRATIONS 

paid  for  pensions  since  the  war  are  only  an  incident,  not  a  re 
sult.  As  a  result  of  the  war  the  Southern  cities  are  pushing 
forward  like  Western  towns.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  war  the 
South  would  ha,ve  been  as  poor  as  it  ever  was.  There  were  no 
school  houses  along  our  line  of  march.  To-day  school  houses 
are  to  be  seen  everywhere  in  the  South.  The  Ninety-eighth 
boys  who  came  home  got  married  and  went  West  and  helped 
build  it  up.  The  war  developed  and  broadened  our  ideas.  Had 
there  been  a  hitch  in  negotiations  at  Appomatox  the  war  would 
have  gone  on,  as  Lee  did  not  admit  they  were  whipped.  As  a 
result  of  the  war  this  country  has  gone  on  till  we  are  at  the 
head  of  the  procession.  All  this  country  has  to  'do  is  to  raise 
its  hand  and  the  world  sees  and  heeds,  all  the  result  of  having 
established  the  union  with  one  flag  and  not  a  star  missing. 

The  automobile  parade  scheduled  for  Tuesday 
evening  was  postponed  until  the  same  hour  on  Wed 
nesday.  Although  the  storm  prevented  the  appear 
ance  of  many  that  were  coming  from  a  distance  yet 
the  hundred  cars  in  line  made  not  only  a  unique  dis 
play,  but  one  of  surpassing  beauty.  Queen  Titania 
certainly  would  have  envied  the  occupants  of  those 
cars  as  they  coursed  through  the  streets  with  their 
gorgeous  array  of  color  iand  tasteful  decorations. 
Where  all  were  beautiful  it  was  difficult  to  discrimi 
nate,  but  the  committee  on  prizes  after  careful  consid 
eration  awarded  the  following:  First,  S.  L.  May,  car 
decorated  in  solid  white,  adorned  with  wisteria  and 
purple  chrysianthemums,  a  golden  butterfly  forming  a 
canopy ;  second,  Miss  Mary  L.  Steele,  mass  of  hydran 
geas  studded  with  electric  lights  of  various  colors, 
four  doves  adorning  the  corners  of  the  canopy ;  third, 
I.  Sulzbacher,  decorated  in  green  and  yellow  with 
white  streamers  in  foreground ;  fourth,  Frank  D.  Sin 
clair,  shimmering  mass  of  white  with  pink  chrysan 
themums.  Special :  Everett  Ferguson,  G.  L.  Hus- 
croft  and  G.  E.  Wisener.  Best  out  of  town,  A.  L. 
Carter,  Wellsburg. 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STAXTOX          3G1 

Immediately  after  the  auto  parade  came  the  in 
dustrial  pageant,  most  spectacular  in  character  with 
handsomely  decorated  floats  representing  the  trade 
and  industries  of  Steubenville  and  vicinity,  including 
Y.  M.  C.  A.  and  Turner  Society  athletics,  with  the  city 
fire  department,  The  route  was  one  continuous  line 
of  red  fire  and  cheers  for  floats  and  individuals.  Geo. 
E.  Sharpe  was  Chief  Marshal,  W.  B.  Donaldson,  Chief 
of  Staff,  with  F.  C.  Pew,  Harry  Scott,  B.  L.  Sharp,  J. 
C.  Fitzsimnions,  R.  M.  Castner,  R.  C.  Kirk,  Harry 
Grier,  Walter  Higgins,  R.  Laughlin,  Edward  Conley, 
Geo.  Bair,  Harry  Swearingen,  E.  S.  Pearce,  A.  W. 
McDonald,  William  Becker,  as  aides.  There  were  106 
floats  and  wagons  in  the  procession.  The  Pope  Tin 
Plate  Co.  was  awarded  the  first  prize  for  the  best  float, 
and  Acme  Glass  Co.  for  the  best  decorated  wagon. 
Honorable  mention  for  decorations,  W.  F.  Davidson, 
Mosel- Johnson  Co.,  Steubenville  Pottery,  Ohio  Valley 
Clay  Co.,  Workman  Wagon  Co.,  Carnegie  Steel  Co.. 
Honorable  mention  for  wagons,  Steubenville  Ice  Co., 
Ohio  Foundry,  Floyd  Yocum,  Union  Lumber  Co. 
Honorable  mention  for  display,  D.  F.  Coe,  Fred 
Shannon,  Steubenville  Coal  &  Mining  Co.,  Floto  Bros 

The  evening  closed  with  a  fine  concert  by  the  26th 
Regiment  band,  which  was  heard  by  thousands  in 
front  of  the  Court  House. 

As  was  expected  the  climax  of  the  week's  demon 
stration  came  on  Thursday.  Although  the  clouds 
were  somewhat  threatening  the  rain  held  off,  and 
during  the  morning  train  after  train,  regular  and 
special,  poured  its  living  mass  of  humanity  into  the 
city,  while  the  different  trolley  lines  were  taxed  to 
more  than  their  utmost  capacity.  It  was  the  greatest 
gathering  ever  in  the  Ohio  valley,  and  a  conservative 


362  CLOSING  DEMONSTRATIONS 

estimate  places  the  number  of  visitors  in  the  city  at 
not  less  than  60,000.  A  special  feature  of  the  morning 
was  the  arrival  of  the  Ohio  society  and  others,  of 
Pittsburgh,  numbering  some  three  hundred  persons, 
with  Nerilli's  band,  in  charge  of  Roseman  Gardner 
and  John  Campbell.  Beside  the  National  colors  the 
party  had  a  banner  lettered  :  "Pittsburghers  who  have 
not  forgotten  their  old  home."  Each  visitor  carried  a 
steel  cane  in  the  form  of  a  large  nail,  the  gift  of  the 
Pittsburgh  Steel  Co.  After  a  short  parade  the  organ 
ization  proceeded  to  its  quarters  in  the  Court  House 
where  it  dispersed,  leaving  its  banner  and  a  number 
of  canes  as  souvenirs  of  the  occasion. 

The  military  parade  started  from  Camp  Stanton 
at  10 :40  a.  m.  with  Major  General  Frederick  D. 
Grant  in  command,  and  was  a  mile  in  length.  As  the 
Herald-Star  of  that  day  reported : 

"It  was  a  dignified  showing  of  arms,  resplendent 
with  the  military  trappings  and  uniforms  of  the  offi 
cers  and  men,  and  moved  a  steady  column  over  the 
long  line  of  march.  The  splendid  music  of  the  regi 
mental  bands,  the  perfect  marching  of  the  soldiers, 
prancing  horses  ( who  seemed  as  proud  of  the  event  as 
the  men  themselves)  and  the  thousands  of  cheering 
spectators  on  the  side  lines,  all  added  to  the  impress- 
iveness  of  the  secene.  The  steady  tramp  and  soldierly 
bearing  of  the  26th  Infantry,  the  Eighth  Ohio,  N.  G., 
Pennsylvania  and  West  Virginia  troops  and  the  other 
bodies  in  line  created  the  greatest  enthusiasm  and 
brought  forth  plaudits  all  along  the  line.  His  excel 
lency,  Governor  Judson  Harmon,  General  Grant,  Gen. 
Miles,  Gen.  Sickles,  Col.  Vollrath  and  Lewis  H.  Stan- 
ton,  son  of  Secretary  Stanton,  were  kept  busy  bowing 
acknowledgements  to  ovations  tendered  them  by  the 


GOV.   JTDSON   HARMON 


GEN.   FREDERICK   D.  GRAN' 


.MILITARY     PARADE 
Governor   .hidson    Harmon    and    (General    Frederick    I>.    Grant    at     I  lea 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  363 

multitude.  The  regulars  and  8th  Ohio  came  in  for  es 
pecial  hearty  applause,  as  did  the  14th  Regiment 
Battalion  from  Pittsburgh  and  band,  the  Wellsburg 
Guards,  Spanish  American  War  Veterans,  Boys' 
Brigade  from  Wheeling ;  also  the  Volunteer  Firemen, 
a  well  trained  body  of  men  from  McDonald,  Pa.,  with 
a  band." 

The  formation  of  the  parade  was  as  follows : 

Governor  Judson  Harmon  and  Staff,  mounted. 

Civil  Marshal,  A.  A.  Franzheirn. 

Eighth  Ohio  Staff  Officers. 

General  Daniel  E.  Sickles  and  party  in  auto. 

General  Nelson  A.  Miles,  Major  Sweeney  and 
party  in  auto. 

Hon.  Lewis  H.  Stanton,  Mayor  T.  W.  Porter  and 
C.  J.  Davis  in  auto. 

Major  General  Frederick  D.  Grant,  mounted. 

Staff  Officers  of  Twenty-sixth  regiment,  U.  S.  A. 

Twenty-sixth  Regiment  band. 

Twenty-sixth  Battalion,  marching  by  fours. 

Colonel  Vollrath,  Eighth  Ohio. 

Staff  Officers,  Eighth  Ohio. 

Eighth  Regiment  Band  from  Akron. 

Eighth  Ohio  Regiment. 

Nirelli's  Band,  of  Pittsburgh. 

Major  A.  B.  Cookson,  Major  J.  F.  Edwards, 
Commissary  Captain  Murray  J.  Livingston,  com 
manding  the  Fourteenth  Regiment  of  Pennsylvania. 

Fourteenth  Regiment  of  Pennsylvania,  four 
companies. 

Wellsburg  Company  C,  West  Virginia  National 
Guard. 

Wellsburg  Drum  Corps. 

Steuben  Camp  Spanish-American  War  Veterans. 


364  CLOSING  DEMONSTRATIONS 

Captain  Honecker. 

Boys'  Brigade  from  Wheeling,  with  field  piece, 
which  was  fired  at  intervals. 

McDonald  Band. 

McDonald  Volunteers. 

Fire  Department. 

The  route  of  the  parade  was  as  follows :  Camp 
Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Lawson  to  Market,  Market  to 
Fifth,  Fifth  to  Franklin,  Franklin  to  Fourth,  Fourth 
to  Logan,  Logan  to  Third,  Third  to  Dock,  Dock  to 
Fourth,  Fourth  to  Slack,  Slack  to  Fifth,  Fifth  to 
Market,  Market  to  Third,  Third  to  Washington, 
Washington  to  Sixth  and  disbanded.  The  different 
objects  of  interest  connected  with  Stanton's  life  were 
passed  during  the  parade.  As  the  Gazette  says: 
"Along  the  entire  line  of  march,  which  ended  at  the 
reviewing  stand,  after  passing  which  the  men  march 
ed  to  their  respective  camps,  a  continuous  ovation 
greeted  the  distinguished  visitors  and  soldiers.  The 
marching  of  the  men  was  almost  perfect,  the  align 
ment  of  ranks  being  greatly  admired.  The  greetings 
given  Governor  Judson  Harmon,  Major  General 
Frederick  D.  Grant,  General  Nelson  A.  Miles,  Gen 
eral  Weybrecht  and  General  Sickles  as  they  came  on 
the  reviewing  stand  was  a  splendid  one.  The  throng 
broke  loose  with  a  long  refrain  of  cheers  that  rung 
from  block  to  block  on  every  street." 

The  hour  for  the  unveiling  exercises  was  fixed 
at  1:30  p.  m.,  and  by  that  time  the  space  about  the 
speaker's  stand  was  packed  by  a  mass  of  people  on 
Market,  Court  and  Third  streets,  which  numbered 
not  less  than  20,000.  It  was  an  ocean  of  faces  and 
heads.  As  the  distinguished  visitors  arrived  they 
were  warmly  greeted,  and  shortly  after  the  time  ap- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          365 

pointed  Hon.  Frank  H.  Kerr,  President  of  the  Stan- 
ton  Monument  Association  called  the  vast  assemblage 
to  order  with  the  following  address : 

The  appointed  hour  for  the  unveiling  of  the  bronze  statue 
of  Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton  has  arrived.  The  labors  of  the 
Stanton  Monument  Association  are  about  completed. 

This  Association  was  organized  and  received  a  charter  from 
our  state  in  the  fall  of  the  year  1897,  very  soon  after  the  cele 
bration  of  the  centennial  of  our  county  and  city,  during  the 
ceremonies  of  which  a  bronze  tablet,  the  gift  of  the  children  of 
this  county,  was  placed  to  mark  the  location  of  the  birthplace 
of  Secretary  Stanton.  The  Association  was  allowed  to  remain 
inactive  until  April%  1906,  when  a  portrait  of  Mr.  Stanton,  the 
gift  of  Mr.  Eliphalet  F.  Andrews,  a  native  of  this  city,  was 
placed  in  one  of  the  county  court  rooms.  This  event,  coupled 
with  a  generous  offer  made  about  that  time  by  the  sculptor  of 
this  memorial,  Mr.  Alexander  Doyle,  also  a  native  of  this  city, 
gave  new  life  to  the  Association  and  new  hope  to  its  members 
of  obtaining  for  this  county  a  statue  of  its  greatest  son.  The 
Association  was  then  reorganized.  Mr.  George  W.  McCook, 
whose  recent  death  we  greatly  lament,  became  its  president, 
and  new  plans  made  to  vigorously  prosecute  the  work  of  bring 
ing  about  a  consummation  of  the  object  of  the  organization. 

The  people  of  Jefferson  county,  by  their  Commissioners, 
after  authority  granted  them  by  a  special  .act  of  the  General  As 
sembly  of  this  state,  'made  a  simall  levy  which  enabled  them  to 
turn  over  to  our  fund  from  the  county  treasury  a  modest  con 
tribution  for  the  project. 

The  war  time  and  other  friends  of  Mr.  Stanton  were  invited 
to  make  voluntary  contributions  and  they  responded  'cheerfully, 
some  by  an  offering  in  cash,  others  in  favors  and  services  ren 
dered  in  our  cause,  the  cash  value  of  which  cannot  be  measured 
by  dollars,  and  it  was  then  only  a'  short  time  until  the  object 
and  purpose  of  the  Association  was  assured.  To-day  we  are 
proud  of  the  fact  that  we  unveil  and  dedicate  in  this  county  a 
third  memorial  to  the  memory  of  one  of  the  greatest  war  minis 
ters  of  the  world. 

We  are  proud  of  the  distinction  of  erecting  the  first  statue 
of  the  great  War  Secretary  in  the  Nation,  but  at  the  same  time 
we  feel  the  sting  of  reproach  that  this  much  deserved  tribute 
has  so  long  been  delayed.  We  hope  that  the  time  is  not  far 
distant  when  the  authorities  at  Columbus  and  the  Government 


366  CLOSING  DEMONSTRATIONS 

at  Washington  will  erect  memorials  in  honor  of  Mr.  Stanton 
commensurate  with  the  great  service  he  rendered  his  country 
in  suppressing  <the  rebellion  and  preserving  this  union  of  states. 

As  President  of  /the  Stanton  Monument  Association,  voicing 
the  feelings  of  its  members,  I  hereby  publicly  express  our  very 
hearty  appreciation  and  cordial^  sincere  thanks  to  all  who  have 
contributed  in  any  manner  to  the  erection  of  this  splendid 
statue.  I  hesitate  to  name  and  especially  thank  any  person  for 
his  contribution  lest  I  do  an  injustice  to  others,  but  I  know  I 
will  be  pardoned  by  all  when  I  mention  the  services  voluntarily 
and  cheerfully  rendered  by  our  sculptor,  Mr.  Alexander  Doyle. 
It  was  ;his  offer  to  contribute  his  services  that  first  made  the 
memorial  possible.  It  has  been  a  labor  of  love  with  him,  and 
he  has  especially  aided  us  in  our  work.  We  sincerely  appreciate 
his  services  and  uniform  kindness,  and.  gratefully  thank  him  for 
it.  We  deeply  regret  that  illness  in  his  family  prevents  him 
joining  us  to-day  in  these  exercises.  I  shall  also  be  pardoned  if 
I  make  mention  of  the  willing  and  cheerful  aid.  rendered  in 
every  way  possible  by  the  members  of  the  Board  of  County 
Commissioners,  and  take  this  occasion  to  express  to  them  our 
grateful  thanks. 

We  are  especially  favored  today  by  the  large  number  of  war 
time  and  other  friends  of  Mr.  Stanton,  some  of  whom  have 
traveled  far  to  be  here  and  pay  tribute  to  his  'memory  and  aid 
in  the  success  of  this  occasion.  We  thank  them  sincerely  for 
the  honor  of  their  presence,  and  we  hope  they  will  carry  away 
with  them  memories  that  will  serve  in  the  future  to  give  them 
fond  recollections  of  Steubenville. 

The  miembers  of  the  Stanton  Monument  Association,  after 
their  many  months  of  care  and  work,  are  happy  in  the  fact 
of  the  full  fruition  of  their  labors,  and  on  their  behalf  as  the 
president  of  the  Association,  I  now  transfer  and  convey  this 
statue  to  the  people  of  Jefferson  county  by  surrendering  it  to 
the  care  of  their  chosen  custodians  of  their  public  property,  the 
Board  of  County  Commissioners  and  their  successors  in  office 
forever. 

I  now  introduce  Carl  <H.  Smith,  Esq.,  a  member  of  the 
Jefferson  County  Bar,  whom  the  'Commissioners  have  chosen 
to  express  for  them  words  of  acceptance  of  the  trust. 

Mr.  Smith  responded : 

Jefferson  county  to-day  proudly  welcomes  her  sons  and  her 
daughters  on  this  the  most  important  day  in  the  county's  his- 


EDWIN  McMASTEKS  STANTON    367 

tory.  Adorned  in  her  gorgeous  garments  and  in  the  midst  of 
•martial  music,  she  is  proclaiming  the  appreciation  of  'her  price 
less  heritage.  She  is  not  boasting  to-day  of  her  wonderful  and 
inexhaustible  natural  resources,  nor  of  her  fertile  and  produc 
tive  fields,  nor  of  her  varied  and  prosperous  industries,  but  she 
does  come  bearing  in  her  hands  an  inheritance  of  more  value 
than  fine  gold.  Hers  is  a  legacy  of  men  mighty  in  deed  and 
matchless  in  skill. 

We  are  here  to-day  to  both  commemorate  the  deeds  of  the 
dead  as  well  as  to  pay  homage  to  the  enduring  fame  of  him 
whose  masterful  genius  conceived  and  'Created  the  classic  image 
of  the  one  whom  we  have  assembled  to  honor.  Monuments 
and  eulogies  belong  to  the  dead.  We  give  them  this  day  to  the 
Hon.  Edwin  McMasters  Stanton.  All  hail  to  his  fame!  It  is  a 
special  heritage  to  our  county.  But  in  the  acceptance  of  this 
priceless  gift  our  hearts  are  filled  with  the  highest  appreciation 
of  the  marvelous  skill  and  loving  devotion  to  his  native  county 
that  inspired  the  illustrious  sculptor,  Alexander  Doyle,  to  create 
and  don-ate  this  monument  to  the  city  of  his  birth.  Most  il 
lustrious  and  deserved  are  his  merits^  and  far  distant  be  the  day 
when  any  inscription  shall  bear  his  name  or  any  tongue  pro 
nounce  his  eulogy.  We  cannot  over-estimate  the  debt  we  owe 
to  the  men  of  genius.  Take  from  our  world  what  they  have 
given  and  all  the  walls  would  be  naked,  music  would  go  back 
to  the  open  air,  and  the  forms  of  statue,  urn  or  bust  would 
crumble  and  become  the  unmeaning  waste  of  thoughtless 
chance. 

Aftr  a  lapse  of  forty  years  of  unbroken  national  silence  the 
memory  of  Edwin  M.  Stanton  is  receiving  worthy  and  deserved 
recognition.  It  is  therefore  meet  that  we  should  make  merry 
and  be  glad  for  this  the  memory  of  our  son  was  dead  and  is  alive 
be  glad  for  this  the  memory  of  our  son  was  dead  and  is  alive 
again.  He  was  an  American  proud  of  his  country.  He  believed 
in  the  royalty  of  the  man,  in  the  sovereignty  of  the  citizen  and 
in  the  rmatdhless  greatness  of  this  republic.  Above  his  marvel 
ous  intellectual  gifts,  above  the  ermine  which  he  was  not  permit 
ted  to  wear  rises  ;his  courage  and  his  integrity  like  some  great 
mountain  peak,  and  there  it  stands  as  firm  as  the  earth  beneath 
and  as  pure  as  the  stars  aibove. 

In  this  life  like  the  classic  mold,  the  handiwork  of  the 
world  renowned  sculptor,  we  behold  today  a  human  counter 
part  of  this  great  character.  There  is  that  pride  of  the  in 
tellectual  Greek  and  that  bearing  of  the  conquering  Roman  as 
he  stands  forth  in  the  wide  free  air  as  though  through  his  veins 


368  CLOSING  DEMONSTRATIONS 

th'ere  flows  the  blood  of  a  hundred  kings.  Yea,  we  distinctly 
discern  the  qualities  of  a  brave,  imperious,  fearless  and  cour 
ageous  man,  wlho  bowed  only  to  death. 

Mr.  Chairman,  with  the  formalities  and  solemnities  suited 
to  this  occasion,  with  prayers  to  Almighty  God  for  his  bless 
ings,  and  in  the  presence  of  this  vast  cloud  of  witnesses,  Jef 
ferson  county  accepts  this  monument  as  a  sacred  trust.  May 
it  remain  as  long  as  heaven  permits  the  works  of  man  to  last, 
a  fit  emblem  both  of  the  man  in  whose  miemory  it  is  raised  and 
of  the  gratitude  of  those  who  have  reared  it. 

At  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Smith's  address  the 
band  struck  up  "Star  Spangled  Banner,"  when  Mrs. 
Cora  Stanton  Jahncke,  granddaughter  of  Secretary 
Stanton,  pulled  the  cord  which  bound  the  drapery 
around  the  statue,  and  amid  music  and  cheers,  the 
fine  proportions  of  this  artistic  work  were  exposed 
to  view.  The  other  members  of  the  Stanton  family 
on  the  platform  were  Lewis  H.  Stanton,  son  of  the 
Secretary,  his  son,  Edwtin  M.  Stanton,  son-in-law 
Ernest  L.  Jahncke,  and  Stanton  Habersham,  grand 
son  of  the  Secretary.  The  family  secured  the  flags 
which  draped  the  statue  as  mementoes  of  the  occa 
sion. 

The  Chairman  read  a  telegram  from  Hon.  Robert 
T.  Lincoln  regretting  his  inability  to  be  present,  as 
he  had  intended,  on  account  of  illness.  Col.  John  J. 
McCook  and  Gen.  Anson  G.  McCook,  of  New  York, 
were  also  detained  at  home  by  the  serious  illness  of 
the  former,  and  as  these  pages  were  passing  through 
the  press  intelligence  wias  received  of  the  death  of 
Col.  McCook  at  his  summer  home  at  Seabright,  N. 
J.,  on  September  18,  1911,  at  the  age  of  67  years. 

Hon.  Judson  Harmon,  Governor  of  Ohio,  was 
the  first  formal  speaker.  Among  other  things  he 
said : 


EDWIN  McMASTEBS  STANTON          3C9 

I  suppose  the  people  of  Steubenville  differ  on  some  things, 
but  when  it  comes  to  patriotism  and  hospitali'ty,  there  is  no 
doubt  about  your  good  intentions.  I  have  never  seen  a  city 
more  generally  decorated  nor  a  greater  outpouring  of  the 
population  than  I  have  seen  today.  Baron  Steuben  coming 
here  during  the  Revolutionary  war  to  discipline  the  troops 
which  was  needed  made  it  appropriate  that  Stanton  should  be 
born  in  the  town  named  for  Steuben  and  that  the  statue  should 
be  erected  here.  A  public  man  has  to  subordinate  his  own  in 
terests  and  reputation  for  the  time  being  so  that  the  interests 
of  the  people  shall  not  suffer.  Stanton's  courage  was  the 
greatest  the  war  produced  in  what  'he  endured  in  his  conduct 
of  the  war.  The  duties  of  mam  public  men  are  a  great  tax 
upon  their  energies  and  resources.  It  was  a  most  distressing 
thing  for  a  man  in  whose  power  it  lay  to  either  spare  a  life  or 
say  that  the  law  should  take  its  course,  to  have  to  say  no,  where 
he  would  like  to  say  yes,  and  when  little  children  were  pleading 
for  executive  clemency  to  stay  an  execution,  it  was  hard  to  refuse 
the  pleading.  But  duty  has  to  be  done,  even  at  the  risk  of  mis 
representation  and  calumny.  Secretary  Stanton  had  many  dis 
agreeable  duties  to  perform,  but  he  never  flinched  in  their  per 
formance,  although  caluminated,  abused  and  slandered.  In 
order  to  refresh  his  memory  he  had  expected  to  read  a  few 
passages  in  the  life  of  Stanton  before  coming  here.  Instead  of 
that  he  read  thoroughly  the  entire  two  volumes,  so  absorbing 
was  the  biography.  He  felt  proud  .of  the  fact  that  StanTon  was 
a  Democrat,  and  "not  a  half  baked  one,  either."  He  never 
noticed  his  critics,  but  pursued  the  policies  he  had  mapped  out, 
paying  no  attention  to  criticism  or  abuse.  Replying  to  a  letter 
he  'had  at  one  time  received  from  a  minister  friend,  who  wrote 
regretting  the  stories  that  had  been  circulated  about  him,  Stan- 
ton  said  that  the  great  conflict  involved  such  conditions  as 
made  all  personal  feelings  merely  "as  dust  in  the  barrel."  He 
said  he  had  suffered  great  mental  anguish  because  of  the  false 
and  slanderous  stories  and  reports,  but  he  couldn't  speak  out, 
he  had,  for  the  country's  sake,  to  remain  silent.  Stanton  loved 
the  Union  better  than  'his  own  life.  He  sacrificed  not  only  for 
tune,  but  life  itself  for  his  country.  The  monument  unveiled 
to-day  shows  that  republics  are  not  ungrateful. 

General  Grant  was  the  next  speaker,  and  receiv 
ed  the  same  ovation  that  had  been  accorded  him  else- 


370  CLOSING  DEMONSTRATIONS 

where.     He  gave  a  condensed  review   of  Stanton's 
career  with  the  following  additional  comments : 

I  feel  deeply  honored  in  being  designated  as  the  one  to 
represent  the  War  Department  at  these  ceremonies,  in  the  un 
veiling  of  the  statue  of  the  late  Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  form, 
erly  Secretary  of  War.  I  am  not  only  honored,  but  especially 
grateful  to  be  with  you  here  in  your  interesting  city  on  this 
memorable  occasion,  and  I  realize  that  your  kind  welcome 
which  I  much  appreciate,  is  not  so  much  for  'me  personally  as 
it  is  given  in  honor  of  the  memory  of  my  father,  General  U.  S. 
Grant,  who  was  born  in  your  great  state  of  Ohio.  It  seems 
peculiarly  .appropriate  that  I,  his  son,  should  come  here  to  pay 
tribute,  to  the  memory  of  his  co-worker  for  the  Union  during 
the  great  Civil  War. 

I  have  heard  my  father  speak  in  praise  of  the  great  War 
Secretary,  whose  honesty  of  purpose,  determination,  unflinching 
character  and  unswerving  loyalty  to  his  country,  aided  so  great, 
ly  the  armies  in  the  field,  to  bring  about  their  successes,  which 
secured  to  us,  this  great  united  country. 

During  those  trying  days  of  strife  and  -disorders,  when 
many  were  carried  away  by  personal,  selfis'h  interests,  and 
when  contentions  and  violent  bitterness  ran  high  in  political 
circles,  then  it  was,  that  the  honesty  of  purpose  and  absolute 
integrity  of  character  of  Edwin  M.  Stanton  shone  forth  as  a 
guiding  light,  a  credit  to  our  people  and  to  our  Government. 

'Let  it  be  ever  remembered,  to  the  honor  and  glory  of 
Secretary  Stanton,  that  his  loyalty  to  the  Union  cause,  never 
wavered.  Against  the  cause,  he  brooked  no  opposition,  and 
he  brought  to  bear  all  his  power  and  energy,  to  crush  those 
whom  he  suspected  of  lacking  in  loyalty  to  the  Union.  Let  it 
not  be  forgotten  that  after  passing  through  the  years  of  the 
Civil  War,  at  the  'head  of  a  department  in  which,  not  only 
millions,  but  billions  of  dollars  were  expended  under  'his  orders, 
he,  Secretary  Stanton,  retired  from  public  office,  a  poor  man. 

I  was  with  General  Grant,  when  he,  then  President  of  the 
United  States  was  contemplating  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Stan- 
tan,  as  a  member  .of  the  Supreme  Court,  I  heard  my  father  say, 
that  he  wisihed  to  make  that  appointment  because  of  Mr.  Stan- 
ton's  ability  and  integrity,  and  that  it  would  give  him  special 
gratification  to  do  so,  because  of  the  ex-Secretary's  financial 
needs. 

iNow,  in  these  days  of  peace,  so  many  years  after  our  great 
civil  strife,  few  can  realize,  the  bitter  controversies  which  ex- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  371 

isted  during  the  "Reconstruction  Period"  after  the  Civil  War. 
Then,  it  was  that  Stanton's  work  was  most  important  to  the 
United  States  Government.  His  resolutely  remaining  as  long 
as  possible,  in  President  Johnson's  cabinet  as  Secretary  of  War 
for  the  sole  purpose  of  opposing  and  thwarting,  what  he  deem 
ed,  the  dangerous  and  treasonable  projects  of  the  President, 
was  of  inestimable  value  to  the  Union  cause. 

It  was  throughout  this  trying  period,  that  General  Grant 
and  Secretary  Stanton  were  most  closely  allied,  personally,  and 
officially  in  their  work.  They  had  never  met  until  after  the 
battle  of  Chickamauga,  when  Grant  was  placed  in  command  of 
the  Western  Armies.  Then  an  interview  of  a  day  occurred 
between  Grant  and  Stanton  as  they  traveled  together  from 
Indianapolis  to  Louisville,  and  discussed  the  military  situation. 
After  Grant  became  General  in  Chief  of  all  the  armies,  their 
intercourse  was  necessarily  constant  and  confidential.  They, 
•having  been  loyal  co-workers  during  the  war,  now,  during  the 
Reconstruction,  stood  firmly  in  unison.  This  crisis,  both 
deemed,  as  important  as  any  crisis,  through  which  they  'had 
already  passed,  for  the  safety  of  our  Republican  Institutions. 
It  was  to  these  two  men,  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  the  Gen 
eral  Commanding  the  Army,  that  the  loyal  people  of  the  North 
then  turned,  to  maintain  and  execute  the  measures  and  laws 
which  had  been  passed  by  Congress,  as  the  outcome  of  the 
victories  of  the  northern  armies. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  dwell  at  this  time  upon  the  history  of 
those  stirring  days.  We  are  here,  to  add  our  tributes  in  praise, 
of  the  great  patriot,  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  in  honor  of  whose 
memory,  this  stately  monument  is  erected,  and  unveiled  to-day, 
in  SteubenviPe,  the  city  in  which  he  was  born. 

It  isi  ennobling  to  recall  Stanton's  deeds  of  unwavering  loy 
alty  and  pat-iotism,  .his  unflinching  integrity,  and  his  zealous 
energy,  in  the  pursuit  of  w'hat  he  deemed  right,  in  a  just  cause. 
Patriotism  is  kept  alive  in  our  'hearts  by  cherishing  the  memory 
of  such  great  statesmen,  whose  devotion  to  the  principles  of 
liberty  and  union,  in  services  to  their  country  during  times 
of  trouble  and  stress,  aided  vastly  in  maintaining  those  Repub 
lican  Principles  and  Institutions  which  we  so  value  and  stand 
ready  to  defend. 

It  is  said,  that:  "Sordidness  walks  'hand  in  'hand,  with 
weakness  and  vice."  In  this  era  of  marvelous  wealth  and 
luxury,  let  us  not  forget  those,  gone  before,  wlio,  in  their  work 
were  great  and  noble  patriots.  Let  us  cherish  the  memory  of 
their  deeds,  and  with  these  monuments,  preserve,  ideals  of  of 
loyalty  and  truth,  for  ourselves,  and  our  descendants. 


372  CLOSING  DEMONSTRATIONS 

This  beautifull  statue  will  be  forever  preserved  here,  in 
honor  of  the  memory  of  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  recalling  his  life 
work  and  his  splendid  example  .of  honesty,  loyalty  and  patriot 
ism. 

Next  on  the  programme,  was  a  monograph  enti 
tled  "Stanton  and  the  Telegraph  Office,"  by  David 
Homer  Bates,  manager  of  the  War  Department  tele 
graph,  and  author  of  "Lincoln  and  the  Telegraph." 
It  was  read  by  John  C.  Hatter,  who  was  an  enlisted 
soldier  detailed  as  an  orderly  at  General  McClellan's 
headquarters,  1861  to  1862.  Later  he  became  orderly 
and  messenger  for  Secretary  Stanton,  and  was  with 
the  latter  until  he  died  in  1869.  Following  are  some 
excerpts  from  this  interesting  paper: 

Edwin  M.  Stanton  became  interested  in  the  Morse  telegraph 
as  early  as  1847,  three  years  only  after  the  opening  of  the  exper 
imental  line  between  Washington  and  Baltimore.  The  tele 
graph  had  crossed  the  Allleghenies  in  1846,  the  first  message  out 
of  Pittsburgh  having  been  sent  December  29  of  that  year,  advis 
ing  President  Polk  of  the  departure  of  Pennsylvania  troops  for 
General  Zachary  Taylor's  army  in  Mexico.  To  carry  the  tele 
graph  west,  the  Pittsburgh,  Cincinnati  &  Louisville  Telegraph 
Company  was  formed  in  September,  1847,  and  in  the  list  of 
directors  appear  the  names  of  two  residents  of  Steubenville — 
Edwin  M.  Stanton  and  Joseph  Means.  Another  director  was 
Lewis  Hutchinson,  who,  it  is  presumed,  was  Stanton's  father- 
in-law.  The  United  States  military  telegraph  corps  was  a 
special  organization  under  the  immediate  direction  of  the  Sec 
retary  of  War. 

The  history  of  the  civil  war  was  largely  recorded  by  tele 
graph,  which  branch  of  the  service  Stanton  called  his  right  arm. 

My  father,  Francis  Bates,  a  former  resident  of  Steubenville, 
and. a  member  of  the  same  Masonic  lodge  with  Stanton,  was 
was  given  the  custody  of  the  baggage  and  papers  of  Davis, 
Beauregard  and  other  Confederate  officials  untill  the  Archive 
Bureau  was  established.  He  remained  in  the  employment  of 
the  Bureau  for  sixteen  yeans,  until  his  death.  It  is  due  to  Stan- 
ton  that  the  valuable  historical  records  of  the  war  were  pre 
served  and  finally  published  in  128  large  volumes. 

There   was   a   marked   contrast   between   Lincoln's   manner, 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  373 

which  was  always  pleasant  and  conciliatory,  and  that  of  his 
great  War  Secretary.  The  latter's  stern,  spectacled  visage  com 
manded  instant  respect  and  in  many  cases  inspired  fear.  The 
almost  overwhelming  burden  of  the  great  struggle  for  the  life 
of  the  Nation  was  ever  pressing  upon  S'tanton's  heart  and  brain, 
and  he  even  begrudged  the  time  which  he  believed  wasted  in 
ordinary  civilities,  and  was  impatient  with  every  one  who  failed 
to  show  like  zeal  and  alertness  with  himself.  He  was  not  bless 
ed  with  Lincoln's  happy  faculty  of  story-telling  or  exchanging 
badinage,  which  to  the  latter  was  a  God-given  means  of  relief 
from  the  awful  strain  to  which  he  was  subjected.  And  yet 
there  were  times  when  even  Stanton  would  soften  and  when 
he  would  disclose  a  kindly  nature,  the  knowledge  of  which  would 
come  as  a  shafp  surprise  to  any  one  fortunate  enough  to  be 

present  on  such  an  occasion. 

********** 

Stanton  was  a  slave  to  his  work.  He  came  early  to  the 
War  Department  and  rarely  left  for  home  before  10  o'clock  at 
night.  The  only  vacation  he  is  known  to  have  taken  was  after 
the  war  closed,  when  he  spent  August  and  part  of  September, 
1865,  in  a  trip  to  New  York,  Newport  and  Boston.  I  accom 
panied  him  as  cipher  operator.  The  party  was  entertained  by 
prominent  citizens,  and  Stanton  greatly  enjoyed  the  respite  from 
official  cares.  The  relations  between  Lincoln  and  Stanton  were 
very  close,  and  almost  without  exception  harmonious.  There 
never  was  any  re  all  conflict  between  them.  It  suited  both  to 
treat  the  public  each  in  his  own  characteristic  way,  and  when 
in  any  case  the  pinch  came  each  knew  how  far  to  yield  to  the 
other  without  sacrifice  of  prerogative.  When  Lincoln  died, 
Stanton,  who  was  himself  an  autocrat,  is  reported  to  have  said: 
"There  lies  the  most  perfect  ruler  of  men  the  world  has  ever 
seen." 

In  my  humble  opinion,  it  is  a  Nation's  shame  that,  while 
monuments  have  been  erected  to  Davis,  Lee  and  Stuart,  who 
strove  to  destroy  the  Union,  Stanton's  extraordinary  services  in 
saving  his  country  have  not  been  recognized  by  a  memorial  at 
the  Nation's'  Capital,  and  that  it  has  been  left  to  his  native  town^ 
and  to  his  friends  and  admirers,  to  do  him  honor,  even  at  this 
late  date,  forty-six  years  after  the  close  of  the  civil  war. 

General  Daniel  E.  Sickles  was  the  next  speaker, 
and  his  stentorian  voice  soon  caught  and  held  the 
attention  of  the  crowd  : 

He  said  he  was  glad  to  be  among  the  friends  of  his  friend, 


374  CLOSING  DEMONSTRATIONS 

Stanton,  and  he  wished  that  by  the  grace  of  God,  Stanton's 
spirit  could  be  present  today;  'he  believed  it  was  present.  He 
dwelt  .upon  his  long,  close  and  intimate  acquaintance  with  Lin 
coln's  War  Secretary.  One  bond  between  them  was  that  they 
were  both  loyal  Democrats.  He  himself  was  a  tough  Demo 
crat;  a  fighting  one;  a  Tammany  Hall  Democrat.  He  spoke  of 
Stanton's  earlly  days  as  a  lawyer  and  of  his  great  qualities  as  a 
member  of  the  bar.  He  touched  upon  the  fact  that  he  was 
glad  to  remember  it  was  he  who  first  got  Stanton  to  read 
novels,  and  told  of  Stanton's  avidity  as  a  novel  reader  when  he 
had  once  started  in  to  read  what  he  had  formerly  characterized 
as  "stuff."  The  General  said  that  Secretary  Stanton  'had  never 
been  understood  or  appreciated  by  the  American  people  during 
•his  life,  but  he  rejoiced  thai  at  even  this  late  day  a  splendid  mon 
ument  testified  to  the  appreciation  of  the  present  generation  and 
the  loyalty  of  the  peoplle  of  Steubenville  to  his  memory.  He 
hoped  yet  to  see  Stanton's  monument  at  Washington,  and  urged 
that  the  Governor  and  the  Congressmen  of  Ohio  should  not  be 
allowed  to  rest  until  Congress  voted  $50,000  for  that  purpose. 
He  concluded  with  some  interesting  reminiscences. 

Senator  Atlee  Pomerene  followed  Gen.  Sickles  in 
a  brief  but  forceful  speech. 

Referring  to  Stanton's  unswerving  policies  during  war  times 
the  speaker  said  all  men  should  have  the  courage  of  their  con 
victions.  A  good  head,  a  good  heart  and  a  good  mind  do  not 
make  a  perfect  man.  To  these  should  be  added  a  stiff  backbone, 
such  as  makes  a  fighter,  not  onlly  in  times'  of  war  but  in  times 
of  peace.  The  dangers  that  confront  us  today  are  not  from 
abroad,  but  from  enemies  within  our  midst.  The  patriotic  man 
is  he  who  can  only  see,  think  and  act  for  the  public.  A  glowing 
tribute,  eloquently  expressed,  was  paid  to  the  'man  whose 
memory  is  being  honored  on  this  occasion.  The  Senator  con 
cluded  his  address  by  an  allusion  complimentary  to  Governor 
Harmon. 

General  Nelson  A.  Miles  was  the  last  speaker: 

He  said  he  was  not  on  the  programme,  -but  had  finally  been 
prevailed  ito  say  a  few  words.  He  said  he  should  fail  in  his 
duty  if  he  failed  to  endorse  every  sentiment  that  had  been 
expressed  to-day  in  memory  of  the  service!  of  that  splendid 
character  and  statesman^  E.  M.  Stanton.  The  people  of  Steu. 
benviUe  and  Jefferson  -county  did  themselves  honor  in  honoring 
that  greajt  man,  and  the  occasion  was  an  illustration  and  dem- 


MRS.    CORA    JAHNCKE 


MRS.    D.   J.   SINCLAIR 


rXVKIJJXC.    STAXTOX    STATTK 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          375 

onstration  of  the  fact  .that  the  spirit  which  actuated  Mr.  Stanton 
was  still  here.  No  more  perfect  character  was  storied  in  his 
tory.  In  his  home  life,  his  early  life  and  his  domestic  life  he 
was  a  pure  and  upright  citizen.  General  Miles  spoke  in  strong 
commendation  of  the  War  Secretary's  ability  as  an  organizer, 
and  tdld  how  'he  had  stopped  the  fraud,  peculation  and  corrup 
tion  very  shortly  after  assuming  office.  He  did  more  to  pre 
serve  this  Government  than  any  man  had  done  for  the  last  one 
hundred  years.  General  Miles  congratulated  the  people  ID 
whose  efforts  this  statue  of  imperishable  bronze  was  due. 

After  General  Miles's  speech  there  was  a  general 
movement  to  shake  hands  with  the  distinguished 
guests  on  the  platform,  after  which  the  great  crowd 
slowly  dispersed. 

It  was  perhaps  fitting  that  the  leading  events  of 
the  week  should  close  with  a  complimentary  recep 
tion  and  ball  to  the  military  and  others  who  had 
graced  the  occasion  with  their  presence.  Addition 
al  touches  had  been  given  the  Auditorium  rink  which 
was  almost  a  mass  of  drapery.  The  dais  for  the  or 
chestra,  the  lobbies,  staircases,  dressing  rooms,  bal 
conies  and  seats  ranged  along  the  walls  were  draped 
in  white.  American  flags,  festoons,  streamers  and 
groupings  of  red,  white  and  blue  bunting  depended 
from  and  were  attached  to  the  cross  beams  and  ceil 
ing,  while  the  four  walls  of  the  building  were  literally 
hidden  by  American  flags,  clusters  of  green  boughs 
and  other  decorations.  The  effect  thus  produced  was 
heightened  by  electric  lights,  which  shone  among  the 
vari-colored  draperies,  to  say  nothing  of  the  brilliant 
costumes  of  the  ladies  and  the  blue  and  gold  of  the 
military. 

Previous  to  the  dancing  the  26th  U.  S.  Infantry 
band  under  the  direction  of  Prof.  Belisle  rendered  a 
choice  concert  programme,  followed  by  the  evolution 
knowtn  as  "Receiving  and  Saluting  the  Flag"  by 


376  CLOSING  DEMONSTRATIONS 

seven  civil  Avar  veterans,  namely :  James  F.  Sarratt, 
2nd  O.  V.  I. ;  John  F.  Oliver,  25th  O.  V.  I. ;  William 
Ruddicks,  1st  Va.  Cavalry ;  B.  H.  Maxwell,  52nd  O. 
V.  L;  Alfred  C.  Blackburn,  52nd  O.  V.  I. ;  James 
Farmer  157th  O.  V.  L,  and  J.  C.  Ault,  1st  O.  V.  I.  It 
was  an  inspiring  performance  highly  appreciated. 
With  J.  C.  Ault  as  color  bearer  the  veterans  then 
opened  the  grand  march,  which  was  then  formed  with 
the  following  leaders:  Col.  Sharpe,  United  States 
Army,  and  Mrs.  D.  J.  Sinclair;  Major  Durfee,  26th 
Infantry,  U.  S.  A.,  and  Mrs.  Robert  McGowan;  Colo 
nel  Vollrath,  8th  Ohio  Regiment,  and  Mrs.  N.  G. 
Kirk;  Lieutenant  Purcell,  26th  Infantry,  U.  S.  A., 
and  Mrs.  W.  McD.  Miller;  Major  Crookston,  14th 
Pennsylvania  Regiment,  and  Mrs.  E.  Y.  Dougherty; 
Captain  Priest,  8th  Ohio  Regiment,  and  Mrs.  I.  Sulz- 
bacher;  Major  Devore,  aide  to  General  Grant,  and 
Mrs.  R.  G.  Richards ;  Captain  Huston,  8th  Ohio  Reg 
iment,  and  Mrs.  P.  E.  Brady;  Captain  Houle,  8th 
Ohio  Regiment,  and  Mrs.  L.  M.  Leopold;  Captain 
Parker,  8th  Ohio  Regiment,  and  Mrs.  C.  J.  Davis; 
Captain  Eddy,  8th  Ohio  Regiment,  and  Mrs.  A.  B. 
Sharpe.  Dancing  was  continued  until  a  late  hour, 
with  refreshments  served  at  intervals,  while  a  large 
marquee  tent  was  provided  for  the  smokers.  It  was 
a  brilliant  ending  to  a  glorious  event. 

The  Toronto  Tribune  remarks :  "When  the  or 
chestra  in  the  Auditorium  wailed  out  the  waltz, 
"Home  Sweet  Home,"  it  was  the  swan  song  of  Steu- 
benville's  big  week,  from  which  events  in  the  future 
will  be  dated." 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  LIGHTER  SIDE. 

High  Class  Entertainments — Aeroplane  Flights — Aquatic  Sports 
— Motor  Boat  Contests — Historical  Exhibit — Fireworks — 
Family  Reunions. 

It  has  doubtless  been  noticed  by  the  readers  of 
the  preceding  pages  that  all  the  events  leading  up  to 
the  unveiling  of  the  statue  wtere  of  a  superior  order. 
Whether  in  painting,  sculpture,  artistic  decoration, 
music  or  oratory,  there  was  the  best  obtainable  in 
each  department.  A  friendly  rivalry  prevailed  among 
the  different  organizations  to  reach  the  highest  pos 
sible  standard  along  the  lines  mentioned,  and  the 
result  was  that  the  week  was  one  of  education,  uplift 
ing  and  enjoyment  that  only  comes  from  the  exercise 
and  cultivation  of  the  higher  faculties.  From  the 
Sunday  religious  services  and  Monday's  great  labor 
demonstration  to  the  last  note  of  the  orchestra  on 
Thursday  night  was  this  standard  maintained,  and 
the  spirit  which  animated  the  management,  the  com 
mittees  and  the  participants  communicated  itself  to 
the  people  generally.  Although  the  crowtds  were 
unprecedented  never  was  there  better  order  on  the 
streets,  and  it  was  a  significant  fact  that  the  piano 
and  solo  passages  in  the  public  band  concerts  were 
listened  to  with  close  and  quiet  attention  not  always 
found  in  the  so-called  cultured  audiences  of  a  grand 
opera  or  music  hall.  The  addresses  received  the  same 
thoughtful  attention,  which  was  fully  deserved.  But 
even  Shakespeare's  tragedies  must  have  a  foil,  and  it 


378  THE  LIGHTER  SIDE 

was  recognized  that  some  sort  of  entertainment  must 
be  provided  for  the  people  outside  the  rich  fare  al 
ready  laid  out.  Hence  an  amusement  committee  was 
appointed,  which  entered  into  the  spirit  of  the  occa 
sion.  It  was  recognized  from  the  start  that  even  this 
feature  should  not  be  allowed  to  degenerate  into  an 
ordinary  street  carnival  with  its  horn  and  confetti 
nuisances,  but  should  represent  the  latest  achieve 
ments  in  mechanics,  athletics,  etc.  First  and  fore 
most  as  the  primary  achievement  of  the  twentieth  cen 
tury  was  the  airship.  Although  the  cost  seemed  pro 
hibitive  yet  the  enthusiasm  of  the  young  men 
in  charge  overcame  that  obstacle,  and  a  con 
tract  was  made  with  the  Wright  Brothers  for 
a  three  days'  flight  by  one  of  their  latest  im 
proved  aeroplanes.  The  golf  links  of  the  Coun 
try  Club  with  some  adjacent  ground  were  secur 
ed  for  the  flights,  giving  one  of  the  best  fields  in  the 
country.  Monday  was  an  ideal  day,  clear  and  pleas 
ant  with  no  serious  cross  currents  of  air  to  perplex 
the  aviator.  Special  trains  on  the  C.  &  P.  railroad  and 
packed  trolley  cars  with  autos  carried  several  thous 
and  to  the  field  during  the  afternoon.  The  starting 
course  was  roped  off  and  guarded  by  a  force  of  depu 
ties  and  State  troops.  The  enterprise  was  in  charge 
of  A.  G.  Lee,  J.  H.  Andrews,  Nelson  Miller  and  Frank 
D.  Sinclair.  At  four  o'clock  Aviator  L.  W.  Bonney 
entered  the  machine,  and  a  few  seconds  later  the  whir 
of  the  propellers  announced  the  start.  Rising  about 
200  feet  Bonney  circled  the  field  in  spiral  form  until 
he  was  up  1,200  feet  when  he  gave  a  series  of  tricks, 
including  spiral  gliding  and  "The  Rocky  Road  to 
Dublin,"  a  term  apptying  to  successive  dips  and  rises. 
He  descended  at  4 :17,  having  been  up  thirteen  min- 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          379 

utes.  He  was  again  in  the  air  at  4 :40,  rising  to  2,000 
feet,  when  his  engine  ceased  to  work  properly,  but  he 
canae  down  in  a  thrilling  spiral  glide,  after  a  flight  of 
eleven  minutes.  The  third  flight  was  at  5  :16,  sweep 
ing  over  the  field,  in  startling  dips  with  the  "Dutch 
Roll"  as  a  finale,  or  warping  the  planes  laterally  in 
successive  waves,  a  perilous  feat  which  brought  forth 
thunderous  applause.  Three  flights  were  made  on 
Wednesday  of  ten,  twelve  and  nine  minutes,  respec 
tively,  with  the  addition  of  a  trial  flight  in  the  morn 
ing  in  which  there  was  a  number  of  startling  evolu 
tions,  one  of  which  was  almost  turning  a  flip-flop. 
Three  flights  w:ere  made  on  Thursday  in  spite  of 
unfavorable  atmospheric  conditions  in  eleven,  ten  and 
four  minutes  the  engines  missing  fire  in  the  third, 
thus  cutting  it  short.  The  entire  demonstration  was 
a  great  success,  being  the  first  of  the  kind  in  the  Ohio 
Valley,  and,  as  one  of  the  Pittsburghers  remarked, 
they  had  to  come  to  Steubenville  to  see  an  airship. 

Athletic  events  of  Wednesday  morning  were 
held  on  Wells  High  School  grounds  and  North  Fifth 
street.  The  winners  were:  100  yard  dash,  W.  S. 
Goodwin,  East  Liverpool ;  two  mile  run,  Frank  Conn, 
12  minutes ;  running  high  jump,  R.  O.  McRae,  Toron 
to,  and  L.  A.  Wells,  Wellsville;  220  yard  dash,  R.  O. 
McRae,  25  seconds;  running  broad  jump,  George 
Floto,  18  feet;  50  yard  dash  for  boys  under  fifteen, 
Charles  Stitt,  8  seconds;  pole  vault,  L.  A.  Wells,  9 
feet  11  inches;  hop,  step  and  jump,  John  Dickson,  36 
fee  9  inches;  half  mile  run,  L.  A.  King,  Cleveland,  3 
minutes ;  putting  16  Ib  shot,  Charles  Buehler,  30  feet 
10  inches. 

Fully  20,000  people  lined  the  river  banks,  sus 
pension  bridge  and  every  point  of  advantage  on 


380  THE  LIGHTER  SIDE 

Thursday  afternoon  to  witness  the  different  aquatic 
sports  and  were  well  rewarded.  The  14th  Pennsyl 
vania  regiment  band  furnished  music  during  the  three 
hours  of  solid  sport.  The  events  were  preceded  by  an 
exhibition  swim  from  the  Panhandle  bridge  to  Market 
street  by  Miss  Bessie  Schroedel,  the  champion  female 
swimmer  of  Pittsburgh.  Five  exciting  motor  boat 
races  were  run,  following  being  the  winners :  Pleas 
ure  boats,  10  horse  power  or  under,  Harry  M.,  owned 
by  Mr.  Manley,  Bellaire,  27  minutes;  speed  boats,  10 
horse  power  or  under,  4  miles,  Goldie,  Arthur  Keesey, 
Verona,  Pa.,  19  1-4  minutes;  speed  boats,  20  horse 
power  or  under,  8  miles,  Keystone  Girl,  W.  J.  Straub, 
Cheswick,  Pa,,  27  minutes;  speed  boats,  30  horse 
power  or  under,  4  miles,  Keystone  Girl,  18  minutes; 
open  race,  12  miles,  Wildcat  No.  2,  J.  E.  Eker,  Ver 
ona,  42  minutes.  Swimming  events — 100  yards,  men 
and  boys,  Chester  Haley,  first,  1  1-2  minutes;  girls, 
Florence  Bletcher,  1  minute  35  seconds;  open,  Reed 
Fowler,  1  minute  18  seconds ;  quarter  mile  canoe  race, 
Eddie  Morris,  59  seconds;  overboard  canoe  race,  200 
yards,  Wm.  Rodgers;  canoe  tilting  contest,  Herman 
Mugele  and  E.  L.  Morris;  fancy  diving,  men  and 
boys,  Eddie  Morris;  girls,  Florence  Bletcher;  half 
mile  swim,  Wm.  McClintock;  all  these  winners  were 
from  Pittsburgh. 

The  Stanton  Social  Club  ball  on  Wednesday 
night,  and  concert  and  dance  by  the  26th  Regiment 
band  on  Friday  night  were  special  features  of  the 
week. 

An  interesting  as  well  as  a  continuous  attraction 
was  the  exhibition  of  historical  relics  in  the  Council 
chamber  in  charge  of  H.  G.  Simmons.  In  the  exhibit 
was  a  most  valuable  collection  of  autographs  and 


CAMP  EDWIX  AI.  .STAXTOX 


rHTRCH    SERVICE    IX    CAMP 


RIVER   CONTESTS 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          381 

canes  loaned  by  Mr.  Stanton,  while  the  history  of  the 
city  and  of  the  civil  war  could  almost  be  completed 
from  the  numerous  documents  and  relics  of  all  kinds 
deposited  there. 

There  was  a  balloon  ascension  from  the  Jones 
animal  show  at  the  head  of  Market  street  every  even 
ing  from  which  thrilling  parachute  descents  were 
made,  one  of  which  nearly  cost  the  aeronaut  his  life. 

Rain  interfered  with  what  would  have  been  a 
fine  display  of  fireworks  on  Thursday  night,  and  they 
were  divided  between  Friday  and  Saturday  nights. 

The  military  on  the  hill  were  a  constant  attrac 
tion,  and  hundreds  visited  the  camp  to  witness  the 
maneuvres  and  listen  to  the  music  of  the  bands.  The 
Y.  M.  C.  A.  tent  was  a  great  convenience  to  the  sol 
diers.  All  the  fraternal  lodges  kept  open  house ;  com 
plete  sanitary  arrangements  and  abundant  supply  of 
free  ice  water  on  the  streets  were  made  for  the  com 
fort  of  the  public,  and  the  women  had  special  rest 
rooms  at  the  Westminster  Presbyterian  manse  on 
North  Fourth  street,  in  charge  of  Mrs.  Robert  Mc- 
Gowan,  with  the  King's  Daughters;  the  W.  C.  T.  U. 
being  further  down  the  street.  There  were  tempor 
ary  restaurants  innumerable,  and  notwithstanding 
the  immense  crowds  everybody,  so  far  as  is  known, 
was  comfortably  housed  and  fed. 

The  transportation  companies  carried  thousands 
away  on  Thursday  night,  but  hundreds  remained 
over  Friday  and  Saturday  to  enjoy  family  reunions. 

It  is  not  pretended  that  the  foregoing  pages  con 
tain  a  full  account  of  the  week's  events.  There  were 
hundreds  of  entertainments  and  incidents  not  report 
ed  but  all  going  to  make  up  a  period  unprecedented 
in  the  city's  history.  Public  and  private  hospitality 


382  THE  LIGHTER  SIDE 

was  unstinted,  and  Lewis  Stan  ton  and  family  were 
entertained  by  Dr.  E.  Pearce  at  the  Secretary's  old 
home.  Letters  have  been  received  by  the  officers 
of  the  Association  from  all  the  distinguished 
guests,  from  the  military,  and  from  private  citizens, 
returning  thanks  for  the  manner  in  which  they  were 
received  and  entertained  while  in  the  city.  Altogeth 
er  it  was  a  week  of  which  the  community  may  well  be 
proud. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

OHIO  VALLEY'S  BA-RBIZON. 

Steuibenville's  Artistic  Trio — Sketches  of  Alexander  Doyle, 
Eliphalet  F.  Andrews  and  Charles  P.  Filson — Some  of  Their 
Works. 

Nearly  seven  hundred  years  ago  a  youth  was 
born  in  the  Florentine  City  on  the  Arno,  who  holds  a 
unique  position  in  the  artistic  wlorld.  There  were 
artists  before  him  who  were  doubtless  his  equal,  and 
artists  followed  him  who  were  his  superior,  and  yet 
his  birth  and  life  mark  the  end  of  an  old  epoch,  and 
the  beginning  of  a  new.  Sixteen  centuries  had  come 
and  gone  since  Praxiteles,  Phidias  and  their  con 
temporaries  had  reached  the  high  water  mark  in  the 
world's  artistic  progress,  and  since  then,  although 
there  had  been  outbursts  of  genius  both  in  communi 
ties  and  individuals,  yet  the  period  was  one  of  deca 
dence.  When  Greece  lost  her  freedom  she  lost  her 
ideals,  and  without  ideals  true  art  is  non-existent. 
Pagan  Rome,  lacking  the  intuitive  delicacy  of  the 
Grecian  spirit,  although  strong  in  everything  that 
was  massive,  whether  in  government,  in  a  palace,  a 
circus,  an  aqueduct  or  a  roadway,  was  content  to  copy 
and  imitate  as  best  she  could  the  higher  flights  fur 
nished  by  her  conquered  subjects,  until  the  ennerva- 
tion  of  luxury  and  the  influx  of  northern  barbarians 
involved  nearly  all  in  the  common  ruin.  From  that 
ruin  evolved  Christian  Rome,  once  more  giving  newi 
ideals  to  the  world,  but  even  ideals  cannot  create  art 


384  OHIO  VALLEY'S  BAEBIZON 

in  a  day.  A  stream  cannot  rise  above  its  source,  and 
the  early  Christians  being  generally  converted 
Pagans  could  not  at  once  escape  from  their  tradi 
tions  and  environment.  It  was  centuries  before  a  dis 
tinctively  Christian  art  arose,  and  it  took  form  and 
shape  not  in  the  city  of  the  Caesars  or  classic  Athens, 
but  in  Constantine's  new  capital  on  the  shores  of  the 
Bosporus.  There  it  developed  with  a  mixture  of 
Oriental  detail  and  ecclesiastical  conventionalism, 
until,  by  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  its 
authority  was  recognized  wherever  a  community 
claimed  a  reasonable  degree  of  civilization.  By  this 
time  the  old  Roman  Empire  had  entirely  disappeared 
in  the  West,  although  its  shadow  was  long  after 
wards  pursued  by  pope  and  emperor,  and  petty  prin 
cipalities  and  so  called  free  municipalities  of  Italy 
were  taking  its  place.  It  was  a  period  of  unrest,  and 
although  Byzantine  art  had  its  merits,  and  Was  the 
best  at  hand,  yet  it  was  too  cramped  and  too  conven 
tional  for  the  new  era  that  was  coming.  The  "dark 
ages"  had  about  run  their  course,  and  the  rennaissance 
was  at  hand,  although  centuries  were  -still  needed  to 
witness  its  full  fruition.  Young  Cimabue,  our  Flor 
entine  artist,  seems  to  have  imbibed  the  new  ideas 
that  were  floating  in  the  air,  and  possessing  the  tech 
nical  knowledge  necessary  to  carry  them  into  execu 
tion  he  set  to  work  on  a  Madonna,  for  the  Church 
dominated  in  those  days.  It  was  a  new  departure. 
Contrary  to  the  stiff  Byzantine  practice,  there  was  at 
least  a  seeking  after  nature  from  the  coloring  of  the 
flesh  tints  to  the  modeling  of  the  form  if  not  the  drap 
ery,  more  human  expression  to  the  face,  with  joyous- 
ness  in  colors  as  well  as  in  sentiment.  The  quick 
witted  Florentines  were  prompt  to  realize  that  they 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          385 

had  found  a  prize,  and  we  read  that  the  picture  was 
carried  in  solemn  procession  with  the  sound  of  trum 
pets  and  other  festal  demonstrations  from  Cimabue's 
house  to  the  church  of  Santa  Maria  Novella,  where  it 
was  installed  as  the  altar  piece,  and  where  it  still 
remains,  toned  down  by  age  and  smoke  of  candles, 
and  its  outlines  barely  discernible  in  the  dim  light  of 
the  sanctuary. 

From  Cimabue  it  was  but  a  step  to  his  pupil 
Giotto,  and  beyond  him  to  Fra  Angelico  and  others 
until  the  full  flower  of  the  Rennaissance  blossomed  in 
the  glory  of  Raphael  and  Michael  Angelo. 

It  is  a  far  cry  from  the  sixteenth  century,  but 
so  far  as  America  is  concerned  up  to  about  the  middle 
of  the  nineteenth  century  this  country  was  practic 
ally  a  barren  field.  Our  ancestors  were  too  busily 
engaged  in  subduing  the  savages,  felling  the  forests 
and  getting  upon  their  feet  as  it  were,  to  give  much 
thought  to  either  graphic  or  plastic  art.  True,  there 
were  American  painters  and  sculptors  almost  from 
the  settlement  of  the  country,  but  they  generally  prac 
ticed  their  profession  abroad  where  there  was  con 
genial  environment,  and  where  those  who  could  afford 
it  usually  purchased  their  paintings  and  statuary. 
But  the  American  Rennaissance  was  at  hand,  and  the 
Centennial  Exhibits  of  1876  gave  force  and  point  to  a 
movement  that  had  been  for  a  considerable  time  in 
progress. 

It  was  during  the  flood  tide  of  this  movement 
that,  on  January  28,  1857,  on  the  east  side  of  High 
street,  below  Market,  Alexander,  son  of  George  and 
Alice  Butler  Doyle  was  born.  He  was  named  after 
his  grandfather,  who  had  long  been  a  prominent  citi 
zen  of  Steubenville,  and  a  member  of  one  of  the  pio- 


386  OHIO  VALLEY'S  BARBIZON 

neer  families  of  this  section.  Business  matters  called 
his  family  to  Louisville  in  1860,  and  from  thence  to 
St.  Louis,  from  which  place  they  w)ent  to  Italy  in 
1869,  the  father  being  engaged  in  the  marble  business. 
They  remained  there  three  years,  Alexander  attend 
ing  an  English  school  in  Leghorn.  Returning  to 
Louisville  with  his  parents  he  completed  his  course 
at  the  high  school  in  that  city,  but  his  artistic  in 
stincts  had  been  fostered  during  his  residence  abroad, 
and  he  returned  to  Italy  in  1874,  where  he  studied  in 
the  Carara  Academy  for  three  years.  Coming  back 
to  America  in  1877  he  located  in  New  York,  where  he 
has  since  resided,  spending  his  summers  at  his  cot 
tage  at  Squirrel  Island  on  the  Maine  Coast.  In  1880 
he  was  married  to  Miss  Frances  B.  Johnson,  of  Hal- 
lowell,  Me.,  their  one  daughter  being  married  in  1909 
to  Dr.  A.  J.  Shadman,  of  Boston,  Mass. 

Not  only  did  Mr.  Doyle  pursue  the  study  of  sculp 
ture  while  in  Italy,  but  the  sister  arts  of  music  and 
painting  as  well  as  the  language  of  the  country,  in 
which  he  became  thoroughly  proficient.  Although 
then  under  twenty  years  of  age  he  took  a  prize  for  a 
design  of  a  public  monument  under  the  severe  condi 
tions  that  govern  Italian  competition.  He  acted  as 
organist  in  one  of  the  Italian  cathedrals,  and  was 
made  an  honorary  member  of  the  Royal  Raphael 
Academy  of  Urbino. 

It  was  not  long  before  commissions  began  to  pour 
in  upon  the  young  sculptor,  until,  according  to  a  mag 
azine  article  published  in  1888,  "At  the  age  of  thirty 
Mr.  Alexander  Doyle  has  executed  more  public  monu 
ments  and  statues  in  the  United  States  than  any  other 
sculptor,  and  he  is  moreover,  the  author  of  more  than 
one- fifth  of  those  now  standing  in  the  Union."  This 


ALEXANDER   DOYT,K 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  387 

statement  would  not  hold  good  now,  for  others  have 
come  to  the  front  since  1888,  but  it  is  a  noticeable  fact 
that  where  he  has  once  placed  a  statue  and  it  has  been 
determined  to  have  another  in  the  same  locality  he  has 
usually  received  the  commission.  For  instance  he  has 
placed  three  statues  in  New  Orleans,  and  is  now  en 
gaged  on  a  fourth. 

In  a  conversation  with  a  representative  of  a  New 
Orleans  paper  during  the  construction  of  the  Lee 
statue  in  1884,  Mr.  Doyle  remarked : 

Art  is  forever  leaving  its  milestone  along  the  world's  high, 
way,  and  we  are  just  beginning  to  learn  that  .here  is  a  strangely 
realistic  genre  a-t  in  marble  and  metal,  wherein  all  the  splendor 
of  flesh  and  the  'beauty  of  drapery  and  dignified  bearing  can  be 
and  are  faithfully  portrayed  in  stone  and  metal.  Sculpture  of 
the  ancient  -classic  istyles  disdained  everything  but  the  dull 
imitation  of  form  for  form.  Its  work  was,  .therefore,  always 
stony,  solemn  and  monumental.  Since  the  ideas  of  the  old 
classics  are  wearing  away  our  modern  sculpto-s  depict  all  the 
gayeties  and  glitter  of  the  present,  just  as  the  novelist  and 
painter  'have  introduced  many  novelties  of)  modfern  times. 
Genre  themes  are  no  longer  made  "artistic"  by  draping  them  in 
classic  garb.  We  prefer  our  heroes  and  statesmen  clothed  in 
the  habits  of  ou-  times^  and  often  select  some  great  incident  in 
their  career,  and  portray  them  in  such  a  manner  as  to  commem 
orate  that  event.  The  more  advanced  and  most  successful 
artists  are  those  who  impress  the  beholder  with  strong  realism 
at  first  sight,  that  gives  the  full  impression  of  the  dignity  and 
character  of  the  hero.  It  seems  to  me  that  a  statue  of  a  great 
man  should  be  a  perfect  likeness,  with  a  pose  that  causes  the 
observer  at  first  sight  to  say,  "This  is  no  ordinary  man." 

These  principles  read  very  much  like  what  Cim- 
abue  groped  after  over  six  hundred  years  ago,  but 
the  world  has  advanced  since  then,  and  it  is  believed 
that  Mr.  Doyle  has  successfully  embodied  them  in  the 
Stanton  statue. 

The  death  of  his  father  on  March  3,  1898,  com 
pelled  Mr.  Doyle  to  practically  retire  from  his  profes- 


388  OHIO  VALLEY'S  BARBIZON 

sion  for  the  time  being  in  order  to  act  a,s  his  executor 
and  especially  to  look  after  the  stone  quarrying  busi 
ness  left  by  him.  The  taking  up  of  the  Stanton  Mon 
ument  project  marks  his  re-entry  into  his  chosen  pro 
fession,  this  time  "for  keeps." 

A  description  of  Mr.  Doyle's  numerous  works 
would  require  a  volume  as  large  as  the  present  one. 
The  following  list  however,  gives  some  of  his  leading 
productions  to  date,  in  addition  to  the  Stanton  statue : 

Marble  portrait  and  pedestal  at  the  grave  of  Jolin  Howard 
Payne,  Washington,  for  W.  W.  Corcoran. 

Marble  statue  and  pedestal  of  the  Right  Reverend  William 
Pinkney,  Washington,  for  Mr.  Corcoran. 

Bronze  equestrian  statue  of  General  Albert  Sidney  John 
ston,  New  Orleans,  Louisiana.  For  the  Association  of  the 
Army  of  Tennessee. 

Marble  statue,  "Calling  the  Roll,"  New  Orleans,  Louisiana. 
For  the  Association  of  the  Anmy  of  Tennessee. 

Portrait  and  pedestal  in  bronze  and  granite  of  General 
Charles  G.  Halpine  ("Miles  O'Reilly")  For  Dahlgren  Post, 
Grand  Army  Republic,  New  York. 

Bronze  statue  of  General  Robert  E.  Lee.  For  the  Lee 
Monument  Association,  New  Orleans. 

Marble  statue  and  pedestal  of  Margaret  Haughery  (known 
as  "The  Bread  Giver.")  For  the  Citizens'  Committee  of  New 
Orleans. 

Granite  statue,  "Education."  On  the  National  Pilgrims 
Monument,  Plymouth^  Massachusetts.  (Model  only.)  For  the 
Pilgrim  Society. 

Granite  and  Bronze  Monument.  For  Koltes  Post,  Grand 
Army  Republic,  New  York. 

Granite  statue,  "Peace,"  and  heroic  alto-relief  or  drum  of 
thirteen  statues,  typifying  the  original  States.  On  the  National 
Revolutionary  Monument  at  Yorktown,  Virginia.  For  the  Con 
gressional  Commission. 

Marble  statue  and  pedestal  of  Senator  Benjamin  H.  Hill. 
For  the  Citizens'  Committee  of  Atlanta,  Georgia. 

Third  prize  model  in  the  National  Garfield  Monument  Com 
petition  at  Cleveland,  Ohio.  Prepared  for  the  National  Com 
mittee. 

The  New  Haven,  Connecticut,  ,Soldier^g'  Monumen't.  A 
lofty  granite  tower,  with  colossal  bronze  statues  of  "Peace," 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          389 

''History,"  "Military  Valor,"  "Commerce,"  and  "Victory;"  and 
four  'bronze  alto-reliefs  of  "The  Surrender  of  Cornwallis," 
"Perry  at  Lake  Erie,"  "The  Entry  of  General  Scott  into  the 
City  of  Mexico  "  "The  Surrender  at  Apipomattox." 

Bronze  statue  and  bas-reliefs,  with  granite  pedestal,  of  Ser 
geant  Jasper.  For  the  Citizens'  Committee,  Savannah,  Georgia. 

Bronze  statue  of  General  Philip  Schuyler.  For  the  Na. 
tional  Revolutionary  Monument  at  Saratoga,  New  York.  (By 
appropriation  of  Congress.)  For  the  Saratoga  Monument  Asso 
ciation. 

Bronze  statue  (pedestal  and  terrace)  of  General  James  B. 
Steedman,  Toledo,  Ohio.  For  Honorable  W.  J.  Finlay. 

Bronze  statue  of  the  late  Grand  Secretary,  I.  O.  O.  F., 
James  L.  Ridgly.  For  the  Sovereign  Grand  Lodge,  I.  O.  O.  F., 
Baltimore,  Maryland. 

Granite  Mausoleum  in  Valley  Cemetery,  Manchester,  New 
Hampshire.  Designed  for  Aretas  Blood. 

Sculptured  marble  cross  in  Greenwood  Cemetery,  New 
York.  For  Charles  W.  Gould. 

Mausoleum  of  granite  and  marble  portrait  statue,  in  Green 
wood  Cemetery,  New  York.  Designed  for  Loftis  Wood. 

Granite  monument,  with  marble  statues  of  "Hope"  and  the 
Evangelists^  in  Evergreen  Cemetery,  New  Haven,  Connecticut. 
For  Jo'hn  C.  Anderson. 

Marble  portrait  group  of  two  children.  For  S.  W.  Cupples, 
St.  Louis,  Missouri. 

Bronze  tablets  to  Doctors  Bacon,  Whittlesey,  Street,  etc., 
in  Center  Church,  New  Haven,  Connecticut. 

Marble  statue  of  General  Garfield,  Cleveland,  Ohio.  For 
the  National  Garfield  Monument  Association. 

Bronze  ibas-relief  portrait  of  Dr.  Austin  Flint,  in  Bellevue 
Hospital,  New  York  City.  For  the  Alumni  Association  of  Belle 
vue  Hospital  Medical  College. 

Eight  colossal  allegorical  statues  in  marble,  for  the  rotunda 
of  State  Capitol.  For  the  State  of  Indiana. 

Bronze  statue  and  pedestal  of  Horace  Greeley.  New  York 
City.  For  the  Greeley  Monument  Association. 

Bronze  statue  of  Joseph  M.  Clark.  For  the  City  Govern 
ment  of  Jefferson  City,  Mo. 

Bronze  statue  and  monument  (with  bronze  allegorical 
statues)  of  Henry  W.  Grady.  For  the  Citizens'  Committee  of 
Atlanta,  Ga. 

Silver  statuettes  of  Chas.  W.  Riggin,  presented  to  the  Pres 
ident  and  Secretaries  of  State  and  Navy.  For  the  New  York 
Recorder. 

Bronze     Buffalo-head     (fountain    and    shield)     on    Capitol 


390 


Grounds,  Des  Moines,  Iowa.     For  the  State  of  Iowa. 

The  Montgomery,  Alabama,  Soldiers'  -Monument.  For  the 
Alabama  Soldiers'  and  Sailors'  Monument  Association. 

Statue  of  Mrs.  Emma  Willard,  Troy,  N.  Y.  For  .the  Alumni 
Association  of  Emma  Willard  School. 

Statue  of  Senator  John  E.  Kenma,  U.  S.  Capitol  Gallery. 
For  the  State  of  West  Virginia. 

Statues  of  Senators  Thomas  H.  Benton  and  Frank  P.  Blair, 
U.  S.  Capitol  Gallery.  For  the  State  of  Missouri. 

Monument  to  Gen.  G.  H.  Ward,  Worcester,  Mass.  For 
the  G.  A.  R. 

Monument  to  Francis  Scott  Key,  Frederick,  Md.  For  the 
State  of  Maryland. 

Bronze  statue  and  pedestal  of  Gen.  R.  H.  Anderson.  For 
the  Citizens'  Committee,  Savannah,  Ga. 

Equestrian  statue  of  Gen.  Beauregar-d,  for  the  City  of  New 
Orleans,  in  progress. 

One  of  the  last  official  acts  of  the  Stanton  Monu 
ment  Association  was  to  vote  Sculptor  Doyle  a  re 
production  in  gold  of  the  official  badge,  as  a  souvenir 
and  slight  testimonial  of  the  work  which  he  had  done 
for  his  native  city. 

Eliphalet  F.  Andrews,  who  has  also  enriched  his 
native  town  by  his  artistic  labors,  is  the  son  of  Alex 
ander  Andrews.  He  early  developed  a  taste  for  paint 
ing  which  became  so  marked  that  in  1859  he  went  to 
Germany  for  the  purpose  of  studying  under  the  best 
instructors.  On  his  return  he  secured  a  residence 
with  spacious  grounds  on  the  northwest  corner  of 
Fourth  and  Slack  streets,  Stefubenvjille,  iwfherjb  he 
built  a  studio  as  an  addition  to  his  home,  making 
portrait  painting  a  specialty.  He  again  visited 
Europe  in  1873,  where  he  remained  several  years, 
pursuing  his  art  at  Dusseldorf,  Paris  and  other  cities. 
Several  of  his  portraits  were  displayed  at  the  Phila 
delphia  Centennial  Exhibition  of  1876,  and  received 
favorable  consideration.  Mr.  Andrews  soon  after 
returned  to  America  and  made  his  permanent  home 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  31)1 

in  Washington,  it  being  a  centre  especially  favorable 
to  the  practice  of  his  profession.  For  several  years 
he  was  Director  of  the  Corcoran  Art  Gallery,  and  his 
portraits  of  Jefferson,  Martha,  Washington,  Madison, 
Garfield  and  others  in  the  Capitol  and  White  House 
are  recognized  as  standards  of  the  highest  artistic 
value.  In  addition  to  the  Court  House  portraits 
already  mentioned,  he  has  presented  to  his  native  city 
a  replica  of  the  Garfleld  portrait,  one  of  his 
best,  which  ornaments  the  Council  Chamber.  His 
brush  has  also  preserved  the  features  of  quite  a  num 
ber  of  private  citizens,  and  the  figures  of  St.  John  and 
St.  Paul  on  the  wfrlls  of  St.  Paul's  Church,  are  the 
product  of  his  brush. 

While  quite  a  young  man  he  married  Miss  Emma, 
daughter  of  Captain  William  Stewart,  of  Steuben- 
ville,  who  died  a  number  of  years  ago.  Subsequently 
he  married  Miss  Mary  Minnegerode,  of  near  Alexan 
dria,  Va.,  a  lady  of  charming  personality,  a  descend 
ant  of  the  Custis  family,  and  like  himself,  of  decided 
artistic  talent.  With  his  wife  and  two  children  he 
resides  at  a  beautiful  country  seat  near  Alexandria, 
with  Washington  as  his  winter  home,  and  an  almost 
annual  trip  to  Europe. 

The  youngest  of  our  artistic  trio,  in  contradis 
tinction  to  the  others,  has  always  retained  his  home 
in  Steubenville,  except  during  a  short  period  of  boy 
hood  spent  with  his  father  in  the  West,  Charles  P., 
son  of  Davison  and  Martha  A.  Filson,  was  born  in 
Steubenville  on  August  9,  1800.  Hie  received  his 
early  education  in  the  city  schools,  and  while  yet  a 
smalll  bofr  developed  a  talent  for!  sketching  (from 
nature  and  other  work  of  that  kind,  which  w*as  quite 
phenomenal.  His  father  being  an  experienced  photo- 


392  OHIO  VALLEY'S  BARBIZON 

grapher  and  interested  not  merely  in  the  mechanical 
part  of  his  work,  but  in  the  artistic  side,  doing 
considerable  outdoor  as  well  as  indoor  work,  young 
Filson' s  environment  was  altogether  favorable  to 
encouragement  in  his  desired  pursuit.  In  1883  he 
entered  into  partnership  with  his  father,  having  be 
come  an  expert  photographer,  and  their  taste  and 
skill  combined  soon  gave  the  studio  a  more  than  local 
reputation,  which  has  increased  during  subsequent 
years.  Not  content  with  photography  the  young  man 
pursued  drawing  and  painting,  and  his  cartoons  be 
came  a  most  desirable  feature  in  public  decorations, 
especially  during  the  lo^al  Centennial  celebration  in 
1897.  His  water  color  sketches  were  beautiful  repre 
sentations  of  both  animated  and  still  life.  Drawing 
crayon  portraits  by  the  way,  from  there  he  passed  to 
work  in  oiL  where  the  results  were  so  satisfactory 
that  when  Col.  John  J.  McCook  desired  to  place  a 
memorial  portrait  of  Hon.  E.  M.  Stanton  in  the  col 
lege  halls  at  Gambier,  Mr.  Filson  received  the  com 
mission.  A  few  yea.rs  since  he  visited  Mexico  and 
painted  portraits  of  some  prominent  citizens  there. 
Among  his  other  works  are  portraits  of  James  Ross 
and  Governor  St.  Clair  in  Marietta  College,  the  same 
in  the  public  library  at  Chillicothe,  a  bas  relief  in  the 
old  State  House  at  Chillicothe,  Bezaleel  Wells  and 
James  Ross  in  the  Carnegie  Library,  Steubenville, 
and  the  Court  House  portraits  heretofore  described. 
Mr.  Filson  was  married  on  March  31,  1883,  to  Miss 
Mary  E.  Priest,  and  has  a  pleasant  home  on  upper 
Market  street.  He  has  given  valuable  time  and  labor 
towards  making  the  Stanton  Memorial  demonstra 
tion  a  success.  As  has  been  said,  Steubenville,  if  not 
a  second  Barbizon,  has  been  at  least  the  home  of  a 


GEN.    FREDERICK  D.  GRANT 


T,E\YIS   H.   ST ANTON 


EI.IPHALET    F.    ANDREWS 


CHARLES    P.   FII.SON 


EDWIN  McMASTEKS  STANTON          393 

company  that  has  achieved  a  national  reputation,  and 
of  this  company  Mr.  Filson  is  a  most  worthy  member. 


394  OUR  HEROES 

OUR  HEROES. 

By  MRS.  FRANCES  HALL. 

When  this  fair  land  was  in  a  sore  travail, 

With  Freedom's  banner  almost  trailing  in  the  dust, 
And  from  the  South  was  heard  the  bondsman's  wail, 

And  human  flesh  was  sacrificed  to  lust, 
The  God  of  Freedom  and  of  battle  heard, 

And  with  His  pitying  eye  looked  on  our  woe, 
And  in  the  hearts  of  men  a  protest  stirred, 

Who  rose  in  wrath  to  crush  fair  Freedom's  foe. 

As  through  the  wilderness  when  Moses  led 

The  children  of  the  Lord  towards  their  goal, 
He  raised  a  Moses  for  this  time  of  dread, 

And  gave  us  Lincoln,  and  breathed  in  him  a  soul, 
That  through  the  terrors  of  that  awful  time 

His  hand  ne'er  trembled,  or  his  heart  ne'er  failed; 
Whose  judgment  and  decisions  were  sublime; 

Before  whose  presence  wrong  and  treason  quailed. 

Green  be  that  grand  'man's  memory.     Let  *\  grow 

And  blossom  down  the  ages.     Let  the  light 
Of  his  great  deeds  go  streaming  forth  to  show 

The  future  generations  yet  unborn  t'he  right 
And  might,  when  chosen  by  the  Lord, 

To  do  His  bidding,  for  the  sons  of  men  on  earth, 
And  gave  him  words  of  wisdom,  and  his  strength  a  sword 

To  raise  this  iblood-drenched  land  into  new  birth. 

As  counselor  and  helmsman  E.  M.  Stanton  stood 

At  Lincoln's  own  right  hand,  so  staunch  and  brave, 
To  guide  the  Ship  of  State  through  seas  of  blood. 

The  pon  was  Liberty,  and  a  hand  to  save 
From  traitors'  devastations,  and  the  bondsman's  moan; 

Brother  against  brother,  and  war's  accursed  strife 
That  rends  the  ties  of  love  and  wrecks  the  home; 

Takes  all  from  everything  that  tends  to  gladden  life. 

E.  M.  Stanton,  the  city  of  thy  birth  at  last 

Has  reared  a  monument  to  thine  honored  name! 

Engraven  lines,  a  mute  remembrance  of  the  past, 
Will  tell  thy  praises,  forgetting  all  the  blame! 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          395 

For  days  thou  struggled,  and  prayed  for  light  to  break 

And  shine  upon  a  reunited  land  of  peace, 
With  all  the  good  that  follows  in  its  wake 

Where  all  is  love,  and  sounds  of  war  shall  cease. 

All  leaders  have  their  captains;  U.  S.  Grant  was  there; 

He  led  the  armies  forth;  before  them  fled 
The  sons  of  treason;  mid  battle's  crash  and  blare 

Secession  died,  as  fire  'burns  flaxen  thread. 
When  that  dread  time  of  carnage  and  repine  was  o'er, 

And  soils  were  drunk  with  blood  and  woman's  tears, 
In  new-grown  strength  a  Nation  rose,  no  more 

To  fall  divided  through  all  coming  years. 
He  led  the  hosts  to  that  long-prayed-for  goal 

Where  Peace  with  gentle  smile  unfolds  her  wings, 
And  sp'eads  them  o'er  a  reunited  country,  whole 

In  Liberty,  and  all  the  blessings  freedom  brings. 

The  sons  of  each  have  lived  to  see  the  name 

And  glory  of  their  deeds  engraved  alway 
On  the  unmouldering  pillar  raised  to  fame, 

In  hearts  of  those  where  Liberty  holds  sway; 
And  so  to-day  we  reach  the  welcome  hand 

To  three  illustrious  sons  of  three  illustrious  sires; 
As  the  three  wise  'men  came  each  from  separate  lands, 

So  come  to-day  the  three  to  gather  round  our  fires. 

The  countless  thousands  now  who  sleep  beneath  the  sod, 

Who  died  to  save  the  country  of  their  birth, 
We  mourn;  but  to  the  mercy  of  their  God 

Who  watcheth  o'er  all  creatures  of  the  earth, 
Commend  their  spirits,  ibut  ne'er  forget  the  tears 

And  heartache  as  we  bade  them  all  depart; 
Their  .memory  will  be  cherished  thro'  all  the  coming  yars; 

Their  deeds  of  valor  e'er  graven  on  the  heart. 

Surviving  veterans,  a  tribute  due  to  you, 

Small  remnant  of  a  once  strong  and  sturdy  host; 
You  had  the  strength  to  dare,  and  courage  that  will  do, 

Your  sons  and  daughters  now  drink  to  you  a  toast! 
On  battlefields  of  carnage  grow  the  meadows  green; 

The  land  is  ripe  with  harvest,  where  fertile  fields  were  tilled; 
The  trees  with  fruit  are  laden,  where  once  were  armies  seen; 

With   your  leaders   share    the   glory,   let   your   cup   of  joy   be 
filled. 


396  OUR  HEROES 

f 

Fifty  years  have  flown,  September's  morning  sun 

Shines  on  our  prosperous  city;  clear  sounding  on  the  air 
Booms  out  a  royal  welcome  from  our  hilltop  guns; 

To  the  breeze  floats  out  Old  Glory,  streaming  bright  and  fair, 
For  Steubenville  and  Stanton,  for  each  returning  friend 

Who  comes  to  do  him  honor  in  the  <city  of  'his  birth. 
Our  city's  sons  and  daughters,  a  welcome  hand  extend 

To  the  pleasures  and  the  feasting,  in  the  best  place  on  earth. 

Oh!  Steubenville!     Fair  city  of  a  plenteous  land, 

Who  gave  her  flower  and  strength  when  duty  bid, 
Put  forth  the  earnest  strength  of  heart  and  hand 

And  do  your  work  as  your  forefathers  did, 
Altho'  in  different  channels!     As  they  went  forth  to  war, 

So  go  ye  forth  to  honor,  and  welcome  to  our  home 
The  guests  within  your  gates  and  shine  a  'brighter  star, 

Reflecting  all  your  glory  on  all  who  to  you  come. 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON          397 

STEUBENVILLE. 

By  MRS.  ISABELLE  McMURRAY  FREEHAND. 

O  city  fair  among  the  hills, 

The  river  at  your  feet, 
Your  children  held  by  ties  of  love 

And  memories  sad  yet  sweet, 
Like  strains  of  some  forgotten  song 

That  fall  on  listening  iear, 
Will  cause  the  eye  to  glisten 

And  moisten  with  a  tear, 
As  withered  bunch  of  violets 

Or  scent  of  new-mown  hay 
Will  bring  back  past  as  present 

Of  a  wondrous  gladsome  day. 
So  at  the  name  of  Steubenville, 

Its  river,  vale  or  hill, 
We  feel  our  hearts  beat  faster, 

We  feel  our  pulses  thrill. 
There  dwelt  the  purest  friendship, 

Strong  as  the  Scottish  clan, 
Where  each  was  true  to  other 

And  every  man  a  man. 
Thy  hills  were  ever  greenest, 

The  river  kissed  .by  sun, 
Where  the  moonlight  lingered  longest, 

When  evening  time  had  come. 
You  gave  us  years  the  brightest, 

You  hold  our  sacred  dead, 
So  in  our  hearts  you'll  reign  supveme, 

Aye,  e'en  'til  life  has  fled. 
The  passing  years  are  bringing 

Industries,  fame,  renown, 
So  let  us  twine  an  ivy  leaf 

With  the  laurels  in  your  crown. 
Home  Coming  days  are  over, 

Many  now  must  roam, 
But  the  sweetest  memory  each  will  hold 

Will  be  Steubenville  and  home. 


398  THE  LAST  WORD 


THE  LAST  WORD. 

The  Trustees  of  the  Stanton  Monument  Association,  of 
Steubenville,  Ohio,  now  that  their  labors  are  nearing  completion, 
congratulate  the  people  of  Jefferson  County  that  there  has  at 
last  been  erected  in  his  native  city  a  fitting  memorial  to  the 
great  War  Secretary,  H.on,  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  as  a  recognition 
in  some  degree  of  his  inestimable  services  in  the  preservation 
of  our  National  unity,  and  the  credit  which  he  has  reflected  on 
his  birth  place  and  the  home  of  his  youth  and  riper  years, 
therefore, 

'RESOLVED,  That  the  thanks  of  this  Association  be  ex. 
tended  to  all  who  have  in  any  degree  aided  by  their  counsel, 
their  labors  or  material  contributions  to  the  erection  of  this 
monument  and  to  the  complete  success  of  the  week's  demon 
strations  connected  with  the  dedication  thereof. 

RESOLVED,  That  while  it  is  impossible  to  even  approx 
imately  enumerate  those  who  have  been  engaged  in  this  work, 
yet  it  is  acknowledged  that  special  recognition  is  due  to  Alex 
ander  Doyle,  through  whose  genius  and  most  generous  con 
tribution  of  study  and  labor  of  years,  this  superb  memorial  is 
made  possible.  We  are  proud  to  claim  him  also  as  a  native  of 
Steubenville,  and  a  worthy  descendant  of  those  pioneers  who 
not  only  developed  the  resources  of  this  valley,  but  cultivated 
the  finer  arts,  without  which  even  tbe  most  fruitful  field  is  little 
better  than  a  wilderness. 

RESOLVED,  That  Eliphalet  F.  Andrews  and  Charles  P. 
Filson  by  their  artistic  labors  and  contributions  to  the  adorn 
ment  of  the  interior  walls  of  our  temple  of  justice,  as  well  as 
their  invaluable  labors  in  other  directions,  have  not  only  added 
lustre  to  their  already  achieved  reputations,  but  are  also  deserv 
ing  of  the  hearty  thanks  not  only  of  this  Association  but  of  the 
entire  community. 

RESOLVED,  That  special  thanks  are  also  due  the  mem 
bers  of  the  family  of  the  late  Secretary  Stanton  w'ho  honored 
the  dedicatory  exercises  with  their  presence,  as  well  as  to  tbe 
distinguished  speakers;  to  the  military  organizations  with  their 
splendid  bands;  to  our  Congressman,  Hon.  W.  B.  Francis  for 
his  efforts  in  this  behalf;  to  the  Pittsburgh  visiting  delegation 
and  its  band;  to  the  special  contributors  at  home  and  broad;  to 
the  County  Commissioners  for  their  hearty  co-operation;  to  the 
Germania  Turnverein  for  the  free  use  of  its  hall  for  the  sol 
diers'  reunion;  to  the  city  authorities  for  their  assistance  and 


EDWIN  McMASTERS  STANTON  399 

excellent  police  regulations;  to  The  Steubenville  and  East  Liver, 
pool  Railway  and  Light  Co.,  The  Tri. State  Gas  Co.,  and  The 
Central  District  and  Printing  Telegraph  Co.;  to  the  press  for 
the  free  and  practically  unlimited  use  of  its  columns;  to  the 
Chairmen  of  the  different  committees  and  their  assistants, 
especially  the  Ladies'  Committee,  and  to  the  people  generally, 
who  one  and  all  united  in  a  demonstration  unparalleled  in  the 
history  of  our  city. 

RESOLVED,  That  last  but  not  least  we  are  largely  indebt 
ed  to  the  indefatigable  labors  of  our  President,  Hon.  Frank  H. 
Kerr,  and  of  our  Secretary,  Joseph  B.  Doyle,  for  the  successful 
issue  of  this  enterprise,  which,  had  it  not  been  for  their 
sacrifice  of  time  and  private  interests  must  have  languished  if 
not  died. 

Respectfully  Submitted, 

D.  J.  SINCLAIR, 
J.  W.  GILL, 
WM.  McD.   MILLER, 
Adopted  September  25,  1911.  Committee. 


400     RESOLUTIONS  U.  S.  M.  TELEGRAPH 


RESOLUTIONS. 

Adopted  by  the  Society  of  the  United  States  Military  Tele 
graph  Corps,  at  Atlantic  City,  >N.  J.,  September  5,  1911: 

Whereas,  coincident  with  the  50th  Anniversary  of  the 
founding  of  the  United  States  Military  Telegraph  Corps  now 
being  celebrated  at  Atlantic  City,  New  Jersey,  the  citizens  of 
Steubenville,  Ohio,  his  birth  place,  are  engaged  in  the  dedica 
tion  of  a  monument  in  honor  of  Edwin  McMasters  Stanton, 
Secretary  of  War  during  the  Civil  War,  it  seems  fitting  that 
this  Society  should  record  its  expression  of  respect,  admira 
tion  and  esteem,  as  a  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  great  man 
who  was  our  offioal  head.  Therefore  be  it 

Resolved,  That  the  members  of  this  Society  join  'heart  and 
hand  with  the  citizens  of  Steubenville  in  honoring  the  mem 
ory  of  their  distinguished  fellow  citizen,  whose  unwavering 
patriotism,  impatience  with  disloyalty  and  dishonesty,  and  his 
unflinching  courage  and  untiring  zeal  in  the  discharge  of  the 
arduous  duties  of  his  high  office  were  an  inspiration  to  his  coun. 
trymen,  and  contributed  largely  to  the  success  of  the  armies 
in  defense  of  the  Union. 

Resolved,  That  a  Committee  be  appointed  consisting  of 
Charles  A.  Tinker,  David  Homer  Bates  and  Albert  B.  Chandler, 
of  the  War  Department  Telegraph  Staff,  with  instructions  to 
sign  and  forward  a  copy  of  these  Resolutions,  to  Honorable 
Frank  H.  Kerr,  Chairman  of  the  Stanton  Memorial  Committee 
at  Steubenville,  Ohio,  and  to  Mr.  Lewis  H.  Stanton,  Secretary 
Stanton's  only  surviving  son  at  N>ew  Orleans,  La. 


INDEX 


Adams,  J.  Q.,  18. 

Aeroplane  Flights,  378. 

Alban,  W.  R.,  352. 

Amendment,   Thirteenth,    188. 

Amendment,  Fourteenth,  282. 

Anderson,  Major  Robert,  61, 
74,  78,  79,  258. 

Andrews,   E.  A.,  324,  350,  390. 

Antietam,  (South  Mountain), 
172. 

Appomatox,    (Lee's   Surren 
der),  255. 

Arnold,  Samuel,  261. 

Athletic  Sports,  379. 

Atzerold,  Geo.  A.,  260. 

Automobile  Parade,  360. 

Baker,  Edward  D.,  97. 

Ball's  Bluff,  98. 

Balloon  Ascension,  381. 

Barlow,  S.  M.,  85. 

Banks,  Gen.  N.  P.,  159. 

Barnes,  Dr.,  249,  312. 

Batchellor,  C.  W.,  35. 

Bates,  D.  H.,  260,  372. 

Beauregard,  P.  T.,  115. 

Black  Code,  274. 

Bell  and  Everett,  50. 

Beecher,  H.  W.,  224,  258,  390. 

Black,  J.  S.,  38;  Attorney  Gen 
eral,  45;  California  land  cas 
es,  46;  authority  of  the  Gov 
ernment  to  suppress  rebel 
lion,  55;  Secretary  of  State, 
59;  agrees  with  Stanton,  60; 
peace  propositions,  225;  dif 
ferences  with  Stanton,  226, 
285. 

Blair,  F.  P.  Sr.,  252;  Jr.,  293. 


Blaine,  J.  G.,  107,  139. 

Booth,  Edwin  and  James  229. 

Booth,  J.  W.,  229,  260. 

Bragg,  Gen.,  177,  206. 

Breckenridge  and  Lane,  50. 

Brough,  Gov.  John,  105,  205. 

Buchanan,  James,  nominated 
for  President  44;  message  of 
1860,  57;  dallying  with  seces 
sion  commissioners, 
61;  conies  out  for  the  Union, 

63- 

Buell,  Gen.  D.  C.,  113,  116. 

Burnside,  Gen.  A.  E.,  174,  206. 

Butler,  B.  F.,  meets  Stanton, 
121 ;  New  Orleans  expedi 
tion,  123;  operations  on  the 
Mississippi,  125;  declares 
slaves  contraband  of  war, 
84;  preserves  order  in  New 
York,  229;  exchange  of  pris 
oners,  232,  241. 

California  Land  Cases,  45. 
Cameron,   Simon,   73. 
Campbell,  J.  A.,  252,  256. 
Canadian  Junta,  221. 
Carnegie,  Andrew,  20,  327. 
Cass,  Lewis,  54. 
Chambersburg,  172. 
Chancellorsville,  107, 
Chase,  Salmon  P.,  73,  207,  310. 
Chattanooga,  206. 
Chickamauga,  206. 
Cipher  Codes,  222. 
Civil  Rights  Bill,  276. 
Clay,  Henry,  18. 
Cobb,  Howell,  54. 
Cold  Harbor,  215. 


402 


INDEX 


Conventions,  278. 
Cook,  John  M.,  325,  329,  351. 
Corbett,  Boston,  260. 
Cowling,  Rev.  E.  W.,  318. 
Crawford,  Wm.  H.,  18. 
Curtin,  A.  G.,  204. 
Curtis,  Gen.  124. 
Custer,  Gen.  Geo.,  280. 

Dana,  Chas.  A.,  206. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  135,  139,  221. 

Dix,  Gen.  John  A.,  64,  203,  224, 

260. 

Doherty,  E.  P.,  260. 
Douglas,    Stephen    A.,   50,    76, 

279. 

Doyle,  Alexander,  323,  328,  385. 
Draft  riots,  202. 
Dunbar,  J.,  352. 
Durfee,  Major  L.,  387. 
Duvall,  M.  N.,  341. 
Dyer,  Rev.  Heman,  144,  175. 

Early,  Gen.  J.  A.,  216. 
Eckert,    Major    Thos.    T.,  101, 
143,    154,    219,   252,    259,   260, 

327- 
Educational    D  <e  m  onstration, 

344- 

Elks,  327. 

Ellet,  Chas.  Jr.,  118. 

Emancipation,  185. 

European  recognition  of  Con 
federacy,  123. 

Farragut,  D.  G.,  123,  274. 
Felton,  S.  M.,  210. 
Filson,  C.  P.,  348,  350,  391. 
Fireworks,  381. 
Five  Forks,  255. 
Floyd,  John  B.,  54. 
Franklin,  Gen.    \Ym.  B.,  165. 
Fraternal  Pa/ade,  343. 
Fredericksburg,   177. 
Fremont,  John  C.,  84,  138,  159. 


Gaines's  Mill,  153. 

Garrett,  John  W.,  210. 

Gettysburg,  198. 

Grant,  Gen.  U.  S.,  108,  113,  212, 

214,   241,   254,   255,  267,  277, 

279,  284,  203. 

Grant,  Cen.  F.  D.,  311,  369. 
Greeley,  Horace,  223. 
Grier,  Judge  Robert  C.,  311. 

Halleck,  Gen.  H.  W.,  113,  161, 

1 66,  207,  284. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  3  et  seq. 
Hamlin,  Hannibal,  51. 
Harmon,  Hon.  Judson,  368. 
Harrison,  Wm.  H.,  24. 
Harper's  Ferry,  54,  171. 
Hatter,  John  C.,  248,  260,  372. 
Haupt,  Herman,  159. 
Herold,  David,  260. 
Hitchcock,  Gen.,  235. 
Historical  Exhibit,  380. 
Hollingshead,   Rev.  J.  H.,  338. 
Holt,  Hon.  Joseph,  62,  258. 
Hood,  Gen.,  217. 
Hooker,  Gen.  Joseph,  177. 
Hooper,  Samuel,  285. 
Howard,  Joseph,  224. 
Hunter,  Gen.  David,  85. 
Hunter,  R.  M.  D.,  252. 
Hutchinson,  Miss  Ella,  45. 

Impeachment  of  Johnson,  289. 
Industrial  Parade,  361. 
Italian  Society,  340. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  263. 
Jackson,    Stonewall,    152,    161, 

197. 

Jahncke,  Mrs.  Cora,  368. 
Jefferson,  Thomas,  16. 
Johnson,  Andrew,  260,  283,  289. 
Johnson,  Gen.  A.  S.,  115. 
Johnson,  A.  E.  H.,  157. 
Johnson,  Hon.  J.  R.,  356. 
Johnston,  Gen.  Joseph  E.,  266. 


INDEX 


403 


Jouan,  A.  C,  46. 

Kelley,  Wm.  D.,  144. 
Kerr,  F.  H.,  326,  365,  400. 
Kettler,  Wm.  E.,  255. 

Labor  Parade,  340. 

Lamson,  Mary  A.,  21. 

Last  Word,  the,  398. 

Lee,  Gen.  R.  E.,  150,  170,  255. 

Lewis,  A.  C.,  353. 

Liggitt,  Rev.  W.,  339. 

Limantour,  J.  Y.,  46. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  41,  51;  in 
augural  address,  72;  call  for 
volunteers,  81;  trouble  with 
McClellan,  127;  deprives 
McClellan  of  command  and 
reinstates  him,  168,  169;  Me. 
Clellan  finally  relieved,  174; 
emancipation  proclamation, 
185;  re-election,  205;  peace 
negotiations,  254;  refuses 
Stanton's  resignation,  257; 
assassination,  260. 

Lincoln,  Hon.  Robert  T.,  368. 

Logan,  Gen.  John  A.,  218. 


i^,  samuel,  323. 
MaeDonald,  Wmt  H.,  323. 
McCall,  Gen.  Geo.  A.,  97,  150. 
McCallum,  D.  C.,  210. 
McClellan,  Gen.  Geo.  B.,  83  et 

seq.,  127,  167,  224. 
MoClure,  A.  K.,  117. 
McCook,  Geo.  W.  ST.,  59,  280, 

293,  348. 
McCook,  Geo.  W.  Jr.,  325,  349, 

368. 
McCook,  Col.  John  J.,  20,  325, 

349,  368. 

McCormick  vs.  Manny,  39. 
McDowell,  Gen.  Irwin,  81,  131, 

159. 

McElroy,  Hon.  J.  L.,  346. 
McNulty,  Caleb  J.,  27. 


Malvern  Hill,  152. 
Mansfield,  Hon.  J.  A.,  325,  352. 
Marcy,  R.  B.,  156. 
Marshall,  Thomas  M.f  150. 
Mason  and  Slidell,  85,  123. 
'Meade,  Gen.,  199. 
Meigs,  M.  C.,  173. 
Memphis,  124. 
Miles,  Gen.  Nelson,  374. 
Military  Ball,  375. 
Miller,  Rev.  G.,  379. 
Monitor  and  Merrimac,  109. 
Monroe,  James  17. 
Monument,  332. 
Morgan,  Gen.  John,  233. 
Moultrie,  Fort,  61. 
Mudd,  Samuel,  261. 

Nashville,  battle  of,  219. 

New  Almaden  Mining  Co.,  48. 

New  Orleans,  121,  178. 

New    York    draft    riots,    202; 

fires,  229. 
Norfolk  Expedition,  in. 

Oliver,  J.  F.,  325. 
O'Laughlin,  Michael,  266. 
Ould,  Robert,  234. 
"Our    Heroes,"   Mrs.   Frances 
Ball,  394. 

Paisley,  J.  H.,  352. 
Payne,  Lewis,  260. 
Peace  Agreement,  Sherman 

and  Johnston,  267. 
Peace  Propositions,  66. 
Pearce,  Dr.  E.,  50,  382. 
Peirce,  iRev.  Wm.  F.,  344. 
Pickens,  Fort,  69. 
Pierce,  Franklin,  44. 
Pierpoint,  Franklin  H.,  192. 
Pierrepont,   Edwards,  97. 
PiUenger,  William,  236. 
Pittsburgh  Delegation,  362. 
Pittsburg  Landing,  115. 
Pope,  Gen.  John,  113,  124,  159. 


404 


INDEX 


Porter,  Fitz  John,  165. 
Prince,  Hon.  Samuel,  346. 
Promenade  Concert,  343. 

Rathbone,  Major,  259. 

Reconstruction,  divergent 
views,  273;  provisional  Gov 
ernors,  273;  Johnson's  the 
ory,  275;  treatment  of  form 
er  slaves,  276;  civil  rights 
bill,  276;  first  reconstruction 
act,  282;  supplementary  acts, 
283. 

Redhead,  Rev.  E.  B.,  338. 

Reid,  Rev.  A.  M.,  322,  349. 

Republican  Party,  attitude  to 
wards  slavery  and  the  Un 
ion,  178. 

Rfchards,  Hon.  R.  G.,  325,  852. 

Richmond,  tall  of,  255. 

Riots,  New  Orleans,  278. 

Robinson,  Rev.  Dr.  338. 

Rosecrans,  Gen.  W.  S.,  206. 

Rowland,  Rev.   George,  340. 

Sanford,   Edward    S.,   103,    154. 
Saunders,  Geo.  N.,  121. 
Schofield,  Gen.  J.   M.,  291. 
Scott,  Thos.  A.,  210. 
Scott,  Gen.  Winfield,  72,  90. 
Seven  -Days  Battle,  155. 
Seward,  F.  W.,  169. 
Seward,    W.    H.,    73,   260,   273, 

279. 

Seymour,  Gov.  H.,  202,  293. 
Sheridan,  Gen.  Phil.,  216. 
Sherman,  Gen.  W.  T.,  115,  126, 

214,  217,  266. 
Sickles,    Gen.    D.    E.,    48,    70, 

344,  373- 

Sidener,  Rev.  W.  M.,  338. 
Smith,  €.  H.,  366. 
Smith,  Rev.  J.   C.,  389. 
Smith,  Rev.  G.  B.,  340. 
Smoger,  Rev.  Father,  340. 
Spangler,   E.,  261. 


Stackman,  Rev.  C.,  340. 

Stahl,  Rev.  A.  F.,  339. 

Stanton  Day,  1897,  317. 

Stanton,  Edwin  L.,  315. 

Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  ancestry, 
8;  birth  and  boyhood,  n;  at 
Kenyon  College,  14;  "Goes 
Over  to  Jackson,"  15;  study 
of  law,  21 ;  first  marriage, 
22;  law  practice,  23;  Prose 
cuting  Attorney,  23;  law 
partners,  26-27;  large  cases, 
33;  death  of  wife,  26;  Steu- 
'benville's  first  City  Solicitor 
20;  opens  Pittsburgh  office, 
30;  McCormick  patent  cases 
39;  first  meeting  with  Lin. 
coin  41;  second  marriage 
'and  rejmoval  to  Washing, 
ton,  45;  California  cases,  46; 
appointed  Attorney  General, 
59;  great  work  for  the  Un 
ion,  63;  criticism  of  Lincoln, 
81;  first  meets  McClellan, 
85;  appointed  Secretary  of 
War,  98;  new  spirit  infused, 
96;  first  official  order,  231; 
pay  for  imprisoned  soldiers, 
232;  political  prisoners,  96; 
Eckert's  promotion,  106; 
Norfolk  expedition,  in;  or 
ders  steam  rams,  119;  pro 
poses  New  Orleans  expedi 
tion,  121 ;  M'cClellan's  leth 
argy  and  insubordination, 
127;  advocates  colored 
troops  and  emancipation, 
180;  legality  of  new  state  of 
West  Virginia,  194;  Hooker, 
197;  Meade,  199;  draft  trou 
bles,  202;  Chattanooga  re 
lieved,  206;  Grant  to  com 
mand  western  armies,  212, 
called  east,  214;  efforts  for 
exchange  of  prisoners,  241 ; 
resignation  declined,  257; 


405 


Lincoln's  assassination,  260; 
Stanton  Acting  President, 
263;  disapproves  the  John- 
son-^Sherman  protocol,  267; 
reconstruction  policy,  271; 
differs  with  President  John 
son,  279;  resignation  de 
manded  and  refused,  283; 
Grant  appointed  Secretary 
ad  interim,  284;  Johnson's 
impeachment  trial,  289;  final 
resignation,  291;  great 
speech  in  Steubenville,  295; 
declining  health,  309;  ap 
pointed  Supreme  Court  Jus 
tice,  311;  death  and  burial; 
313;  tributes  of  respect,  313; 
posthumous  honors,  316; 
.Stanton  tablet  unveiled,  320; 
portrait  unveiled,  324;  be 
ginning  of  Stanton  week, 
336;  unveiling  Statue,  368. 

Stanton,  Lewis,  348. 

Ftanton,  Mrs.   Lucy,  315. 

Star  of  the  West,  47,  64. 

"Steubenville,"  Mrs.  Isabelle 
Fre  eland,  398. 

Stephens,  A.  H.,  252. 

ftone,  Charles  P.,  97. 

Streight,  Col.,  233. 

Sumner,  Gen.  E.  V.,  134,  165. 

Sumter,  Fort,  61,  64,  258. 

Surratt,  John  H.,  261;  Mary 
E.,  260. 

Tappan,  Benjamin,  23,  350. 
Tayler,  R.  W.,  320. 
Taylor,  Gen.,  33. 
Tenure  of  Office  act,  201. 


Thomas,  Gen.  George  H.,  206, 

213,  217. 
Thomas,    Gen.    Lorenzo,    114, 

287. 

Thompson,  Jacob,  54,  221. 
Toucey,  J.,  54. 
Townsend,    Gen.    E.    D.,    291, 

311- 

Trainer,  J.  H.,  322. 
Trescott,  iWm.  H.,  58. 
Trumbull,  Lyman,  276. 
Turnbull,  James,  13. 
Tucker,  J.  H.,  131. 

Vallandigham,  C.  L.,  224. 
Van  Buren,  Martin,  23,  3o. 
Van  Duzer,  J.  C.,  219. 
Veterans'  reunion,  355. 
Vicksburg,  199. 
Vollrath,  Col.   E.,  337. 

Wallace,  Gen.  L.,  115,158,  216. 
Washington,    Booker   T.,   344. 
Watson,  Peter  H.,  281,  308. 
Weitzell,  Gen.  G,  255. 
Welles,  Gideon,  73,  279. 
Wells   Historical   Society,  316. 
West  Virginia,  192. 
Whig  Party,  30,  44. 
Williamsburg,   133. 
Wilson,  Erasmus,  326,  359. 
Woodward,  G.  W.,  203. 
Wool,  Gen.  J.  E.,  in. 
Worthington,   A.  S.,   287,   325. 
Wright,  John  C.,  350. 

Yorktown,  i32. 
Zion's  Church,  337. 


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